COLOMBIA Paramilitary “” poised to swoop down on the press

May 2007 Investigation: Benoît Hervieu - Fabiola León Posada Reporters Without Borders - Americas desk 5, rue Geoffroy Marie - 75009 Paris Tél : (33) 1 44 83 84 84 - Fax : (33) 1 45 23 11 51 E-mail : [email protected] Web : www.rsf.org They use various code names, pseudonyms being openly criticised for its links to paramili- and trademarks. One day it could be the tary groups. “United Self-Defence Groups of ” (with AUC as its acronym) or the “Free Colombia Reporters Without Borders visited Colombia Self-Defence Groups, United List.” Another day from 28 April to 5 May, partly to attend a it might be “Free Colombia Democratic Front” or UNESCO World Press Freedom award cere- “Social Front for Peace.” When they want to mony in Medellín on 3 May, but primarily to carry clearly announce their colours and carry out tar- out a field investigation into the impact that the geted murders or threats against peasants, demobilisation of the paramilitaries is having on unionists, human rights activists and sometimes the activities and security of journalists. As well even former comrades-in-arms, they call them- as Medellín, the press freedom organisation also selves the “Black Eagles.” visited Bogotá and the capital of Córdoba department, Montería, which is where the para- Recruited from the 1980s onwards with the aim militaries first emerged. of neutralising far-left guerrilla groups, Colombia’s roughly 30,000 paramilitaries were Reporters Without Borders spoke to journalists officially demobilised between March 2003 and of all kinds, both local and national, both those March 2006. But in fact they are far from being who are still working and those who have had to

ess disarmed and far from putting an end to their flee. It also spoke to politicians, elected officials, criminal activities. Three years of negotiations civil servants and representatives of press free- with President Alvaro Uribe’s government have dom and human rights groups. Far from trying resulted in only a very small proportion of these to get to the bottom of the entire situation of a professional fighters being reintegrated into country at war, this field trip concentrated on society. Many have become drug traffickers or highlighting demobilisation’s perverse effects, contract killers. The “Justice and Peace” law the enormous difference between the way the adopted on 21 July 2005 guarantees them vir- national and local media cover the war, and the wn on the pr tual impunity. The judicial hearings in which a scant protection received by threatened journa- very few have confessed to crimes have been lists. The local journalists spoke only on condi- held without their being confronted with their tion of anonymity, for obvious safety reasons. victims. oop do Devoting this report to the paramilitaries is not According to the estimates of both the govern- meant to divert attention from violence against ment and human rights groups, between 5,000 journalists by the leftist guerrillas of the and 8,000 paramilitaries, organised into 22 Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia groups, are still active or have been revived in a (FARC). Reporters Without Borders regards the total of 12 departments. These so-called FARC as press freedom predators, just as it “demobilised” paramilitaries are press freedom does the AUC militias and other paramilitary predators, murdering two journalists in 2006 groups. Germán Hernández Vera, editor of the and forcing around 10 others to flee the region Diario del Huila regional daily in the southwes-

es” poised to sw where they lived and worked. Have of these tern city of Neiva, was forced to flee his region cases occurred in the course of a terror cam- in March after receiving repeated threats that paign by the “Black Eagles” against the media were thought to have come from guerrillas. The in the northern coastal departments of Córdoba, FARC blew up the studios of local radio station Sucre and Bolívar last September and October. HJ Doble K on 22 March, injuring 10 people. Radio Caracol news director Darío Arizmendi Demobilisation was supposed to cure the pro- Posada had to leave the country in March after blem of the paramilitaries, but has the remedy receiving death threats from guerrillas. The become worse than the disease? Colombia and FARC were also responsible for a sabotage its press are debating this question, at time campaign against radio and TV installations in when the country has recently discovered 3,700 the southwest of the country in the first quarter mass graves and the Uribe administration is of 2005. ombia : amilitary “black eagl ar Col P

