Wetenskaplike artikels• Research articles

Considering urban green space and informal backyard rentals in South Africa: Disproving the compensation hypothesis

Louis Lategan & Juaneé Cilliers TEKOLOBOTJHA YA MOHOPOLO WA HO LEFA (HO BUSELLETSA): MORERO WA DIBAKA TSE TALA Peer reviewed and revised November 2016 TSA TOROPO LE KHIRO E SENG MOLAONG YA MATLO A KA Abstract MORAO DIJARETENG AFRIKA This research reflects on planning for urban green space and the related impact of BORWA informal backyard rental densification in South Africa, based on the ‘compensation Atikele ena ke ya pele ya ho totobatsa hypothesis’. Informal backyard dwellings may increase densities substantially, ka botlalo morero wa dibaka tse tala tsa occupying private green space, but often without reciprocal increases in public urban toropo le tshebediso mabapi le khiro green space area. According to the compensation hypothesis, residents with limited e seng molaong ya matlo a teteaneng access to private green space are more likely to seek compensation elsewhere. a ka morao dijareteng Afrika Borwa, e This research employs qualitative and quantitative analyses to investigate access itshetlehile hodima mohopolo wa ho lefa to, and use of green spaces in the Bridgton and Bongolethu townships, Oudtshoorn. (ho buselletsa). Tlhophollo ya lebadi Findings disprove the compensation hypothesis, showing that proximate public le boleng (Qualitative and quantitative green spaces are used sporadically, not correlating to increased densities. The analyses) thutong ya tlhaloso ya number of backyard dwellings does not result in compensation behaviour, but an makeishene a Bridgton le Bongolethu increased number of backyard tenants affect perceptions of green space availability Oudtshoorn, e fana ka bopaki bo and privacy. Although the compensation hypothesis is disproved in this case, lekotsweng, bo tsepamisitseng maikutlo findings probe the need to reconsider urban green space planning within low-cost hodima katamelo le tshebediso ya areas, particularly considering densification impacts, linked to quality of life. As such, dibaka tse tala tsa batho bohle, mekgwa accessibility to public green spaces, as well as their function and form should be ya selehae/ e tlwaelehileng ya ho questioned as part of broader spatial planning approaches. sebetsa serapeng/dirapeng le khiro e seng molaong dijareteng tse ka morao Key words: Compensation hypothesis, ecosystem services, informal backyard matlong. Diphumano ha di dumellane rentals, urban green space le mohopolo wa ho lefa (ho buselletsa). Thutong ena ya tlhaloso, dibaka tse tala OORWEEG STEDELIKE GROEN AREAS EN INFORMELE tsa batho bohle, tse leng haufi; ha di AGTERPLAAS-HUURVERDIGTING IN SUID-AFRIKA: WEERLÊ DIE sebediswe kgafetsa/hangata, bana ba bapalla dibakeng tse ka pele le tse ka VERGOEDINGSHIPOTESE morao matlong. Palo ya bodulo matlong Hierdie navorsing besin oor die beplanning van stedelike groen areas en die a ka morao dijareteng le kgopolo ya verwante impak van informele agterplaas-huurverdigting in Suid-Afrika, gebaseer hore dibaka tsa kantle di lekantswe, ha op die ‘vergoedingshipotese’. Informele agterplaaswonings kan digthede aansienlik di bontshe kamano; le ha ho le jwalo, verhoog en beset sodoende private groen ruimtes, dikwels sonder wedersydse palo e eketsehileng ya bahiri ba dulang toenames in openbare stedelike groen areas. Volgens die vergoedingshipotese dijareteng tse ka morao matlong e ama sal inwoners met ‘n beperkte toegang tot private groen ruimte meer geneig wees maikutlo tabeng ya dibaka tsa kantle tse om vergoeding elders te soek. Hierdie navorsing maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe lekantsweng le bonnotshi thutong ena ya en kwantitatiewe metodes om toegang tot, en gebruik van groen areas in die tlhaloso. Diphumano di hatella tlhokeho Bridgton- en Bongolethu-areas van Oudtshoorn te ondersoek. Bevindinge ya ho kgothalletsa tshebediso e ntle ya weerspreek die vergoedingshipotese en dui daarop dat openbare groen ruimtes hier dibaka tse tala tsa batho bohle, ho lokisa sporadies gebruik word, dus nie korreleer met verhoogde digtheid nie. Die aantal ditshitiso bakeng sa ho fihlella le ho laola agterplaaswonings lei nie tot vergoedingsgedrag nie, maar ‘n toename in die aantal kgonahalo ya kotsi ya kamano ya dintho agterplaashuurders beïnvloed wel persepsies van groen ruimte beskikbaarheid en bophelong (ecosystem) ditjhabeng tse privaatheid. Hoewel die vergoedingshipotese in hierdie geval weerspreek word, fumanang moputso o tlase, moo khiro e toon bevindings die noodsaaklikheid om stedelike groen-ruimte-beplanning te seng molaong dijareteng tse ka morao heroorweeg binne die konteks van lae-koste gebiede, veral met inagneming van matlong e tlwaelehileng. die verdigtingsimpak, gekoppel aan lewenskwaliteitoorwegings. As sodanig moet toeganklikheid tot openbare groen ruimtes, asook die funksie en vorm daarvan bevraagteken word as deel van breër ruimtelike beplanningsbenaderings. 1. INTRODUCTION Sleutelwoorde: Ekosisteem dienste, informele agterplaasverhuring, stedelike groen Urban green space, as part of urban spasie, vergoedingshipotese green infrastructure (Tzoulas Korpela,

The authors declare no conflict of interest to this title or article. Louis Lategan, Unit for Environmental Sciences and Management, North-West University, Potchefstroom, 2520, South Africa. Phone: 0720141181, email: Prof. Juanee Cilliers, Unit for Environmental Sciences and Management, North-West University, Potchefstroom, 2520, South Africa. Phone: 0834143939, email: 1 SSB/TRP/MDM 2016 (69)

Venn, Yli-Pelkonen, Kaźmierczak & Gardner, 2013: 28; Shapurjee, Le were subjected to a questionnaire & Niemela 2007: 139; Harrison, Roux & Coetzee, 2014: 20). Informal that probed access to, and use Bobbins, Culwick, Humby, La Mantia, backyard rentals have substantially of public green space, domestic Todes & Weakley, 2014: 67; Nolon, increased both population and gardening trends and the impacts of 2016: 1), is an invaluable resource dwelling unit densities across the informal backyard rentals. Results in any human settlement, delivering country (Shapurjee & Charlton, are discussed under Section 4 of various life-sustaining services (MEA, 2013: 663; Turok & Borel-Saladin, the article. These findings are used 2005; Daily, Polasky, Goldstein, 2015: 5; Lategan & Cilliers, 2016), to test the compensation hypothesis Kareiva, Mooney, Pejchar, Ricketss, densifying backyard gardens and draw ultimate conclusions. Salzman & Shallenberger, 2009: 21; in historic townships and new Cilliers & Cilliers, 2015: 1; Cilliers & subsidised housing projects. These 2. LITERATURE REVIEW Cilliers, 2016: 9; Lindemann-Matthies unsanctioned densification practices & Brieger, 2016: 33). As such, this have continued without policy 2.1 Coming to terms with article departs by defining urban guidance (Lemanski, 2009: 475; urban green space, related green space and unpacking related Tshangana, 2013: 10), and have services and benefits services, invoking the concepts of gained relatively little traction from ecosystem services and disservices, researchers (Turok & Borel-Saladin, This article defines urban green and exploring related environmental, 2015: 10). Urban green space space, following Chen and Hu economic and social benefits. Whilst planning and use is one aspect that (2015: 33), as all land covered the significance of urban green space has been especially neglected in by vegetation within the urban in terms of ecosystem services, relation to informal backyard rentals. environment. This broad definition environmental, economic and social first includes those green spaces benefits has been recognised for This research is the first of