DOCSLIB.ORG

Power, Theories of (Hegemony, Posthegemony, Micropower, Biopower) 87

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Power, Theories of (Hegemony, Posthegemony, Micropower, Biopower) 87 POWER, Theories of (HEGEmONY, POSTHEGEmONY, MICROpOWER, BIOpower) 87 Foster, Hal. Design and Crime: And Other Diatribes. London authority, will, legitimacy, subordination, and coercion. and New York: Verso, 2002. Alternately, power can be defined as “power to,” involv- Harvey, David. The Condition of Postmodernity. An Enquiry ing questions about facilitation, dispositional conditions into the Origins of Social Change. Oxford: Blackwell, of possibility, or capacity. In addition to this, theories of 1989. power have often defined it as the specific attribute of Huyssen, Andreas. “Mapping the Postmodern,” New politics and focused on issues of sovereignty, govern- German Critique, 33 (1984): 5–52. ment, states, and constitution. Considered historically, Jameson, Fredric. “The Politics of Theory: Ideological theories of power have drifted away from the classical Positions in the Postmodernism Debate,” New German liberal paradigm that gave rise to an emphasis on the Critique, 33 (1984): 53–65. state and what in many instances was a corollary defi- Jameson, Fredric. The Cultural Turn: Selected Writings on nition of power as “power over.” Contemporary theories the Postmodern. 1983–1998. London and New York: of power can, by contrast, be seen as reformulations Verso, 1998. of theories of physical energy and, in some senses, as Lyotard, Jean-Francois. The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge. Trans. G. Bennington and B. extending the sense of power as “capacity” to that of Massumi. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, “power to transform.” 1984. McLeod, Mary. “Architecture.” In Trachtenberg, Stanley Theorizing power as and beyond the (Ed.), The Postmodern Moment: A Handbook of state Contemporary Innovation in the Arts. No. 1. London, CT: Greenwood Pub Group, 1985, pp. 19–52. Steven Lukes’ Power: A Radical View was one of the Mignolo, Walter D. “Geopolitics of Sensing and Knowing: first attempts to theorize power as such, and in a way On (de)Coloniality, Border Thinking and Epistemic that it could be studied (1974). In many ways, Lukes’ Disobedience,” Postcolonial Studies, 14.3 (2011): book ushered in power as a discrete object of research; 273–283. but it also pointed to significant shifts in both the anal- Paoletti, John T. “Art.” In Trachtenberg, Stanley (Ed.), The ysis and understanding of politics. The extent to which Postmodern Moment: A Handbook of Contemporary power is the particular attribute of the state (or sover- Innovation in the Arts. London, CT: Greenwood Pub eignty, government, and so on) or politics is defined as Group, 1985, pp. 53–80. an exclusive property of the state, or whether it desig- Raulet, Gérard and Max Reinhart. “From Modernity as nates something other or more than this has been One-Way Street to Postmodernity as Dead End,” New closely associated with changing definitions of power. German Critique, 33 (1984): 155–177. There are no fixed answers to these questions, and not Rorty, Richard. “Habermas and Lyotard on Post-modernity,” simply because, as Lukes initially argued, defining what Praxis, 4.1 (1984): 32–44. power is involves engaging in politics. More so, if power Venturi, Robert, Denise Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour. Learning from Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of involves ability, it refers to something that is not always Architectural Form. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1977. exercised—as Lukes suggested in amending his theory in a subsequent edition of the book (2005)—and comes Eleni Kalantidou closer to those theories of power that understand power through the model of physical energy. Power in See also Heritage; Modernity and Modernism; this sense is not analogous with particular vectors or Postmodernism and Design; Tradition. instances of power, such as the state or sovereignty; nor is it reducible to the sense of “power over.” Theories of power can be read as a tendency to formulate a tran- shistorical or abstract question about power that is not POweR, THeORies of (HeGemOnY, specific to any given time, place, or social, political, and POstHeGemOnY, MiCROpOweR, economic arrangements, but which nevertheless has BiOpOwer) the advantage of posing questions about power without presupposing that it always assumes the same political Conventionally, theories of power have defined it in or other models. two, broadly