1 Colombia : Paramilitary “black eagles” poised to swoop down on the press A statewithinthe Córdoba wascarvedupbyparallelarmiesthat eviction ofpeasants,the departmentof By dintofmassacres, expropriations andforced Mancuso. Troncoso, thebrother-in-law ofSalvatore militaries andmunicipalhealthchiefManuel r down inMedellínatthestartofAprilforbeing tary fr state.” AndrésAngarita,ademobilisedparamili- vices. Soyoucanspeakofastatewithinthe in agricultur trafficking networks.Theyalsostartedinvesting money fr Rojas continued.“AUCunitsstartedextorting politics and,atthesametime,drugtrafficking,” real militarystructure, theAUCgotinvolvedin had achievedtheirmilitarygoalsandacquired a Departmental PeaceCommission.“Oncethey Party parliamentarianandpr Francisco Gar gr the People’s LiberationArmy[aleftistguerrilla Rojas,thelong-standingleaderof of Ernesto pointcameafterthe1985murder“The turning r support,to plantation owners,withgovernment were originallyrecruited bycoffee andcotton Caribbean-coast department,where theAUC There are nearly5,000oftheminthisnorthern, sed ones,”as“they”are neververyfaraway. “paracos” (aderogatory term)orthe“demobili- ring loudlyto“paramilitaries”andevenless some time.”Butthere wasnoquestionofrefer- Eagles,” whohavebeenbackinthenews“for without toomuchhesitationtothe“Black ties asiftheywere neighbours.Heevenreferred mentary. Hereferred totheparamilitarycelebri- was anunexpectedlynostalgicnotetohiscom- Mancuso untilhismurder inMedellín.”There eady totalkaboutthelinksbetweenpara esist guerrillaincursions. oup thatstoppedfightingin1991],”saidJosé Salvatore Mancuso om theBloqueCór om municipalgover e, constructionandevenhealthser cía Calume,alocalConservative Castaños’s apartment. floor, isMr. Carlos “Down there, ontheupper Montería taxidriver. Mancuso’s house,”saida “That isMr. Salvatore apartment ofMr. Salvatore Just belowitwasthe doba, wasgunned nments andtoform esident ofthe - - Luis CarlosGalán cartel, wer traffickers, especiallyPablo Escobar’s Medellín r him asa‘subversive’.WhileBender’s murder her ween theparamilitariesandarmy, represented Regino’s murder highlightedthecollusionbet- Montería. “Thesetwomur attack in1988andonlyrecently returnedto to Bogotáafterbeingthetar whofled local radiojournalist against thepress,” saida of paramilitaryviolence became oneoftheepicentr “This ishowMontería tion. wing year’ Galán, whohadbeenexpectedtowinthefollo murder ofLiberalPartyleaderLuisCarlos fickers ofjointinvolvementintheAugust1989 year afteraccusingparamilitariesanddrugtraf- Bender, thehostoftwoprogrammes onradio Voz deMontería members ofthepoliticaloppositionsuspected a bloodycrackdownattheendof1980son Two were localjournalists killedinthecourseof tion to350,000. displaced personsswelledMontería’s popula- Castaño. Atotalof30,000 thers FidelandCarlos “decapitators”) ledbybro- “Mochacabezas “(literally, the “Tangueros” or groups withsuchnamesas today’s “BlackEagles,” were theforerunners of situation musttakegreat care. inaudible.” Andthosewho donotacceptthis defeat oftheguerrillas.Asa result, thepress is convince peopletheywere responsible forthe leading one.Atthesametime,theymanagedto ding economicforces in theregion, ifnotthe that theparamilitariesbecameoneoflea- evealed howtheparamilitariesanddrug e bythe11thBrigade,whichhadclassified s pr e conver esidential elec , whowaskilledthefollowing Universal Cartagena-based daily a contributortothe nalist OswaldoReginoPérez, zers. Onewasfreelance jour- of beingguerrillasympathi- 1988. TheotherwasWilliam red ontheMedellínroad in ging. Thepr ders are emblematic. es , whowasmurde- get ofaparamilitary - Carlos Castaño Pablo Escobar oblem her e is 2 El -