its classified as public green space, some time (Costanza, d’Arge, De kind to explicitly address urban exemplified by parks, playgrounds, Groot, Farber, Grasso, Hannon, green space planning and use botanical gardens, sporting fields, Limburg, Naeem, O’Neill, Paruelo, with regard to informal backyard as well as pockets and corridors of Raskin, Sutton & Van den Belt, densification in South Africa. In natural and semi-natural vegetation 1997; Bolund & Hunhammar, 1999; particular, this article reflects on accessible to the public and owned Kabisch, 2015: 557), urban green the ‘compensation hypothesis’ by public authorities (Comber, space remains an endangered (Maat & De Vries, 2006) and its Brunsdon & Green, 2008: 103; resource, vulnerable to urbanisation relevance within the local context. Houssay-Holzschuch & Teppo, pressures and attempts to densify The compensation hypothesis, as 2009: 353; Byrne & Sipe, 2010: 10; and consolidate human settlements a relatively rudimentary concept, You, 2016: 176). Secondly, the (Barbosa, Tratalos, Armsworth, is defined accordingly. There is a definition includes private urban Davies, Fuller, Johnson & Gaston, general understanding that increased green space, as domestic gardens 2007: 187; McConnachie & densities and any subsequent loss and allotments, where access is Shackleton, 2010: 245; Chen & of private green space may be restricted by private ownership Hu, 2015: 33; Haaland & Van equalised by increasing access (Kabisch et al., 2015: 25; Mosina & den Bosch, 2015: 760; Kabisch, to public green space (Maat & Maroyi, 2016: 181; You, 2016: 176). Qureshi & Haase 2015: 26). This De Vries, 2006; Lin, Meyers & Thirdly, the definition includes article explores this vulnerability Barnett, 2015: 953). Thus, in terms generally unconsidered spaces such in South Africa’s low-income of the compensation hypothesis, as vacant stands, railway sidings, housing context, as the country it is understood that residents will utility easements, corridors between is recognised as one of the most compensate poor access, or, in the buildings and canal sides that are urbanised countries in Africa, with an context of this article, reduced area often overgrown with spontaneous estimated 73.3% of the population of private green space with access vegetation (Ward-Thompson, 2002; to be urbanised by 2030, in addition to public green space (Byrne & Rupprecht & Byrne, 2014: 597). to a crippling housing demand, Sipe, 2010: 4). The hypothesis is Whilst all three categorisations are currently projected at 2.3 million units tested in this article, as it has not recognised as components of an (Turok & Borel-Saladin, 2014: 5). been proven consistently elsewhere urban green space network, this The results of such development (Maat & De Vries, 2006; Grose, article focuses specifically on those pressures are varied, primarily 2009; Byrne & Sipe, 2010), and may urban green spaces deliberately defined by informal settlements, have significant impacts in terms of established by planners through state-subsidised housing projects future policy planning with informal urban design, layout and zoning that display relatively low levels of backyard densification in mind. This categories to accommodate desired urban green space provision, and article draws on research conducted land uses. In this regard, this article the informal backyard rental sector. in a case study of the Bridgton and engages primarily with the first two The informal backyard rental sector Bongolethu townships in the town categories, as urban green spaces has become a prolific and growing of Oudtshoorn, where households intended to provide amenity, or component of South Africa’s post- surrounding a large urban green recreational uses (Cilliers & Cilliers, apartheid housing landscape (Rubin space, as the Bridgton Pavilion, 2016: 12) in the case study, as public 2 Louis Lategan & Juaneé Cilliers • Considering urban green space and informal backyard rentals in South Africa green spaces including the Bridgton issues such as admission charges, Zwick, Huntley, Smith, Maehr, Pavilion and local playgrounds, and operating hours, social constraints, Buch & Hilsenbeck, 2008: 92). the private green spaces constituted or physical barriers such as walls Accordingly, urban green spaces may by domestic gardens. and fencing. Notwithstanding such play a significant part in supporting obstacles, public green spaces urban communities in ecological Public and private green spaces are still regarded as public goods and social terms (Barbosa et al., provide both shared and unique accessed more freely by the 2007: 192; Kabisch et al., 2015: 26), functions within the urban community as a whole (Haaland substituting grey infrastructure environment, providing urbanites with & Van den Bosch, 2015: 765; services and expenses, effectively primary contact with biodiversity and You, 2016: 176). counteracting many of the negative the natural environment (Barbosa environmental impacts levied by et al., 2007: 187). The quality of Public green spaces are often viewed urbanisation (Chen & Hu, 2015: 32), such spaces may vary significantly, through a social lens as physical and advancing sustainability (Byrne gauged according to the subjective spaces in which diverse people & Sipe, 2010: 7). Such services ideals, expectations and perceptions meet and interact in surroundings are often conceptualised around of those who regularly use them. The that provide facilities and services the ‘ecosystem services’ (ES) quality of public green spaces is of they could not access without public approach, with ecosystem services specific concern to planners, as they aid (Bernardini & Irvine, 2007; defined as ecosystem goods and are directly impacted by their design Houssay-Holzschuch & Teppo, services representing the benefits 2009: 353). Public green spaces may and policy decisions. As minimum that human populations derive, be especially valued by those who quality considerations, public green directly or indirectly, from ecosystem cannot access private green space, spaces may be expected to deliver functions (Kremen & Cowling, with those public spaces that are on basic requirements of size, 2005: 468; Cilliers, Cilliers, Lubbe more intimate and familiar and part amenity, vegetation cover, safety, & Siebert, 2013: 682; Haaland & of daily routines being most valued social opportunities, maintenance Van den Bosch, 2015: 760). Urban (Bernardini & Irvine, 2007; Coolen and appearance, as generally green space has been singled out as & Meesters, 2012: 52). Private influenced by the public authorities the most significant environmental green spaces, or domestic gardens, who own them. Where expectations resource available to planners conversely hold several meanings on such requirements are exceeded, through which green infrastructure related to escapism, identity and perceptions on quality may increase and related ecosystem services and ownership, and are regarded as in return. Quality is paramount, benefits may be accommodated via places of control, retreat, creativity, as some argue that quality and the range of planning instruments privacy, relaxation and freedom not quantity of urban green space available to establish such spaces. is most important in planning for (Francis, 1990; Bhatti & Church, such spaces (Haaland & Van den 2000; Gross & Lane, 2007; Coolen When this resource is mindfully Bosch, 2015: 766). In addition, & Meesters, 2012: 52). Private designed and managed, inherent the level of access provided to green space depends on stand sizes ecosystem services and related prospective users of public green conducive to the establishment and benefits may be harnessed and space is an essential