different ways. Power can be understood In its everyday and dictionary usage, power means as “power over,” involving questions about domination, “the ability or capacity to do something or act in a THE BLOOMSbURY ENCYCLOPEDIA OF DESIGN 9781472521569_txt_prf_P.indd 87 21/09/15 3:55 PM 88 POWER, Theories of (HEGEmONY, POSTHEGEmONY, MICROpOWER, BIOpower) particular way” (Oxford English Dictionary, 1989). Yet, of power, whereas Weber’s typologies of authority and an analytical focus on power as an instance of “power legitimacy included both putatively rational and nonra- over” has been more prevalent than not in the history of tional aspects. Yet, in defining power as will, both political philosophy and science (Lukes, 1974; Clegg, reformulated the German Romanticist preoccupa- 1975). On the one hand, this may well be due to a wish tion with will as an ability to shape the future through to critically understand domination, in the sense that calculation (Weber) and/or force (Weber and Nietzsche) domination, coercion, or subjection is simply consid- (Wicks, 2011; Derman, 2012). ered to be a problem, and therefore a more pressing Alongside political philosophy and sociology, Karl concern to analyze. On the other hand, the delineation Marx’s critical readings of political economy emphasized between “power to” and “power over” corresponds power as capacity (specifically in his analysis of “labour- with classical liberalism’s definition of negative and power”), while his “political writings” on the American positive freedoms, as in, respectively, “freedom to” and Revolution, the Civil War in France, and other similar “freedom from” (Berlin, 1958). In classical liberalism, texts analyze the power of states and monarchs in the freedom has conventionally been understood in the context of class conflicts. According to Marx, “labour- negative sense, and in the form of “individual freedom power” is the “capacity for labour,” which appears from the power of the state,” where the state is, in turn, in capitalism “upon the market as a commodity.” He understood to be both a conveyance of power and the defined labor-power as “the aggregate of those mental epitome of power as such (as in the use of the phrase and physical capabilities existing in a human being, “the Great Powers” to refer to European states). which he exercises whenever he produces a use-value In the classical traditions of political philosophy, such of any description” (1990, p. 347). Unlike theories of as those of Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527), Thomas power in classical liberalism, then, Marx considered Hobbes (1588–1679), and Jean-Jacques Rousseau power as variously dispersed across conflictual social (1712–78), power emerges with and through the rise fields and concentrated in the state, defining it in both of sovereignty or some variant of the state. Hobbes’ economic and political terms, and as a capacity that is Leviathan, Machiavelli’s The Prince, and the more productive of social relationships and forms. recent writings of Antonio Gramsci (The Modern Prince) While there was much debate in the twentieth have all theorized power as an attribute and preoccu- century about the extent to which various strands of pation of the state or sovereign, and largely from the Marxism understood power as a function of, or reduc- perspective of how to attain, constitute, and maintain ible to, economic power, such debates are difficult to political rule. sustain by reference to Marx’s entire writings and are By contrast, in sociology and social theory, while instead debates around particular readings of certain power has often been similarly defined as “power texts. Foucault argued that in Marx’s Capital, “one over,” the definition was extended to imply an ability or power does not exist, but many powers.” He went on capacity situated within a relational or interactive setting to add that it is therefore not possible to “speak of that is not necessarily political or that of government. power if we wish to construct an analysis of power, According to the German sociologist Max Weber (1864– but we must speak of powers and attempt to localize 1920), power is “the probability that one actor within them in their historic and geographic specificity” (1981, a social relationship will be in a position to carry out 2012). Moreover, for Foucault, Marx, and others, his own will despite resistance” (1978, p. 53). Weber’s power is regarded as productive, and is not seen as understanding of power as an expression of will is simi- that which only, or foremost, acts to repress some- lar to Friedrich