A media maverick is killed Democratic Pole accused nearly 2,000 close sup- Paramilitary hatred of the porters of President Uribe press reemerged in all its of paramilitary links in violence with the murder February, triggering the of Gustavo “El Gaba” so-called ‘para-political’ Rojas Gabalo, the star scandal. It was alleged presenter of one of the that Salvatore Mancuso three local radio stations, had himself ordered my father’s murder and that Gustavo Rojas Gabalo Radio Panzenú, on 4 a recording was available on the Internet, February 2006. Tubby, cheeky and very outspo- except that the webpage could not be acces- ken on the air, “El Gaba” was having a drink with sed. It was said the former AUC leader could a friend in the southern part of Montería when not stand my father’s allegations that he was lin- he heard his car alarm go off twice. When he ked with municipal public health director went over to see why, two men on a motorcycle Manuel Troncoso.” opened fire, hitting him in the head and collar- bone. He never regained consciousness and Distinguishing between the “mendicant” local died 44 days later in a Medellín hospital. press, in this instance, small local radio stations

ess that “depend on state money and so cannot say Three suspects were arrested on 1 April 2006 – anything,” from the bigger, regional news media Ramiro Antonio “El Guajiro” Berrio, Santiago “El that dare to say more but risk violent reprisals, Negro” Luna Primera and Manuel “El Pambe” Calume, the parliamentarian, offered a more Pérez Jiménez. All three are currently detained, global analysis of the “El Gaba”’s murder and its but in connection with another crime. “Under impact, not only on the press but also on pressure from El Negro’s brother, a councillor in Colombian society as a whole. “Gaba” was one the neighbouring department of Bolívar, the wit- of the first, certainly here, to make a distinction wn on the pr nesses changed their stories, the prosecution between demobilisation and disarmament as was abandoned and the media were never able regards the paramilitaries,” he told Reporters to follow subsequent developments in the Without Borders. “And he paid for that with his case,” said a newspaper journalist who tried to life.” oop do find out. A fourth suspect, known as “Fuego Verde,” who had been identified as the person “El Gaba” approved of the process launched by who fired the shots at El Gaba, was himself mur- the government but realised its limitations. The dered on 19 March of this year. Fátima accord signed on 3 May 2004 between the government and the former AUC was a fai- A traumatic blow for the Montería press and a lure as regards social reintegration. glaring case of impunity, El Gaba’s murder Nonetheless, it gave the paramilitary chiefs two continues to be the subject of theorizing. Calling major guarantees – no extradition and no deten- it a “political crime,” a Radio Panzenú journalist tion in top-security prisons.

es” poised to sw said: “El Gaba” did not investigate. He denoun- ced the corruption of local officials in his outs- Calume added: “Of the 5,000 paramilitaries poken way. His diatribes could affect careers, demobilised since March 2006 in this region, a and this was particularly so with Manuel Prada, third of whom are in Montería, only 3 per cent a staunch AUC supporter and candidate for have found a job in the formal sector, that is to Córdoba department governor. “El Gaba”’s say, working for security companies, and 17 per murder happened to come on the eve of the cent in the informal sector, namely makeshift May 2006 elections, at a time when the process methods of public transport such as motorcy- of paramilitary demobilisation was close to cle-taxis. As for the rest, they have gone back to completion.” criminal activity, this time on an individual basis The victim’s daughter, Erlyn Rojas, expounded and without ideology. As a result of internal feu-

ombia : another theory with a great deal of care: ding among paramilitaries, 150 people have “Senator Gustavo Petro of the [left-wing] died in Montería alone in the past two years.” amilitary “black eagl ar Col P

3 Journalists with little backing ding 5,000 people. A woman crossed herself on hearing the words “Black Eagles” in the run- At the Montería city hall, where people would down office of one of its representatives, lawyer rather forget such figures, they conceded that Mario Enrique de Oca Anaya. Nearly 2,000 ex-paramilitaries who have been recycled into human rights complaints have been registered new forms of employment “pose major law and at this office, 1,300 of them concerning the order problems.” One municipal official said: army, police and the intelligence agency known “There were 32,000 registered motorcycle taxi as the Department for Security Administration drivers in the city on 31 December, many of (DAS). “Eighty per cent of the murders in this whom were former paramilitaries but many department are blamed on paramilitaries,” De others were the children of people displaced by Oca said, adding: “In a single week, the “Black the paramilitaries. Two former AUC members Eagles” managed to recruit 60 youths from dis- working in this sector were murdered in placed families.” February.” Insisting, despite all the evidence to the contrary, that press freedom was “doing rather well,” she condemned “the irresponsibi- No let-up in self-censorship lity of some media, that don’t do any thorough investigation and indulge in partisan exaggera- “To think that the paramilitaries nowadays talk