consideration. maintenance of aesthetically pleasing augmented (Byrne & Sipe, 2010: 9; Various standards have been and productive domestic gardens Lin et al., 2015: 952). In more developed globally to guide (McConnachie & Shackleton, detail, such ecosystem services appropriate area of, and distance 2010: 244) that may provide home may include environmental benefits to the nearest public green space owners and the broader community such as climate mitigation, air and (Barbosa et al., 2007: 187; Byrne with certain services and benefits, water filtration, improved carbon & Sipe, 2010: 21; McConnachie & also directly related to urban design sequestration, energy conservation, Shackleton, 2010: 247). Elaborating and planning policies. wind and noise filtration, promoting biodiversity and providing natural on detailed standards falls beyond Urban green spaces are often habitat, storm-water attenuation and the scope of this article. It is considered part of urban green flood mitigation, enhancing water- important to acknowledge that infrastructure (Lubbe, Siebert & table catchment and erosion control such guidelines exist, and that Cilliers, 2010: 2901; Cilliers & (Byrne & Sipe, 2010: 9; Ward, Parker contextualized variances may make Cilliers, 2016:10; Nolon, 2016: 1), & Shackleton, 2010: 49; Odindi & the extrapolation of such standards as “all natural, semi-natural and Mhangara, 2012: 653; Chen & Hu, inappropriate. Furthermore, artificial networks of multifunctional 2015: 32; Kabisch et al., 2015: 26; studies have shown that physical ecological systems within, around Lin et al., 2015: 952; Cilliers & accessibility, as proximity, is and between urban areas, at all Cilliers, 2016: 17; Mosina & Maroyi, often favoured as an accessibility spatial scales” (Tzoulas et al., 2016: 181; Nolon, 2016: 1). measure, whilst perceived access 2007: 169), that provide specific may, in fact, be more significant than functions, managed with the aim of In addition to these environmental geographic proximity (Wan & Shen, conserving ecosystem values and and social benefits, certain tangent 2015: 93). Perceptions on access to providing associated benefits to economic/financial benefits may urban green space may depend on human populations (Hoctor, Carr, also be realised in relation to such 3 SSB/TRP/MDM 2016 (69) ecosystem services. These benefits provided (MEA, 2005; Tengberg Where the economic impacts may include reducing services et al., 2012: 16). As such, urbanites of ecosystem disservices are expenditure and maintenance costs, who access urban green space considered, damage caused reducing health-care expenses, may improve both their mental and to infrastructure by tree roots, generating income via tourism and physical health related to the potential preventing more profitable uses for related revenue streams, increased to reduce health expenses noted the sake of maintaining green space, retail sales, improved marketability, previously (Barbosa et al., 2007: 187; and constant maintenance costs, increased production, augmented Tzoulas et al., 2007: 168; Byrne & may be included (Lyytimäki et al., neighbourhood values and increased Sipe, 2010: 9; Haaland & Van den 2008: 166). Another tangent negative recoupable tax revenue, the last Bosch, 2015: 760; Kabisch et al., outcome may be considered in the facilitated by the effects urban green 2015: 26; Lin et al., 2015: 956; Wan & risk of gentrification and dislocation. spaces may have on property value, Shen, 2015: 93). It is further important As provided earlier, access to urban with increased real estate values to recognise that many of the social green space may increase property generally attributed to properties and psychological advantages value. Where urban greening projects located next to, or within the proximity provided by urban green space are are instituted and property prices of urban green space affecting tax not necessarily dependent on direct in proximity to newly established revenue and property sales (Byrne physical access to such venues. or upgraded public green spaces & Sipe, 2010: 9; Cilliers et al., Even viewing greenery may provide increased, gentrification may take 2013: 684; Kabisch et al., 2015: 26; restorative opportunities and establish place (Dale & Newman, 2009: 672), Cilliers & Cilliers, 2016: 16; Nolon, more stable domestic environments through which lower income 2016: 1). It should also be noted that (Byrne & Sipe, 2010: 22). residents may be unfairly displaced. the association between increased Low-income communities require When considering ecosystem real-estate prices and proximate especially sensitive approaches to services, it is also apt to acknowledge location to urban green space has urban green space planning in order certain damages on the other side not been proven consistently.1 In to address potential ecosystem of the spectrum, termed ecosystem addition, urban green spaces may disservices and general accessibility disservices. Ecosystem disservices, provide several social benefits issues. Lower income groups are through which “the same natural (Tengberg, Fredholm, Eliasson, less likely to access distant urban functions and structures that provide Knez, Saltzman & Wetterberg, 2012: green space, given the cost of beneficial services in urban areas 16; Cilliers et al., 2013: 693; Chen transportation, entrance fees and are also responsible for detrimental & Hu, 2015: 32; Haaland & Van den other expenses such visits may disservices” (von Döhren & Haase, Bosch, 2015: 760; Kabisch et al., require (Haaland & Van den Bosch, 2015), may have negative effects on 2015: 26), inter alia, providing locales 2015: 765; Kabisch et al., 2015: 26). wellbeing (Cilliers et al., 2013: 683). for social interaction and a shared As such, lower income groups need Ecologically speaking, ecosystem focus to diverse communities and improved access to urban green disservices may include the neighbourhoods in support of social space within their immediate areas establishment of invasive species integration (Odindi & Mhangara, (Byrne & Sipe, 2010:4). that overrun urban green space to 2012: 653), social cohesion the detriment of indigenous species Despite such realisations, inequitable (Mosina & Maroyi, 2016: 181), and systems, influencing populations, access to urban green space remains and assimilating values and moral community interactions, abiotic a common feature of urban life attitudes (Barbosa et al., 2007: 187; variables, and ecosystem processes across the globe, between different Cilliers & Cilliers, 2016: 17). (Charles & Dukes, 2007: 233; cities and within them (Byrne & Sipe, Social gains are accommodated, as Lyytimäki & Sipilä, 2009: 310) as well 2010: 7; Kabisch & Haase, 2014; public green spaces attract users as the production of volatile organic Chen & Hu, 2015: 32; Haaland & through the recreational opportunities compounds (VOCs) that decrease Van den Bosch, 2015: 764; You, provided (Ward et al., 2010: 49; air quality (Escobedo, Kroeger & 2016: 176), often based on socio- Cilliers et al., 2013: 683; Mosina & Wagner, 2011; von Döhren & Haase, economic variables such as wealth, Maroyi, 2016: 181), or the prospect 2015). Ecosystem disservices in education and race (McConnachie & of access to nature (McConnachie the social realm may include safety Shackleton, 2010: 244; Cilliers et al., & Shackleton, 2010: 244) and/or and security concerns (Cilliers et al., 2013: 693; Lin et al., 2015: 953; You, aesthetically pleasing surroundings 2013: 696), for example, when urban 2016: 178). In South Africa, such where identity of space, sense of green spaces provide venues for illicit variables are conflated as a result place and liveability are enhanced activity, discord, nuisance or health of the country’s colonial and more (Cilliers & Cilliers, 2016), and impacts such as allergy attacks, recent apartheid past, with race opportunities for reflection, access safety hazards from tree falls, habitats continuing to represent a significant to cultural heritage and identity, for poisonous plants and pests, and determinant of access to urban green spiritual enrichment; cognitive, opportunities for littering (Lyytimäki, space. The following section provides emotional and social development Petersen, Normander & Bezák, 2008: some insight into urban green