Nietzsche’s concept of “will to power.” thing—such as individuals—that exist outside or prior Nietzsche had reformulated Arthur Schopenhauer’s to power. argument regarding a primordial “will to live” as a “will to power,” and in so doing defined power as both anal- ogous to life—which he saw as a will to “strive to grow, Marxist theories of power and the state spread, seize”—and as having priority over life (1989, During much of the twentieth century, a range of theo- p. 259). Power, in Nietzsche’s sense, could be life-de- rists sought to construct a Marxist theory of the state nying or life-affirming, but he nevertheless understood that would understand its role and power as something it as pre- and extra-political. Nietzsche’s understand- more than an instrument of capitalist power (Gramsci, ing of power emphasized the nonrational dimensions 1967; Miliband, 1969; Poulantzas, 1973; Anderson, THE BLOOMSbURY ENCYCLOPEDIA OF DESIGN 9781472521569_txt_prf_P.indd 88 21/09/15 3:55 PM POWER, Theories of (HEGEmONY, POSTHEGEmONY, MICROpOWER, BIOpower) 89 1974; Clarke, 1991; Jessop, 2007; Althusser, 2014). states rule by organizing and attaining consent, and Leaving aside the extent to which Marx did indeed where they fail to acquire consent, they resort to coer- argue that the state simply reflects economic powers cion or force (Anderson, 1976, p.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Post-Dictatorial Thriller Form
    THE POST-DICTATORIAL THRILLER FORM A Dissertation by AUDREY BRYANT POWELL Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2012 Major Subject: Hispanic Studies The Post-Dictatorial Thriller Form Copyright 2012 Audrey Bryant Powell THE POST-DICTATORIAL THRILLER FORM A Dissertation by AUDREY BRYANT POWELL Submitted to the Office of Graduate Studies of Texas A&M University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Approved by: Chair of Committee, Alberto Moreiras Committee Members, Juan Carlos Galdo Teresa Vilarós Andrew Kirkendall Head of Department, Alberto Moreiras May 2012 Major Subject: Hispanic Studies iii ABSTRACT The Post-Dictatorial Thriller Form. (May 2012) Audrey Bryant Powell, B.A., Baylor University; M.A., Baylor University Chair of Advisory Committee: Dr. Alberto Moreiras This dissertation proposes a theoretical examination of the Latin American thriller through the framework of post-dictatorial Chile, with a concluding look at the post civil war Central American context. I define the thriller as a loose narrative structure reminiscent of the basic detective story, but that fuses the conventional investigation formula with more sensational elements such as political violence, institutional corruption and State terrorism. Unlike the classic form, in which crime traditionally occurs in the past, the thriller form engages violence as an event ongoing in the present or always lurking on the narrative horizon. The Chilean post-dictatorial and Central American postwar histories contain these precise thriller elements. Throughout the Chilean military dictatorship (1973-1990), the Central American civil wars (1960s-1990s) and the triumph of global capitalism, political violence emerges in diversified and oftentimes subtle ways, demanding new interpretational paradigms for explaining its manifestation in contemporary society.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism, Political Culture, and Marine Le Pen in the 2017 French Presidential Election*
    Eleven The Undergraduate Journal of Sociology VOLUME 9 2018 CREATED BY UNDERGRADUATES AT THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Editors-in-Chief Laurel Bard and Julia Matthews Managing Editor Michael Olivieri Senior Editors Raquel Zitani-Rios, Annabel Fay, Chris Chung, Sierra Timmons, and Dakota Brewer Director of Public Relations Juliana Zhao Public Relations Team Katherine Park, Jasmine Monfared, Brittany Kulusich, Erika Lopez-Carrillo, Joy Chen Undergraduate Advisors Cristina Rojas and Seng Saelee Faculty Advisor Michael Burawoy Cover Artist Kate Park Eleven: The Undergraduate Journal of Sociology is the annual publication of Eleven: The Undergraduate Journal of Sociology, a non-profit unincorporated association at the University of California, Berkeley. Grants and Financial Support: This journal was made possible by generous financial support from the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. Special Appreciation: We would also like to thank Rebecca Chavez, Holly Le, Belinda White, Tamar Young, and the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. Contributors: Contributions may be in the form of articles and