ess tion.” of justice, peace and even respect for the envi- ronment... at this rate, the public will end up The press does not get much more support believing them and we really won’t be able to from the Defensoría del Pueblo (People’s talk about anything,” a radio journalist said to Defence), a governmental human rights body Reporters Without Borders. Nidia Serrano, who that was created under a 1992 law with powers runs the Cartagena-based El Universal’s that are limited to making recommendations. Its Córdoba office, which employees seven journa- representative in Córdoba department, Julia lists, added: “The most terrible thing here is that wn on the pr Rodríguez, who has held the position since last all economic, political or judicial activities are to November, tends to play down the threats to some degree or another linked to the paramilita- press freedom. “We sometimes receive demobi- ries. Even when you tackle the most neutral and lised paramilitaries, who want to sort out their

oop do apparently risk-free subject, you don’t know if in administrative situations, but it is above all vic- fact you are talking about them.” tims who come to see us,” Rodríguez said. “We have not had any complaints from journalists, The department of Córdoba has two daily news- but we applied some pressure in the “El Gaba” papers (El Universal’s Córdoba edition and the case. I think press freedom is in better shape El Meridiano de Córdoba, suspected by some of here.” Rodríguez also acknowledged that “the being controlled by Salvatore Mancuso), three demobilisation process has had the perverse radio stations (Radio Panzenú, Voz de Montería affect of fuelling ordinary crime and of allowing and the Catholic station Frecuencia Bolivariana, the guerrillas to stage incursions again, not to which gives two hours of news a day, as against

es” poised to sw speak of phenomena such as the Black Eagles.” nine hours a day in the case of the other two), three TV stations (NotiCórdoba, Nortevisión and She also said there continued to be few com- Telecinco) and 22 community radio stations. plaints because “the public is still not taken These media cover a total of 28 municipalities. seriously by the army and police, and people The editorial policy everywhere is to comply are afraid to make a report when they are vic- with the law of silence, especially when bullets tims.” The 2,000 complaints addressed to the are flying. “There may be less fear since demo- National Commission for Reparation and bilisation, but not less self-censorship,” said Reconciliation by Montería residents who suffe- one radio journalist with irony. “Anyway, it is red at the hands of paramilitaries were fewer impossible to have anything but the official than those addressed to civil society organisa- news, such are the risks that our personal sour-

ombia : tions such as Comfavic (Córdoba department’s ces would run if we tried to investigate,” he said.

amilitary “black eagl Civil Committee for Families who are Victims, “So we wait for the news to come from elsew- for Reconciliation and Peace), which is defen- here before relaying it.” ar Col P

4

Here is an example. A Moving towards “legalizing” Liberal Party departmen- the paramilitaries tal parliamentarian, Orlando Benítez Palencia, The situation looks even more alarming at the travelled on 11 April 2005 national level and some people argue that the to the municipality of three-year demobilisation process and the Valencia, where the AUC Diego Fernando Murillo adoption of the Justice and Peace law amount installed their “Fidel Bejarano to “legalisation” of the paramilitaries. This is the Castaño” school. As a view of journalist Camilo Tamayo and sociolo- precautionary measure, he told Salvatore gist Teófilo Vásquez, who work for the Centre Mancuso in advance. But another paramilitary for Investigation and Popular Education, a chief, Diego “Don Berna” Fernando Murillo Bogotá-based organisation specialising in infor- Bejarano, one deeply involved in organised mation about political violence founded by crime and drug trafficking, regarded Valencia as Jesuits in the late 1960s. For them, the reappea- part of his territory. So he allegedly had Benítez rance of such groups as the Black Eagles last murdered outside his rival Mancuso’s finca. October and the many abuses associated with Under house arrest since 27 May 2005, “Don the demobilisation process have come as no Berna” is nowadays allowed to enjoy a comfor- surprise.