1 For a South African example, see Cilliers et al. 165; von Döhren & Haase, 2015: 491; space provisions in South Africa, (2013). Cilliers & Cilliers, 2016: 9). highlighting persistent inequalities. 4 Louis Lategan & Juaneé Cilliers • Considering urban green space and informal backyard rentals in South Africa

2.2 Urban green space and affluent suburbs. Public green space ecologically sensitive parcels or South Africa’s low-income provisions are severely limited in land of agricultural value (Morange, communities low-income housing projects. Green 2002: 11), where the loss of green land uses compete against other space may be very invasive indeed During apartheid, suburbs designated land uses, constrained budgets and (Napier, 2002: 20; Kilian, Fiehn, for the privileged White population limited human resources prevent Ball & Howells, 2005: 4). Yet, we were pleasant and green, resembling increased provisions of green spaces should not regard the loss of fertile the well laid-out, adequately serviced considered a luxury and not a priority farmland and other green resources and maintained leafy suburbs found (Cilliers et al., 2013: 694; Cilliers as penalties restricted to the informal in the developed world. Impoverished & Cilliers, 2016: 22). In addition to housing sector alone. Formal low- African and Coloured urban and lower proportions of public green density residential developments may homeland townships, on the other be equally, if not more, responsible hand, were left bleak and poorly space, RDP settlements and older for such losses in South Africa, serviced with a high proportion townships, in particular, tend to living in informal settlements (shanty display increased densities, further especially when land of agricultural towns) and informal backyard reducing the green space available value is considered (Geyer, Schloms, lodgings (Houssay-Holzschuch & to each household (McConnachie & Du Plessis & Van Eeden, 2011: 41). Shackleton, 2010: 246). Densities Teppo, 2009: 351; McConnachie Given market dynamics, the low- are augmented exponentially by the & Shackleton, 2010: 245). Such density, low-income housing projects addition of informal backyard rental inequalities have remained ingrained noted in the previous section are accommodation (Gardner, 2009: 14; in the post-apartheid era, despite habitually located on the urban Shapurjee & Charlton, 2013: 663; efforts to redress past injustices periphery (Goebel, 2007: 292; Tshangana, 2013: 12). through low-cost housing projects. Lategan, 2012; Klug, Rubin & Subsidised low-cost housing units Todes, 2013: 668; Turok, 2013: 169; 2.3 South African shanty have been delivered in staggering Chobokoane & Horn, 2015: 3). Along towns, informal backyard volumes across the country with the unfavourable locations rentals and environmental (Robins, 2002: 525; Shapurjee secured for these residential considerations et al., 2014: 20), following the developments, additional impacts Reconstruction and Development Post-apartheid South Africa has are levied once they have been programme of 1994 (RDP) witnessed significant growth in established. The emergence of (RSA, 1994) and the 2004 Breaking informal settlements (Gilbert, Mabin, informal backyard rental dwellings New Ground Strategy for Sustainable McCarthy & Watson, 1997: 134; are of particular concern in this Human Settlements (BNG) Durand-Lasserve & Royston, regard. An informal backyard rental (RSA, 2004). Green-space planning 2002: 3-4). As elsewhere, open green dwelling is defined as an informal in these low-income suburbs, as for spaces, but not always on the urban structure erected by a property owner the rest of South Africa, is guided periphery, are often besieged in these or tenant within the boundaries of by Habitat and Local Agenda 21 informal conquests (McConnachie a formally registered property that initiatives, the Green Paper on & Shackleton, 2010: 245; Haaland contains at least one formal dwelling Development Planning (1999), the & Van den Bosch, 2015; Odindi unit. The materials and construction National Environmental Management & Mhangara, 2012: 653). Whilst practices used do not comply with Act (Act 107 of 1998), and Spatial Huchzermeyer (2009: 63) states National Norms and Standards with Development Frameworks (SDFs) that such land grabs are generally the structure constructed attached (Cilliers et al., 2013: 696), among limited to areas where settlements or adjacent to an existing formal other instruments and guidelines. may be less opposed and settlers dwelling with partial or full access Despite commitments to sustainable regard themselves as least invasive, to the basic services provided to development and redressing informal settlements inevitably exert the main dwelling (Gilbert et al., past injustices and inequalities, severe environmental impacts due to 1997: 140; Crankshaw, Gilbert disparities in access to urban green their inappropriate locations. These & Morris, 2000: 852; Morange, space remain. impacts may include air pollution, 2002: 11; Gardner, 2009: 5). As such, former homeland littering and dumping, surface Though “there is a dearth of current, towns, urban townships and RDP and groundwater contamination, accurate data on backyarding in settlements continue to present disturbing fragile ecosystems such South Africa” (Rubin & Gardner, fewer green spaces of lower quality as aquifers, forests, estuarine or 2013: 79) as census and statistical and fewer street trees compared to wetland areas, deforestation and indicators vary (Carey, 2009: 8; more affluent urban areas (Gwedla & land degradation, removing natural Watson, 2009: 4), it is generally Shackleton, 2015: 17). McConnachie defence systems against floodwaters agreed that informal backyard and Shackleton (2010: 247), for and storms (Ferguson, 1996: 171; rentals have become a major example, found that public green Napier, 2002: 16; Goebel, 2007: 297; housing submarket in South Africa area per RDP household is nearly DEAT, 2015). Effects may be (Tshangana, 2013: 2). The proportion five times less than in older township especially harsh where shanty of people accommodated in informal areas and 15 times less than in more towns are established on backyard dwellings is growing 5 SSB/TRP/MDM 2016 (69) faster than the proportion housed in Cilliers, 2016). By contrast, some backyard rentals is the need to plan shanty towns (Lemanski, 2009: 473; challenges include additional proactively for the generally inevitable Govender, Barnes & Pieper, pressure on often already stressed emergence of informal backyard 2011a: 336). By 2014, in excess of infrastructural capacity, resulting in rental units in new low-cost housing 756,000 informal backyard rental reduced connections and service projects within the primary phases households were recorded (StatsSA, access opportunities, increased of settlement planning in terms of 2014), thus densifying low-income fire and health risks as well as service capacity, layout and urban suburbs exponentially in terms of reduced private and backyard space design (Carey, 2009: 24; Gardner, both dwelling unit and population (Lemanski, 2009: 477; Govender 2009: 21; Watson, 2009: 11; Rubin & densities (Poulsen & Silverman, et al., 2011a: 341; Govender, Gardner, 2013: 72; Tshangana, 2013: 2005: 23; Shapurjee & Charlton, Barnes & Pieper, 2011b: 23; 16; Shapurjee et al., 2014: 20). In this 2013: 663; McGaffin, Cirolia & Rubin & Gardner, 2013: 20; regard, calling for human settlement Massyn, 2015: 63). Tshangana, 2013: 7). The last is plans to integrate backyarding and of specific concern in the context make provision for environmental Densification is generally revered of this article. Even formalised improvement initiatives and related as an instrument of sustainable infill densification strategies rarely investment opportunities, including urban development, bolstered by give any further consideration provisions for “social services” planning paradigms such as “new to green space development in (Tshangana, 2013: 16). Incurring urbanism” (McConnell & Wiley, compensation for the greenery lost extra capital cost will accommodate 2010: 3; Sivam & Karuppannan, (Kabisch et al., 2015: 26). It is not planned and desirable incremental 2012: 6), “the compact city” surprising that, in South Africa, the backyard densification, without the (Gardner, 2009: 9) and “smart loss of domestic garden space, due need for modifications to service growth” (Brunner, 2012: 7; Sivam to informal backyard densification, future capacity in established & Karuppannan, 2012: 2; Rubin & suffers under the same negligence, areas (Rubin & Gardner, 2013: 23), Gardner, 2013: 20). In accordance propagated within a national policy where it may be impossible to add with such shifts in planning thought, vacuum that has discounted the such services without significant official densification strategies entire informal backyard rental redevelopment and evictions. have regularly been employed to sector to date (Watson, 2009: 9; convert open land to residential The following section investigates Shapurjee et al., 2014: 19). Within use by means of infill development issues related to informal backyard this laxity, counteracting the loss (Kabisch et al., 2015: 26) generally rentals and urban green-space of valuable vegetation and trees in focused on available open space planning and use in such an private gardens, as a consequence of within the urban envelope. Such established area, as a case study infill, remains a dubious proposition spaces are often unplanned for of the Bridgton and Bongolethu (Haaland & Van den Bosch, areas covered by vegetation or townships in the town of Oudtshoorn. 2015: 767). As a result, inequitable more formal public green spaces access to urban green space may regarded as underutilised. By be exacerbated, living standards and 3. EMPIRICAL contrast, informal backyard infill local environmental quality potentially densifies private property through INVESTIGATION compromised, resource demands unsanctioned and illegal mechanisms possibly increased, and ecosystems 3.1 Case study: Introducing in which authorities play no part. services, related benefits and Oudtshoorn, Bridgton and Informal densification practices hold sustainability prospects negatively Bongolethu several benefits closely related to affected (Byrne & Sipe, 2010: 4; the motivations that drive formal The town of Oudtshoorn is the Ward et al., 2010: 49; Kabisch et al., infill strategies, but also present main seat of the Oudtshoorn Local 2015: 26; Lin et al., 2015: 953). certain challenges. In this regard, Municipality (OLM), located within South African scholars have Various authors have commented the Eden District Municipality recognised the potential of informal on the need to upgrade, or retrofit, (EDM) in South Africa’s Western backyard rentals in providing the the capacity of basic services Cape province. Oudtshoorn is necessary population thresholds to and infrastructure in order to known globally as the epicentre support well-located social amenities cope with the increased demand of the ostrich-farming industry and effective infrastructure and produced by the addition of informal (Mambo, 2012: V; Wisner, Pelling, service delivery whilst offering backyard rentals (Carey, 2009: 17; Macarenhas, Holloway, Ndong, backyard tenants proximate access Lemanski, 2009: 482). Within such Faye, Ribot & Simon, 2015: 174) to basic services in affordable arguments, urban green spaces and has more recently become a rental shelter (Morange, 2002: 11; are rarely referenced explicitly, with major eco-tourism destination, given Poulsen & Silverman, 2005: 20; authors such as Rubin & Gardner its location within the biodiverse Carey, 2009: 17; Gardner, 2009: 16; (2013: 81), for example, simply fynbos and succulent Karoo biomes Lemanski, 2009: 477; Rubin & noting the need to retrofit “social (Hoffman, Carrick, Gillson & West, Gardner, 2013: 21; Shapurjee & facilities”. Another strong theme in 2009: 54). Oudtshoorn is a place of Charlton, 2013: 663; Lategan & the literature on addressing informal dichotomy. Whilst neighbouring areas 6 Louis Lategan & Juaneé Cilliers • Considering urban green space and informal backyard rentals in South Africa enjoy significant winter rainfalls, review of satellite imagery in 2013, and other relevant experts, cited Oudtshoorn is located in a rain one particular urban green space with pseudonyms throughout, who shadow, thus receiving markedly was accentuated, identified as the provided more nuanced information less precipitation. Yet, whilst the green heart of the community, given and supplemented shortcomings in area has regularly battled extreme both its size and location within the literature with regard to the local drought, torrential rains have also the area, as the Bridgton Pavilion context. Secondly, data retrieved caused severe floods in the not too (see Figures 1 and 2), described from a quantitative research survey distant past. In addition, the climate in greater detail throughout the distributed in the study area in 2013 is marked by extreme temperatures, article. Closer inspection revealed provides statistical evidence. The ranging between -2.1ºC and 46.6ºC a significant number of informal survey was conducted by dispensing (Mambo, 2012: 36; Wisner et al., backyard structures in the properties 101 questionnaires to residents 2015: 176). Dualities are not confined surrounding the Pavilion, thus of 101 properties surrounding the to the natural environment and meeting the criteria of presenting Bridgton Pavilion. Properties were climate, with the human settlements both public green space and included when home owners, or of Oudtshoorn, De Rust, Dysselsdorp proximate informal backyard adult representatives, were home at and the rural hamlets that constitute dwellings for analysis. the time of the survey and willing to the OLM showing marked disparities. participate. Prospective respondents The approximately 61,500 residents 3.2 Methodology were approached, informed of the who reside in the town of Oudthoorn This research predominantly purpose of the study and provided present significant divides and draws on two methods to inform with general instructions. Informed dualities, reflecting maintained the empirical investigation. First, consent was described in terms of apartheid inequalities. As such, the requirements of participation. the majority of Oudtshoorn’s White the article references semi- Confidentiality statements and residents (12.49% of the population) structured interviews conducted have remained in the areas with selected officials in the OLM statements of voluntary participation designated for them under apartheid rule, whereas the bulk of Black and Coloured residents (86.46%) still call apartheid-era townships such as Bridgton and Bongolethu and