review essays. Please see the Guide for Future Contributors at the end of this issue. Review Process: Our review process is double-blind. Each submission is anonymized with a number and all reviewers are likewise assigned a specific review number per submission. If an editor is familiar with any submission, she or he declines to review that piece. Our review process ensures the highest integrity and fairness in evaluating submissions. Each submission is read by three trained reviewers. Subscriptions: Our limited print version of the journal is available without fee. If you would like to make a donation for the production of future issues, please inquire at [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Political Spontaneity and Senegalese New Social Movements, Y'en a Marre and M23: a Re-Reading of Frantz Fanon 'The Wretched of the Earth"
    POLITICAL SPONTANEITY AND SENEGALESE NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, Y'EN A MARRE AND M23: A RE-READING OF FRANTZ FANON 'THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH" Babacar Faye A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS December 2012 Committee: Radhika Gajjala, Advisor Dalton Anthony Jones © 2012 Babacar Faye All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Radhika Gajjala, Advisor This project analyzes the social uprisings in Senegal following President Abdoulaye Wade's bid for a third term on power. From a perspectivist reading of Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth and the revolutionary strategies of the Algerian war of independence, the project engages in re-reading Fanon's text in close relation to Senegalese new social movements, Y'en A Marre and M23. The overall analysis addresses many questions related to Fanonian political thought. The first attempt of the project is to read Frantz Fanon's The Wretched from within The Cultural Studies. Theoretically, Fanon's "new humanism," as this project contends, can be located between transcendence and immanence, and somewhat intersects with the political potentialities of the 'multitude.' Second. I foreground the sociogeny of Senegalese social movements in neoliberal era of which President Wade's regime was but a local phase. Recalling Frantz Fanon's critique of the bourgeoisie and traditional intellectuals in newly postindependent African countries, I draw a historical continuity with the power structures in the postcolonial condition. Therefore, the main argument of this project deals with the critique of African political leaders, their relationship with hegemonic global forces in infringing upon the basic rights of the downtrodden.
    [Show full text]
  • Jon Beasley-Murray University of British Columbia [email protected]
    Jon Beasley-Murray University of British Columbia [email protected] Paper given at “Reflecting on Latin American Studies: Perspectives From 25 Years of Scholarship and Practice” The 25th Anniversary Conference of the UNC/Duke Consortium in Latin American and Caribbean Studies Durham and Chapel Hill, NC, February 2015 “After Posthegemony” It would be hard to underestimate the impact on me of the Duke/UNC Program in Latin American Studies (as it was then still called). I arrived at Duke in 1994 without any specific intention to study Latin America: I was interested rather in theoretical questions that involved authors such as Gilles Deleuze, Pierre Bourdieu, and Antonio Negri. But I soon found Latin American Studies to be a productive setting to pose those questions, and the Duke/UNC Program a hub of lively and challenging discussion on precisely the issues that my questions sought to address. How best to think about political agency and organization? What roles were played by culture on the one hand and the state on the other? What concepts best illuminated and explained both contemporary and historical social movements? Asking such questions in the context of specific political and social conjunctures in Latin America, from populist mobilization in Argentina to Maoist insurgency in Peru, forced me continually to reconsider the formulation of my concerns and what was at stake in my investigation, as well as preventing (I hope) my replies from becoming too arid and abstract. The path I took was formed by chance and serendipity: Peronism, for instance, became a key part of my dissertation owing to the fact that I took an inspiring class on the topic with Danny James and Alberto Moreiras; I became fascinated by Sendero Luminoso thanks largely to the opportunity provided by a Ford Foundation-funded exchange with a parallel consortium of institutions in Peru.