ess table retirement in exchange for his cooperation with the demobilisation process. Uribe gave himself a year to crush the FARC guerril- “Everyone knew who did what and why,” said a las when he became presi- journalist. “The public was the first to know. We dent in 2002, but the FARC had the information, with which our public was military structure remained perfectly familiar. But we had to wait two days intact and only one of their Alvaro Uribe until the national daily El Tiempo published it

wn on the pr chiefs, Simon Trinidad, was captured and extra- before we in turn could publish. That way, we dited because of his drug- protect ourselves from threats. But just imagine, trafficking links, they said. we are in a situation in which the public already The failure of the fight knows what we dare not broadcast or publish.” oop do against the FARC is one of the reasons why there has The correspondent of a daily newspaper based not been more demobilisa- in a different region put it like this: “There is no tion. When the AUCs leave, need for internal censorship. The external threat Raúl Reyes, FARC the guerrillas move back in. is fully applied. The ‘paracos’ always begin by The other reason, they said, is that the govern- threatening people close to the journalist, to ment completely ignored paramilitary involve- deter them from going to far with an investiga- ment in drug trafficking. As a result, demobilisa- tion. As I want to avoid using anonymous sour- tion split the former AUC into two camps, the ces, I rely on official statements. The other solu- pro-narcos and the rest. And unfortunately, it

es” poised to sw tion, when a story really takes off, is to send in a was the former, including such people as “Don journalist from headquarters to protect the local Berna”, who gained the upper hand. correspondent. This is what the national press have long been doing.” This explains the significant presence of revived paramilitary groups such as the “Black Eagles” Although some former AUC members have star- in the “drug trafficking triangle” – the depart- ted to trust him, this journalists fears that things ments of Nariño and Valle del Cauca, where 60 could get even tougher for the local press in the per cent of Colombian cocaine is produced, and coming months. “Nothing of substance has the cocaine exporting centres of the Caribbean been envisaged for reintegrating the paramilita- coast departments and those bordering ries into society. In December, the paramilitaries Venezuela. will cease to be paid governmental aid [8 million ombia : pesos or about 3,000 euros] in return for their Liberal Party senator Juan Manuel Galán, the amilitary “black eagl demobilisation. What will happen after that?” son of the politician assassinated in 1989, is ar Col P

5 equally severe in his assessment of demobilisa- “The constitutional court ruled last September tion, saying Colombian history is repeating that these hearings should be public, as they itself. “The demobilisation process ignored the would help people to understand all the aspects central issue of drug trafficking, whose exports of the paramilitary phenomenon and the scale of have never been so high,” Galán said. “It also its human toll, and - who knows - to begin a fostered impunity with the Justice and Peace process of reconciliation,” a Medellín journalist law, which envisages only five to eight years in said. “But the paramilitaries filed a petition prison for the most serious crimes. Some drug against this ruling and the prosecutor’s office is traffickers have even claimed to be paramilita- denying us access to it. The judges also cite ries in order to take advantage of this leniency. ‘reserva sumarial’ – the ability under Colombian As for narco-trafficking paramilitaries like “Don criminal law to refuse to give out information Berna”, the authorities made direct use of them about an ongoing judicial procedure – to keep to pacify cities such as Medellín and get rid of the hearings under wraps. At the same time, the Pablo Escobar’s cartel. This is how the parami- paramilitaries are not brought together with their litary chiefs manage to avoid being extradited victims at these hearings. The victims are instal- by the government. Now the demobilised para- led in separate room and have to follow the pro- militaries can implicate a government that made ceedings on a video monitor. This is also a way allowances for them or relied on them. Officials of preventing the victims from talking to much.

ess and paramilitaries are bound by an ability to And they are banned from taking notes or blackmail each other.” making recordings.”

CINEP’s staff said they understand “why the Several “paisa” (Antioquian) journalists said just United States, unhappy with the results of one photographer and one cameraman are allo- efforts to combat drug trafficking, kept its dis- wed into the building when the hearing beings. tance from the demobilisation process.” And “The judges take their seats and the hearing’s why the new Democratic majority in the US participants arrive at 8:30 am,” a broadcast wn on the pr congress is now blocking funding for the journalist told Reporters Without Borders. “The Colombian army’s fight against drug trafficking. cameraman and the photographer than have three quarters of an hour to film and take pho- tos for all their colleagues. They are made to oop do No access to judicial leave at 9:15 am.”

