Ignác Goldziher's Report on the Books Brought from the Orient for The
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Lexemes Mean God in Al-Qur'an
Available at: http://dx.doi.org/10.21111/lisanudhad.v5i2.2602 دورﻳﺔ اﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻬﺎ وآداﺑﻬﺎ LEXEMES MEAN GOD IN AL-QUR’AN AND ARABIC GOSPEL: SEMANTIC ANALYSIS Yuangga Kurnia Yahya University of Darussalam Gontor [email protected] Abstract This research aimed to understanding the concept of divinity in Arabic culture through lexemes mean God which are used in al-Qur’an dan Arabic Gospel. Lexeme is the smallest unit of meaning that formed word. From lexem, words, phrases, clauses, and discourses are formed according Arabic’s concept of divinity. Formal objects of this research are the lexemes mean God in al-Qur’an and Arabic Gospels. All of data derived from al-Qur’an and the Four Gospels in New Testament. This research applied semantic approach, especially which talks about form and meaning, Brown-Yule’ s text and co-text, and Sapir-Whorf Hypothesa in relation between culture and language. The method used in this research is distributional method which is the lexeme and word as the deciding device. This research is a qualitative research caused of nature of the data that found and the data collection of this research purely based on library research. The process of this research passed three stages, data provision, data analysis with semantic approach, and the presentation of analysis result. The result of this research indicates that lexeme Allāh that means God has been known by Arabic people before the birth of Islam and Christian. This lexeme means the name of the highest God in Arabic’s polytheism and estimated that it used since Fifth century BC. -
The Importance of Being Islamic
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Six Questions about Islam Six Questions about Islam Islām, submission, total surrender (to God) maṣdar [verbal noun] of the IVth form of the root S L M. The “one who sub- mits to God” is the Muslim. —Encyclopaedia of Islam1 After their Prophet, the people disagreed about many things; some of them led others astray, while some dissociated them- selves from others.Thus, they became distinct groups and dis- parate parties—except that Islam gathers them together and encompasses them all. —Abū al- Ḥasan al- Ashʿarī (874–936 A.D.)2 I am seeking to say the word “Islam” in a manner that expresses the his- torical and human phenomenon that is Islam in its plenitude and complexity of meaning. In conceptualizing Islam as a human and historical phenome- non, I am precisely not seeking to tell the reader what Islam is as a matter of Divine Command, and thus am not seeking to prescribe how Islam should be followed as the means to existential salvation. Rather, I seek to tell the reader what Islam has actually been as a matter of human fact in history, and thus am suggesting how Islam should be conceptualized as a means to a more meaningful understanding both of Islam in the human experience, 1 L. Gardet, “Islām i. Definition and Theories of Meaning,” in E. van Donzel, B. Lewis, and Ch. -
The Divine Names in Ibnʿarabī's Theory of the Oneness Of
The American University in Cairo School of Humanities and Social Sciences THE DIVINE NAMES IN IBNʿARABĪ’S THEORY OF THE ONENESS OF EXISTENCE A Thesis Submitted to The Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations For the Degree of Master of Arts By MAKOTO SAWAI Under the Supervision of Dr. Saiyad Nizamuddin Ahmad September/2014 The American University in Cairo THE DIVINE NAMES IN IBNʿARABĪ’S THEORY OF THE ONENESS OF EXISTENCE A Thesis Submitted by MAKOTO SAWAI To the Department September/2014 In partial fulfillment of the requirements for The degree of Master of Arts Has been approved by Dr. Saiyad Nizamuddin Ahmad Thesis Committee Advisor____________________________________________ Affiliation: Assistant Professor, The Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations, American University in Cairo Dr. Adam Talib Thesis Committee Reader____________________________________________ Affiliation: Assistant Professor, The Department of Arab and Islamic Civilizations, American University in Cairo Dr. ʿAbd al-Rahman Salem Thesis Committee Reader____________________________________________ Affiliation: Associate Professor, The Department of Islamic History, Cairo University __________________ __________ __________________ ____________ Dept. Chair Date Dean of HUSS Date Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................................... iii NOTES ON TRANSLITERATION ....................................................................................................... iv INTRODUCTION -