    [Show full text]
  • Douglas Kristopher Smith Oscar Ariel Cabezas
    Vol. 15, Num. 2 (Winter 2018): 295-305 Reseña / Review Oscar Ariel Cabezas, comp. Gramsci en las orillas, Ediciones La Cebra, 2015. Latin American Gramscian Thought Douglas Kristopher Smith Universidad de Chile Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso Gramsci en las orillas [Gramsci on the Banks1] is the result of an effort to reflect on Gramsci and his ideas in general, and, in particular, how those ideas have played out in political theory and practice in Latin America and continue to do so. This edited volume, compiled by Chilean academic and author of Postsoberanía: Literatura, política y trabajo, Oscar Ariel Cabezas, is divided into three sections: “I. The infinite book of praxis”; “II. José Aricó’s devil”; and “III. Untimely geographies.” These sections can be understood as: 1) a continuation of the writing of Gramsci’s ‘open book’ of praxis by the contributing authors; 2) a retrospective analysis of Gramscian theory in Latin America focusing on the work of José Aricó and other key figures; and 3) the situated praxis of Gramscian ideas carried out in specific political contexts. Each section presents its own distinct frame of analysis however, in order to flesh out a critical 1 This and all other excerpts and quotes from Gramsci en las orillas were translated from the Spanish by the review’s author, unless otherwise indicated. Smith 296 reflection, this essay will address all of them in three different streams of analysis: Marxist theory, praxis and translation. Gramsci, in Cabezas’s words, is a “heterodox Latin American”—heterodox in the sense of the ‘heretic’ role his work plays with respect to more orthodox Marxist thought, in part due to his marginal existence on the banks of “Western” European communism and on the banks of society (as an incarcerated intellectual).
    [Show full text]
  • After (Post) Hegemony Peter D. Thomas Institutional Affiliations
    After (Post) Hegemony Peter D. Thomas Institutional affiliations: Department of Social and Political Sciences, Brunel University London, UK. Postal Address Politics and History Brunel University London Kingston Lane Uxbridge, UB8 3PH UK Email address: [email protected] Abstract Hegemony is one of the most widely diffused concepts in the contemporary social sciences and humanities internationally, interpreted in a variety of ways in different disciplinary and national contexts. However, its contemporary relevance and conceptual coherence has recently been challenged by various theories of ‘posthegemony’. This article offers a critical assessment of this theoretical initiative. In the first part of the article, I distinguish between three main versions of posthegemony – ‘temporal, ‘foundational and ‘expansive’ – characterized by different understandings of the temporal and logical implications of hegemony. I then offer a critical assessment of the shared presuppositions of these theories, including their ‘pre-Gramscianism’, their indebtedness to Laclau and Mouffe’s formulation of hegemony, and their characterization of hegemony in terms compatible with modern theories of sovereignty. I conclude by arguing that the contradictions and oversights of the debate on posthegemony encourage us to undertake a reassessment of the real historical complexity of hegemonic politics and its different traditions of conceptualization. Keywords: Posthegemony, Hegemony, Gramsci, Laclau and Mouffe, Latin America, Sovereignty. Word length (text, references, notes): 9985 1 After (Post) Hegemony Hegemony is today one of the most widely diffused concepts in the social sciences and humanities internationally, subject to a range of often conflicting interpretations in different disciplinary and national contexts. Such is its pervasive presence in contemporary scholarly debates, journalistic vocabularies and policy discourses that it is often forgotten that this prominence is a relatively recent phenomenon.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Sociology
    Darnell, Simon C. "References." Sport for Development and Peace: A Critical Sociology. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2012. 158–170. Globalizing Sport Studies. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 2 Oct. 2021. <>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 2 October 2021, 11:22 UTC. Copyright © Simon C. Darnell 2012. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. References Aboriginal Sport Circle (2008). Aboriginal Sport Circle , from http://www. aboriginalsportcircle.ca/main/main.html [accessed 1 November 2011]. Ahmed, S. (2004). The Cultural Politics of Emotion . Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press. Ahmed, S. (2006). Orientations: Toward a Queer Phenomenology. GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies, 12 (4), 543–74. Akindes, G. & Kirwin, M. (2009). Sport As International Aid: Assisting Development or Promoting Under-development in Sub-Saharan Africa? In R. Levermore & A. Beacom (eds), Sport and International Development (pp. 219–45). New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Alcoff, L. (1991). The Problem of Speaking for Others. Cultural Critique, 20 (Winter), 5–32. Alive and Kicking (2011). Alive and Kicking , from http://www.aliveandkicking.org.uk/ [accessed 1 November 2011]. Althusser, L. (1969). For Marx . New York: Pantheon Books. Althusser, L. (2001). Lenin and Philosophy, and Other Essays . New York: Monthly Review Press. Amin, S. (2006). The Millennium Development Goals: A Critique from the South. Monthly Review , 57(10), from http://www.monthlyreview.org/0306amin2.php [accessed 4 November 2011]. Andrews, D. L. (1993). Desperately Seeking Michel: Foucault’s Genealogy, the Body, and Critical Sport Sociology.