the recently established informal settlement of Rose Valley home (Lategan & Cilliers, 2013: 306; Wisner et al., 2015: 174) (see Figure 1). In 2010, the sudden founding of the Rose Valley informal settlement on an environmentally sensitive parcel of land located on Oudtshoorn’s Figure 1: The town of Oudtshoorn and the Bridgton/Bongolethu case study eastern boundary (Lee, 2012) provided several research opportunities. A 2012 survey in the settlement indicated that 61% of the respondents had relocated from informal backyard lodgings in the townships of Bridgton and Bongolethu (Lategan, 2012). Given the relatively underresearched nature of South Africa’s informal backyard rental sector (Lemanski, 2009: 474; Rubin & Gardner, 2013: 7), the dearth of research on the subject focused on smaller municipalities (Zwaig, 2015: 2) and the neglect of established studies to recognise the impacts of informal backyard rentals on planning for urban green space, a case study within Bridgton/ Figure 2: Aerial view of the Bridgton Pavilion and surrounding urban green Bongolethu was sought that could space incorporate these elements. In a 7 SSB/TRP/MDM 2016 (69) were also provided. Accordingly, 4. FINDINGS AND that could host events to draw the 101 questionnaires were DISCUSSION people from all tiers of Oudtshoorn distributed, based on convenience society, according to an interview This section discusses case study sampling, and a 100% return rate with Westen (2013). In terms of the findings in two main subsections. achieved. Convenience sampling is use of the facility by those in direct The first reports on findings related a nonprobability sampling technique proximity to the Bridgton Pavilion, to public green spaces, whereas the where members of the target survey findings suggest that 50.5% second focuses on domestic gardens population meet certain practical of the respondents claimed that they in Bridgton and Bongolethu. criteria such as easy accessibility, made increased use of the facility geographical proximity, availability following its refurbishment; 27.7% 4.1 Findings on public green at a given time, or willingness to claimed no change in regularity of spaces in the Bridgton/ participate and are thus included use, and 21.8% reported using the Bongolethu case (Dörnyei, 2007). Convenience facility less than previously. It should sampling has various limitations due Respondent properties also be noted that, overall, 82.4% to its possible subjectivity in choosing accommodated a total of of the respondents made active use the sample, but is especially useful 708 people, of whom 510 (72%) of proximate public green spaces, when randomisation is impossible were housed in formal dwellings accepted as including, but not limited (Explorable.com, 2009), as in the and 198 (27.96%) called informal to the Bridgton Pavilion. In terms case of Bridgton and Bongolethu backyard rentals home. In total, of regularity of use, respondents townships in Oudtshoorn where 53% of the respondent properties claimed to access such public green surveys were conducted with accommodated informal backyard spaces, as captured in Figure 3. the assistance of chaperones, rental structures, with a total of Figure 3 shows that the majority of supporting the researchers in 71 informal backyard dwellings the respondents did not make routine terms of points of entry to the recorded. A Spearman’s rank-order use of proximate public green spaces. community. As such, limited time correlation (r) was run to determine The high proportion of respondents periods provided restrictions in terms the relationship between number claiming only ‘occasional’ and no of the availability of prospective of informal backyard structures and use (‘never’) could be related to participants and the necessity of number of informal backyard tenants. the restricted access provided including only respondents within Results showed a strong positive to playgrounds and the Bridgton proximity of the Bridgton Pavilion and significant correlation (r=0.867, Pavilion, as detailed in the ensuing compelled convenience-sampling p=0). A weaker positive correlation paragraph. In support, 68.3% of methods. There was no self-selection (r=0.221, p=0.035) could also be the respondents claimed that they of respondents. It is doubtful that established between the number of could only access their closest a random sample would have informal backyard tenants and the public green space when public presented drastically different number of occupants in the main events were hosted there, whilst a results, except in feasibly reducing dwelling. The intensity of backyard contrasting 28.7% of the respondents the number of respondents, as activities uncovered increased both claimed that proximate public green there was no way of identifying population and dwelling unit densities spaces were always accessible. which households would be both substantially (Lategan & Cilliers, Statistical analysis showed that those available and willing to participate 2016), presenting an increase of claiming access to public green from which to generate a random 38.82% in the number of people who spaces only when attending public sample. It should be noted that the accessed basic services and public events, accessed these spaces only presence or absence of informal green space in the area. occasionally, whereas those who backyard rental components was The Bridgton Pavilion is the principal reported access at all times, only not a determinant in respondent public green space in this part of visited parks once a month. selection. Survey questions town, followed by sporting fields This article posits that perceptions focused on respondents’ access attached to local schools and smaller regarding perpetual access may be to, and use of public green space, playgrounds dispersed throughout attributed more to the ingenuity and domestic green space (gardening) the townships (see Figure 2). The determination of users than to the trends and informal backyard rental Bridgton Pavilion presents an real uninhibited access provided particulars, where applicable. especially pertinent centre around by these spaces. The Bridgton Questionnaires were drafted in which to concentrate research on Pavilion is fenced with a corrugated collaboration with the North-West urban green space in low-income metal wall; the majority of the University’s Statistical Consultancy communities, owing to the extensive other playgrounds have also been Services, who also captured data refurbishment of its facilities and closed off, fenced, gated and even and aided in statistical analyses and amenities in the recent past. The aggressively topped with razor wire. interpretation. As a convenience refurbishment process was largely At the request of the community, and not a random sample was used, instigated in the hopes of providing playgrounds were enclosed to p-values are reported for the sake of a quality green recreational space protect facilities from salvagers completeness, but not interpreted. within an impoverished community scavenging for steel and timber to 8 Louis Lategan & Juaneé Cilliers • Considering urban green space and informal backyard rentals in South Africa