information As they are so effectively sealed off, information about the hearings is hard to verify. “We are Long known for its cartel, Medellín is the coun- reduced to becoming rumour mongers,” ano- try’s second largest city and the capital of ther regional journalist complained. “We could Antioquia department. It is currently the setting not, for example, confirm a leak about the invol- of another of demobilisation’s failures, its judi- vement of a general and the DAS [the intelli- cial component, and the media are among gence agency] in senator Luis Carlos Galán’s

es” poised to sw those paying the price. Around 30 per cent of murder. Similarly, we had to hastily put out a former AUC members are located in this depart- correction about an unconfirmed report on the ment. The regional media, such as the daily El role of a paramilitary chief nicknamed ‘Macao’ Colombiano and the TV station Teleantioquia, in the murder of José Emeterio Rivas.” A journa- find it very hard to provide regular coverage of list with radio Calor Estéreo, Rivas was murde- the armed conflict and related aspects, red on 5 April 2004, shortly after criticising although the situation is not quite as bad as it is contacts between paramilitaries and municipal in Montería thanks to a significant national officials in the northeastern city of media presence in Medellín. At stake is the Barrancabermeja. security of its approximately 400 reporters, pho- tographers and cameramen. Print media repor- The way local journalists portrayed the situation ters leave their bylines off their articles. But also did not entirely match the description given by ombia : at issue is the physical inability to attend the Alvaro Sierra, the editor of the daily El Tiempo’s amilitary “black eagl judicial hearings - for want of trials - held for opinion pages, a veteran specialist in coverage ar demobilised paramilitaries. of the armed conflict. “You cannot say there is Col P

6 no access to the paramilitary hearings,” he said. ween the paramilitaries and the government and “Information discreetly circulates between jud- Uribe family have led to a distinct cooling in the ges and the media. But it is true that we are tal- already fraught relations between the media and king about the national media. Working for El the president. Three days after the publication Tiempo or one of the two leading rival commer- of an article on the subject, Uribe refused on 26 cial TV stations, Radio Caracol and RCN, in April to invite the print media to meet with him itself offers protection. The ‘reserva sumarial’ at the Case de Nariño (his official residence). cited by the judges in practice concerns the regional media much more than the national More seriously, journalists often complain of a media.” “lack of editorial pluralism” in the leading media and their “manipulation by the authorities.” Hollman Morris, a specialist in the armed Media under attack for conflict and the producer of the programme criticising government “Contravía” on the state-owned Canal Uno TV station, said: “Before Uribe became president, media that criticised the government were not The creation of a National Federation of attacked the way they are now.” Colombian Journalists on 3 May, bringing toge- ther 1,000 journalists from 24 regional organisa-

ess Morris and fellow journalists Carlos Lozano of tions, will doubtlessly not suffice to patch up the the communist weekly Voz deep divisions in the country’s press – divisions and Daniel Coronell, the that are ideological as well as professional and head of the Noticias Uno territorial. Elected on a security platform in 2002 news and current affairs and reelected in May 2006 without having to production company (who submit to a run-off, President Uribe has long is now in exile) have all enjoyed broad support thanks to a fall in crime been in the president’s wn on the pr rates. “The number of murders in Antioquia fell sights. They have also Hollman Morris from 9,000 in 2001 to 3,000 in 2006,” said received threats believed departmental governor Aníbal Gaviria Correa – to have come from military intelligence officials. whose brother was murdered by the FARC – at Morris was described as a “FARC spokesman” oop do the closing of the World Press Freedom Day in a video circulated in late ceremonies on 4 May. 2005 by a mysterious para- military offshoot called the Medellín is one of the few cities to offer demo- Social Front for Peace. He bilised paramilitaries support and retraining pro- was also one of the people grammes. Press freedom is one of the benefi- whose phones were ille- ciaries of this, said Vice-President Francisco gally tapped for two years Santos Calderón, who was also at Medellín. by the Directorate for Carlos Lozano “Until 2002, an average of 12 Colombian journa- Police Intelligence (Dipol)

es” poised to sw lists were being killed each year, as against two in a major scandal revealed by no less a person in 2006 and none since the start of 2007,” that defence minister Juan Santos said. “It was the restoration of law and Manuel Santos on 13 May. order that reduced this grim toll, even if illegal armed groups still pose the biggest threat to A journalist at Noticias Uno, journalists,” he added. whose programmes are carried by Canal Uno, Not everyone was convinced, especially some condemned “the silence of

of the journalists present. “One can concede Daniel Coronell the authorities about these that everyday security has improved but not to scandals, starting with the the point of ending the armed conflict, which is ‘para-political’ scandal, which after all resulted what the government would sometimes have at the end of last year in the arrests of 13 natio- ombia : you believe,” said a journalist working for the nal parliamentarians and 22 local parliamenta- amilitary “black eagl national press. Press coverage of opposition rians, the resignation of two ministers and the ar senator Gustavo Petro’s allegations of links bet- DAS deputy director, and the initiation of judicial Col P