    [Show full text]
  • Brian Massumi, Ontopower: War, Powers, and the State of Perception, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015, 306 Pp., $72.95 (Hardcover), $23.70 (Paperback)
    International Journal of Communication 11(2017), Book Review 2236–2240 1932–8036/2017BKR0009 Brian Massumi, Ontopower: War, Powers, and the State of Perception, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015, 306 pp., $72.95 (hardcover), $23.70 (paperback). Reviewed by Catherine Chaput University of Nevada, Reno, USA Brian Massumi’s Ontopower: War, Powers, and the State of Perception offers a concrete response to the pressing question of how to analyze affective power within the discursive terrain of political action. As the English translator of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s A Thousand Plateaus (1987), Massumi has long been interested in what Jon Beasley-Murray (2002) calls the politics of posthegemony. The theory of hegemony advanced by Antonio Gramsci (1971) and refined by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffee (1985) positions agentive subjects at the center of material and discursive power struggles. Poststructural political theorists—such as Deleuze and Guattari (1987) or Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2000, 2004, 2009)—view contemporary power struggles as mediated by affect more so than discourse and understand subjects as nodal points in a complex circulation of power potentials rather than as unique sites from which to lodge political action. Among the defining features of this position are two central premises: (1) Subjectivity cannot be located on a grid of identity, and (2) communication is not limited to conscious deliberation. Like these theorists, Massumi believes that ideological inquiries into the field of representations have all but exhausted themselves. Without being supplemented by attention to the order of affect and sensation, semiotic analyses will remain, at the very least, incomplete.
    [Show full text]
  • SDS's Failure to Realign the Largest Political Coalition in the 20Th Century
    NEW DEAL TO NEW MAJORITY: SDS’S FAILURE TO REALIGN THE LARGEST POLITICAL COALITION IN THE 20TH CENTURY Michael T. Hale A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2015 Committee: Clayton Rosati, Advisor Francisco Cabanillas Graduate Faculty Representative Ellen Berry Oliver Boyd-Barret Bill Mullen ii ABSTRACT Clayton Rosati, Advisor Many historical accounts of the failure of the New Left and the ascendency of the New Right blame either the former’s militancy and violence for its lack of success—particularly after 1968—or the latter’s natural majority among essentially conservative American voters. Additionally, most scholarship on the 1960s fails to see the New Right as a social movement. In the struggles over how we understand the 1960s, this narrative, and the memoirs of New Leftists which continue that framework, miss a much more important intellectual and cultural legacy that helps explain the movement’s internal weakness. Rather than blame “evil militants” or a fixed conservative climate that encircled the New Left with both sanctioned and unsanctioned violence and brutality––like the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) counter intelligence program COINTELPRO that provide the conditions for a unstoppable tidal wave “with the election of Richard M. Nixon in 1968 and reached its crescendo in the Moral Majority, the New Right, the Reagan administration, and neo-conservatism” (Breines “Whose New Left” 528)––the key to this legacy and its afterlives, I will argue, is the implicit (and explicit) essentialism bound to narratives of the “unwinnability” of especially the white working class.