green attributes (grass and trees) Regularity of public green space use as well as recreational elements (play equipment, sporting facilities 70 65.3 and seating) regarded as critical by 60 upwards of 88% of the respondents each. Whilst recreational amenities 50 predominantly require direct physical 40 access to realise advantages, green elements may provide at least partial 30 advantages through visual access alone (Wire, 2015), as also provided 20 15.8 in the preceding literature. Whilst the chain-link fencing around most 10 7.9 5 4 playgrounds provide some visual 2 0 access to the vegetation inside, Daily Twice a week Once a week Once a month Occasionally Never the impermeable corrugated metal barrier encircling the Bridgton Pavilion Figure 3: Regularity of public green space use obstructs virtually all views of the greenery within (Figure 5). These corrugated metal sheets, baptised sell or use in the construction of valuations for properties located by the community as ‘die plate’, were informal dwellings and to prevent in the vicinity of such amenities not replaced during the refurbishment criminals from meeting there, as (Coat, 2015). Furthermore, 60.4% process, as they have become expressed in interviews with Westen of the respondents were willing to intricately bound with the heritage and (2013) and Wire (2015). When walk 5km or more to access a quality identity of the community, according public green spaces were accessible public green space. A Phi test for to an interview with Westen (2013). at any time, these facilities often preference of living within walking Whilst the heritage and cultural became venues for gang meetings distance of a park and willingness to benefits offered to the Bridgton and drug abuse, understandably of pay more for a property, because it Pavilion by the corrugated metal wall considerable concern to residents, is located closer to a park, provided is recognised as part of an important especially when the youth are an effect size of 0.261 (p=0.033), service delivered by the facility as a considered (Captain, 2013). Data as a small to medium effect and whole, there are also other concerns. showed that 63.4% of the survey practical significant association. The preservation of the corrugated participants still rated substance In terms of particular public green metal wall may recall Turner’s work abuse as a daily problem related to space features, respondents rated (Turner, 1963; 1968), in endorsing their nearest public green space. In the elements captured in Figure 4 an appreciation of informality as response to such social concerns as critical attributes expected from a the antithesis of soulless and and the nuisance factor, 67% of quality public green space. monotonous modernity, described by the respondents reported that they Figure 4 demonstrates that the terms such as ‘vernacular, innocent would ideally want to live within community regarded nearly all and authentic’. However, such walking distance of a public green features listed as critical, with both romanticised conceptualisations space, but not adjacent to it. In keeping with such disservices, only 2.6% of the respondents further declared urban green spaces Features of public urban green space rated as critical (%) 97 99 as the primary venues used by 100 95 93.9 88.8 their children for play. Anecdotally 90 though, it must be noted that many 80 residents, especially children, are 70 still regularly spotted scaling the 60 jagged Pavilion perimeter and park 49.5 fences to access the greenery 50 and recreational opportunities 40 30 inside it. As a further indication of 21.2 the value placed on urban green 20 spaces, data showed that 62.4% 10 of the respondents would be willing 0 to pay more for a property, if that Grass Trees Landscaped Water features Play Sporting Seating property had improved access to a gardens equipment facilities quality public green space, possibly maintaining increased property Figure 4: Features of a public green space rated as critical 9 SSB/TRP/MDM 2016 (69) have also been condemned, notably development context traditionally Leiman & Visser (2010). Waste for aestheticizing poverty (Roy directed at eradicating all traces of levels are increased dramatically & AlSayyad, 2004) and glazing informality (Del Mistro & Hensher, by the addition of consumers over the often chaotic and violent 2009: 338; Lemanski, 2009: 477; accommodated in informal backyard characteristics of more informal Bradlow, Bolnick & Shearing, 2011: rental structures. Whilst household features (Van Ballegooijen & Rocco, 272; Huchzermeyer, 2011: 3; Rubin waste is removed by the local 2013: 1795-1802). The landmark & Gardner, 2013: 68; Huchzermeyer, authority (Lategan & Cilliers, 2016) wall continues to create a harsh and 2014: 43). Yet, the ultimate impact backyard dwellings are generally not uninviting obstruction, mirroring the cannot be denied in detracting from provided with additional refuse bins informality found in the backyards general neighbourhood aesthetics. or liners in Oudtshoorn. As a result of adjacent properties. Elsewhere, it is deduced that informal backyard In the case study, aesthetics was informal backyard rentals have rentals exacerbate littering and furthermore severely affected by been accused of “blighting the dumping challenges, in keeping with incidences of littering and dumping, visual landscape” by introducing Lemanski (2009: 477); Govender identified as a sign of neighbourhood the unwanted aesthetics of informal (2011); Govender et al. (2011a: 339; decline (Marais & Armitage, settlements into formal housing 2011b: 29). In recognition of such 2004: 483). Littering and dumping areas (Lemanski, 2009: 475-476), challenges, the City of Cape Town, have become common features of being indicative of “backward for example, distributes additional life in South Africa’s lower income rural life” (Robins, 2002: 541) and refuse bins to informal backyard communities (Marais, Armitage & detracting from urban quality and tenants as part of its Backyard Pithey, 2000: 5; Marais & Armitage, dignity (Shapurjee & Charlton, Essential Services Improvement 2004: 485; Goebel, Dodson & Hill 2013: 663). The cumulative effect Programme, expressed in an 2010: 576), even as higher income of the informal backyard dwellings interview with Cameron (2015). groups tend to display a higher that dot the landscape surrounding mean per capita waste generation The informal construction materials the Pavilion, often visible from the rate than lower income groups that constitute the majority of street, and ‘die plate’ may present (Napier, 2002: 20; Nshimirimana, informal backyard rental dwellings adverse psychological effects, 2005: 13; Oyekale, 2015: 15888). further levy impacts on tenants, ultimately decreasing pride in the Site visits revealed severe incidences the broader community and the environment, further marginalising an of littering from pedestrians and piles environment. The timber used as already disadvantaged community, of household waste dumped mainly construction material in the majority and deterring wealthier patrons on marginal green spaces. In relation, of informal backyard structures in from attending events hosted at questionnaire results showed that the case study is generally sourced the Pavilion. 57.1% of the respondents rated from the discarded stock of local The local authority must be littering as a daily problem related timber yards, with most of the applauded for the manner in which to their nearest public green space. fragments being tarred, releasing the Bridgton Pavilion refurbishment Gusts of wind spread litter around fumes and rendering structures was sensitised around both further and the fences surrounding highly flammable, according to an community heritage and the public green spaces and the interview with Daughters (2015). outcomes of stakeholder engagement perimeters of some yards act as nets, Informal backyard rentals have processes that articulated a desire catching scraps of paper and plastic, been branded as fire risks in to maintain ‘die plate’, within a as also recognised in Dikgang, the literature (Crankshaw et al.,

Figure 5: A view of the Bridgton Pavilion and its corrugated iron wall