7 proceedings against the governors of five give what he saw as evidence of independence [Caribbean coast] departments, all of them when he spoke to Reporters Without Borders. Uribe supporters.” “When the president speaks, we check that he did not say the opposite last year. We have not even had an exclusive interview with him since Are leading media groups too his reelection. We refuse to let the security for- closely allied with ces accompany us when we are doing reports in government? the provinces, and politicians and judges put a lot of pressure on us when we do corruption stories.” A total of 35 privately-owned broadcast compa- nies with frequencies granted by the state went Called “Paracol” by its detractors, Caracol bankrupt between 1998 and 2001, Reporters employs 70 journalists at its Bogotá headquar- Without Borders was told by Noticias Uno direc- ters and 32 regional correspondents. It reports tor Jaime Honorio González. “This situation having the same problems as other news media resulted in a complete overhaul of Colombian when trying to cover the paramilitaries. “It is vir- television and a reduction in broadcast time tually impossible to establish contact with the reserved for news,’ he said. “Two major com- paramilitaries,” said Patiño.“They put out wha- mercial TV stations today have 80 per cent of

ess tever information they like, information that is the viewers, while Canal Uno has what is left. unverifiable and never confirmed by the judicial The possibility of covering sensitive news or police authorities.” Patiño claimed to pursue topics, not to speak of ones seriously critical of “socially aware” editorial policies. “It is a matter the authorities, is reduced to the minimum.” A of principle for us that we don’t interview parti- colleague added: “Alvaro Uribe built his career cipants in the armed conflict if they are not see- with the support of the paramilitaries when he king peace with the government. We could was governor of Antioquia and mayor of interview a demobilised AUC paramilitary or a wn on the pr Medellín. He hates it when the media remind guerrilla from the National Liberation Army (ELN) him of it now, but he also has ties with the com- if they are currently in peace talks with the munication sector. In the days when he was a authorities. It is also all right to interview the locally elected official, he managed the FARC if they are releasing a hostage, but not if oop do Comunica S.A. group and wrote columns in El they just want to make pro- Colombiano.” paganda.”

Accusations of pro-government attitudes, kow- Installed in a virtual fortress towing and nepotism are not appreciated at the in Bogotá since a FARC leading privately-owned media. “Everyone rocket attack in 2002, RCN knows that the El Tiempo newspaper is jointly employs about 100 journa- Nicolas Rodríguez run by two cousins, Rafael and Enrique Santos,” Bautista, ELN lists, half of them at its said Alvaro Sierra of El Tiempo. “Everyone also headquarters, and devotes knows that the former is the vice-president’s es” poised to sw about 35 per cent of its programming to news. brother and the latter is the defence minister’s Executive producer Jorge Medina Moreno said: brother. There may be a conflict of interest, but “Each edition has a large degree of autonomy it is false to say that the newspaper is control- and we prefer to develop ‘lighter’ news, on led.” Another El Tiempo journalist nonetheless health or education for example, in the morning recognised the existence of “embarrassment at or at midday. The more political subjects are reporting certain delicate information.” grouped together in the evening editions.”

Charges of being “Uribista” are also rejected by Coverage of the armed conflict is more a matter staff at the two leading radio and TV broadcas- of constraints and obstacles for RCN, rather ters, Caracol (owned by the Santo Domingo hol- than choices. “On the one hand, the TV format ding company) and RCN (owned by the Ardilla leaves little time and money for the thorough ombia : Lulle industrial group, which also owns the air- investigation required by subjects such as amilitary “black eagl line Avianca). Caracol TV joint news director demobilisation of the AUC or negotiations with

ar Darío Fernando Patiño went out of his way to the ELN, in which the office of the president is Col P