    [Show full text]
  • Solidarity, Love, Failure and the Left in Argentina and Chile A
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Otherwise Than Our Knowledge: Solidarity, Love, Failure and the Left in Argentina and Chile A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Spanish by Conor Craig Harris June 2019 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Alessandro Fornazzari, Chairperson Dr. Marta Hernández Salván Dr. Jacques Lezra Dr. Freya Schiwy Copyright by Conor Craig Harris 2019 The Dissertation of Conor Craig Harris is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I must acknowledge my constant companion during this process- Faustus. …Durchaus studiert, mit heißem Bemühn. / Da steh ich nun, ich armer Tor! / Und bin so klug als wie zuvor…. And then, my committee. Alessandro, an adviser beyond any other, for being calm and grounding, with a keen eye for which path I ought to be on, whether or not I thought I was going anywhere. Freya, for while at first it was with fear that I approached you, a wiser and warmer presence I could not have asked for throughout, and hopefully to come. Marta, a keen eye and a keener mind, your advice, encouragement, and faith in me has often been what kept me going, come what may. And Jacques, often seemingly bemused, your genuine openness, intelligence and guidance have so often allowed me feel right here when I have doubted. Thank you all so much. My family knows I love them all dearly and could not have managed without their support- and the free food and drink, of course. A special thanks is due my mother, who beyond everything she does, found it in her to periodically visit California, despite her distaste for the state.
    [Show full text]
  • Gastón Gordillo Department of Anthropology University of British Columbia [email protected]
    Gastón Gordillo Department of Anthropology University of British Columbia [email protected] Affective Hegemonies Jon Beasley-Murray’s Posthegemony: Political Theory and Latin America is a groundbreaking proposition to abandon the concept of hegemony that may allow us, paradoxically, to re-politicize and reinvent our understanding of hegemonic formations. Some clues about this theoretical direction are in the book’s title, an intriguing one given that this is a work firmly committed to philosophies of affirmation. Posthegemony, after all, is a phrasing defined by negativity. “Post- things” are things that negate what precede them. And, indeed, Beasley-Murray frames his book as a negation of hegemony. He critically dissects the concept of hegemony and shows how its alleged rationalism, its transcendent connotations, and its emphasis on ideology and representation cannot account for immanence, affect, and habits in the production of politics. And he suggests that we abandon the concept altogether. We live, after all (always have), in post-hegemonic times. And this negation of hegemony is followed by an affirmation: a call for a political understanding of affect, habit, and the multitude. Yet hegemony is still in the title. Affect, habit, multitude are nowhere to be seen. Preceded by the “post,” what is negated is present, as if in trying to move beyond it Beasley-Murray is still drawn to hegemony. This distancing and incorporation pervades in fact the entire manuscript. Posthegemony is haunted by the ghost of hegemony and, in particular, the ghost of Antonio Gramsci, which is Gordillo, “Affective Hegemonies” 2 a powerful absence in the book, engaged in only one paragraph yet always there in a phantom form.
    [Show full text]
  • Neoliberal Era: a Glance at the Argentinean, Paraguayan
    A POST-NEOLIBERAL ERA IN LATIN AMERICA? Revisiting cultural paradigms Edited by Daniel Nehring, Magdalena López and Gerardo Gómez Michel First published in Great Britain in 2019 by Bristol University Press North America office: 1-9 Old Park Hill c/o The University of Chicago Press Bristol 1427 East 60th Street BS2 8BB Chicago, IL 60637, USA UK t: +1 773 702 7700 t: +44 (0)117 954 5940 f: +1 773-702-9756 www.bristoluniversitypress.co.uk [email protected] www.press.uchicago.edu © Bristol University Press 2019 The digital PDF version of this title [978-1-5292-0818-4] is available Open Access and distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/) which permits adaptation, alteration, reproduction and distribution for non-commercial use, without further permission provided the original work is attributed. The derivative works do not need to be licensed on the same terms. An electronic version of this book [978-1-5292-0818-4] is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access for the public good. More information about the initiative and links to the Open Access version can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org. Knowledge Unlatched British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested ISBN 978-1-5292-0099-7 hardcover ISBN 978-1-5292-0132-1 ePub ISBN 978-1-5292-0133-8 Mobi ISBN 978-1-5292-0131-4 ePdf The right of Daniel Nehring, Magdalena López and Gerardo Gómez Michel to be identified as editors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
    [Show full text]