10 Louis Lategan & Juaneé Cilliers • Considering urban green space and informal backyard rentals in South Africa

2000: 854; Bank, 2007: 206; Carey, Where less than three backyard Lubbe et al. (2010: 2907) and Cilliers 2009: 3; Watson, 2009: 11; Rubin tenants were housed, respondents et al. (2013: 692). A glaring disparity & Gardner, 2013: 43; Tshangana, were more likely to report that is apparent in green area cover 2013: 12; Shapurjee et al., 2014: 20). backyarding did not limit their outside between apartheid-era townships Structures in Bridgton/Bongolethu space and privacy. Statistical testing and traditionally White suburbs are no different, according to revealed a significant difference mostly on the opposite side of the interviews with Case (2015) and Wire between feelings of limited outside Grobbelaars River in Oudtshoorn (2015). Fires may spread from yard space and privacy and both number (see Figure 1), further underlining to yard with vengeance, causing of occupants in the main dwelling differences in the number of species fatalities, damage to property, and and number of backyard tenants. As feasibly established. air pollution. Public green spaces such, perceptions on reduced outside may fulfil an important function space and privacy were related to 5. CONCLUSION when such fires surge through a an increased number of people in street block, providing a point of both fields. Overall, 57.5% of the Findings in the Bridgton/Bongolethu assembly and safe harbour from respondents who accommodated case study seem to disprove the where collective action can be taken, informal backyard rentals were of ‘compensation hypothesis’ as an provided that such spaces are open the opinion that backyard structures assumed increase in the use of and accessible. on their properties limited privacy public green space in compensation The following section turns the and outside space. Yet, 82.8% of for private green space lost. The focus away from public green all the respondents revealed that case study presented fairly small spaces towards the domestic scale, their children still played in their stand sizes, with outside space investigating findings on the private backyards, of which 51.8% did so decreased further by informal gardens encountered in the Bridgton/ frequently. Data showed that 79.2% backyard densification in over half of Bongolethu case study. of children used front yards to play, the respondent properties. Yet, whilst of which 27.5% did so frequently. over 80% of the respondents claimed 4.2 Domestic green space Thus, domestic gardens continued to make use of proximate public (private gardens) in Bridgton to provide primary venues for play, green spaces, the majority did so and Bongolethu even as small stand sizes, probable infrequently, not as part of their daily overcrowding and informal backyard or even weekly routines. Statistical Domestic gardens deliver invaluable densification reduced the space analysis revealed that even those ecosystem services (Barbosa et al., available for such activities. respondents claiming that proximate 2007: 187; Lubbe et al., 2010: 2900; public green spaces were always The survey also showed that 60.6% Cilliers et al., 2013: 693; Mosina & accessible, only visited these spaces of the respondents had planted Maroyi, 2016: 189). However, the about once a month. In addition, trees, whereas 76.2% had planted intensity of ecosystem services only an insubstantial number of some sort of shrubbery. Trees may provided may depend heavily on respondents regarded public green be especially valued to provide the nature of the vegetation found in spaces as their children’s primary shade in the scorching heat of a such spaces. Survey data showed play locales, with the majority still Klein Karoo summer. The gardens that only 33.3% of the respondents playing in domestic green spaces of 42% of the respondent properties had planted and maintained a (private gardens), in both front and also contained flowerbeds, realising lawn. The majority of homeowners backyard spaces. As such, this article aesthetic values, especially in were conceivably deterred by the concurs that public and private green significant watering and maintenance front yards where they could be spaces may have dissimilar functions requirements related to sustaining viewed and admired by passers-by. and meanings and that generally a lawn in addition to the backyard Furthermore, nearly two thirds (67%) public green space cannot be space occupied by informal of the respondents had planted fruits provided as a substitute for access structures where lawns could be and vegetables. Various authors to private green space (Coolen & planted. Statistical analysis showed have commented on the value of Meesters, 2012; Haaland & Van den that no significant relationship could domestic gardens in producing food Bosch, 2015). be established between perceptions and income-generating opportunities, of limited outside space and privacy especially for vulnerable, low- The insignificant association and number of informal backyard income households through such established between the number of rental structures presented per stand. cultivations (Lindemann-Matthies & informal backyard rental structures However, analysis also revealed Brieger, 2016: 33; Mosina & Maroyi, and perceptions of limited outside that respondents were more likely 2016: 181). It should be noted that, space and privacy, considered to maintain that backyarding limited although the study area displayed against the significant association their outside space and privacy, a diversity of plant species, it is proven between the number of where five or more people were permissible to suggest that the area informal backyard tenants and accommodated in main dwellings, remains less species rich than more perceptions of limited outside or more than four backyard tenants affluent, generally White parts of space and privacy, further seems were accommodated in the yard. Oudtshoorn, as noted elsewhere by to downplay the impacts of informal 11 SSB/TRP/MDM 2016 (69) backyard rental structures on ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS BYRNE, J. & SIPE, N. 2010. Green reducing available yard space and open space planning for urban This research (or parts thereof) and the need to venture to public consolidation – A review of the literature was made possible by the financial green spaces in compensation in and best practice. Brisbane, Australia: contribution of the NRF (National the case study. Such findings are Urban Research Program, Griffith Research Foundation) South University. further supported by the extent of Africa. Any opinions, findings and cultivation still taking place in the CAMERON. Department of Housing, conclusions or recommendations respondents’ gardens, especially in City of Cape Town. Informal backyard expressed in this material are those terms of fruits and vegetables. Yet, rental pilots in the City of Cape Town of the author(s) and therefore the the effects of increased population [personal interview], Cape Town, 25 NRF does not accept any liability in densities need to be considered February 2015. regard thereto. and addressed and the value of CAPTAIN. 2013. SAPD Oudtshoorn. accessible, quality public green Personal interview on Crime in the spaces realised in providing places of REFERENCES LIST Bridgton and Bongolethu townships, escape from crowded yards. As such, Oudtshoorn, 30 April. BANK, L. 2007. The rhythms of the the active use of public green spaces yards: Urbanism, backyards and CAREY, S. 2009. Investigation must be encouraged, potential housing policy in South Africa. 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