8 almost obligatory as a source,” Medina said. protection... which is not always reliable. The “We did not get authorisation to attend the work of press freedom organisations such as paramilitary hearings. But we were the only FLIP or Medios para la Paz, which specialises in ones to cover the negotiations in Cuba between training, has been complicated by demobilisa- the ELN and the government. Then, the tion. Paramilitary organisation calling itself the constant threat to our regional correspondents “Social Front for Peace” threatened 28 NGOs - forces us to ‘make life simpler.’ Violent crime including these two - several times in the does not allow real press freedom. Three of our second half of last year. journalists have had to go into exile in recent years because of the risks and our director, The national police has a Human Rights Group Alvaro García, and one of our women journalists (GRUDH) with 64 offices throughout the country are currently getting special protection.” including ones in Medellín and Cali and a central one in Bogotá. Around 60 threats are reported In Medina’s view, the current threats to RCN to the GRUDH each week, but few involve jour- come more from non-political criminals and nalists. Its leadership acknowledges that its appear to be linked to the twice-weekly pro- investigative resources are limited. So far, five gramme “Caza Noticias” (Chasing the News), in Colombian journalists are benefiting from an which viewers can report crimes on the air for Organisation of American States protection pro-

ess three minutes. Because of its unprecedented gramme in which it is the GRUDH’s job to ratings, the RCN management is planning to ensure good implementation “in accordance give it a daily slot. with the risk estimate.” Under the programme, the police have to know the threatened indivi- dual’s location at all times and include that loca- All protection for journalists is tion in their regular rounds. Three of the journa- not equal lists are in Norte de Santander department, one is in the far-north department of César and one wn on the pr is in Bogotá. An interior and justice ministry The leading news organisations can afford the vehicle has also been lent to a journalist in the services of costly private security companies eastern department of Arauca. but the rest have only the rather unreliable state

oop do authorities to turn to. Provincial journalists often But not everyone can afford to go into internal have no choice but to flee to the capital after exile either. The representative of an organisa- being threatened or attacked by armed groups tion that supports community news media offe- or ruthless local officials. Some of them were red this ironic comment: “For the small media, brought together for a meeting with Reporters above all the community media [of which there Without Borders by the Bogotá-based are about 700 legalised ones in Colombia], the Foundation for Press Freedom (FLIP), a choice is between exposing oneself to danger Reporters Without Borders partner organisation. or letting oneself be controlled by the armed They were from Antioquia, Norte de Santander groups. In the latter case, at least protection is (in the northeast), Tolima (in the centre), Huila (in

es” poised to sw guaranteed.” the southwest) and from the Atlantic coast. Their only offence was to have reported on the human rights situation or the armed conflict in Recommendations their region. The paramilitaries tried to kill one. Another was the target of FARC reprisals. A fall in the crime rate in Colombia has on the Others were followed by the DAS or, worse still, whole contributed to a reduction in the number investigated by the DAS in complicity with of journalists being murdered each year there. “demobilised” AUC members. But Reporters Without Borders continues to be worried by the situation of press freedom and They describe themselves as “paralysed” and free expression. Firstly, the fall in the number of condemned to an underground existence. They journalists being murdered is also due to the ombia : do not dare make themselves not known for fact that many of those working for local media

amilitary “black eagl lack of confidence in the authorities. But they opt for internal self-exile as soon as they start

ar know they cannot resurface unless they accept getting threats. Secondly, the principal source Col P

9 of these threats and attacks on the press conti- only protect journalists but also investigate the nues to be the armed groups, above all the source of the threats against them. paramilitaries, whose demobilisation has not - the media should provide more coverage of resulted in their disarmament and their reinte- violations of press freedom and free expres- gration into civilian life. Thirdly, the inequalities sion in Colombia. between the national and local media have increased as regards not only their capacity to - the press should be granted unrestricted cover the armed conflict but also their access to access to the hearings involving paramilita- public information. Finally, journalists in danger ries, as their public nature was established by do not get equal protection. the constitutional court in September 2006.

Reporters Without Borders therefore recom- - the leading media should help to reinforce mends that: the structures that are created to represent and defend journalists, such as the National - the process of demobilisation of armed groups Federation of Colombian Journalists, which should be extended in such way that they are was created on 3 May. properly disarmed and their members are rein- tegrated into society. - every effort should be made to shed light on

ess the scandal of the illegal tapping of the phones - in line with the Inter-American Commission of opposition journalists and others that was of Human Rights, the national police Human revealed by the defence minister on 13 May Rights Group should be given adequate and, if necessary, the composition and duties of resources and personnel so that it can not the intelligence services should be overhauled. wn on the pr oop do es” poised to sw ombia : amilitary “black eagl ar Col P

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