Jesus in the Muslim and Christian Mystical Traditions: Ibn ʿarabi and Meister Eckhart
Jesus in the Muslim and Christian Mystical Traditions: Ibn ʿArabi and Meister Eckhart Robert J. Dobie The writings of the great mystical thinkers have become a common starting point for interreligious dialogue, no less so in Muslim-Christian dialogue. This is due to the reputation of mystical writers for pushing the doctrinal limits of their own religious traditions and of therefore ‘going beyond’ them.1 There is certainly something valid in this reputation, as can be exemplified by the great Andalusian Sufi Muhyaddin Ibn ʿArabi (1165–1240), who writes in his collection of erotic-mystical poetry, the Tarjiman al-Ashwaq or “The Interpreter of Desires:” O Marvel! a garden amidst the flames My heart has become capable of every form: It is a pasture for gazelles and a convent for Christian monks, And a temple for idols and the pilgrim’s Kaʾaba, And the tables of the Torah and the book of the Qurʾan. I follow the religion of Love: whatever way Love’s camels take, That is my religion and my faith.2 Opened by ecstatic love, the heart of the Sufi is described as a receptacle for all that leads to God. What is more, for Ibn ʿArabi, as for many Sufis, Jesus is the model for such radical receptivity and love. Ergo, a natural place to look for convergence and commonality between Christians and Muslims would be to look at the meaning of Jesus in speculative Sufism, of which the thought of Ibn ʿArabi is probably the best example. 1 For a good discussion of ways in which this often has happened, even (or especially) in the Middle Ages, see James Heft, S. -
Meliha Teparić Islamic Calligraphy and Visions
Meliha Teparić Islamic Calligraphy and Visions UDK: 7.033.3 Meliha Teparić, 231.74 International University of Sarajevo [email protected] The visionary aspect of Islamic calligraphic art has most directly affected its formation, as well as the aesthetics itself. This art was often attributed a mystical dimension, as it was strictly under the influence of spirituality, the Divine message and the in- tensity of that message, and later through Sufism, it was immersed in deep symbolism too. Respecting holy people was one of the most important characteristics of Sufism, which reflected directly onto the art, to which they were prone, especially the Mawlawi and Bektashi Sufi orders. Sufis or mystics, as they are known in the West, were committed to cultivating this tradition of transmitting knowledge, so that many of them practiced rituals in calligraphic art. Many authors stress a charac- teristic Sufi meditation of “invoking God’s names“ (dhikr) as one of the important factors for reaching aesthetics, i.e. ability to ‘see’ its inner beauty and finally realise it. It is a little surprising that many eminent calligraphic artists were themselves Sufi teachers-mystics or their followers, disciples, who had set artistic standards that became canonical. Thus, characteristic calligraphic works were created, with unusual compositions and visual content, which became specific to Sufi calligraphic art. In this paper my aim is to present the calligraphic compositions, which possess some enigmatic quality, symbolism. It is believed that letters have a magical character, through the characteristic forms of the letters themselves, their separate meaning and symbolism, as well as their numeric value. -
ARE the PARENTS of the PROPHET in HELL? TRACING the HISTORY of a DEBATE in SUNNĪ ISLAM Patrick Franke
ARE THE PARENTS OF THE PROPHET IN HELL? TRACING THE HISTORY OF A DEBATE IN SUNNĪ ISLAM Patrick Franke Against the backdrop of Christian devotion to Mary and Joseph, it is as- tonishing how little value Muslims attach to the parents of the founder of their religion. Whereas in Christianity the parents of Jesus have been elevated to saintly figures with several localities and times dedicated to their veneration, Muslims seem to be indifferent towards the parents of Muḥammad. Compared with the strong reverence Mary and Joseph en- joy among the Christians of many denominations, the religious posi- tion of Muhammad’s parents Āmina and ʿAbdallāh is surprisingly low. The Islamic calendar does not know special days reserved for their ven- eration, and Islamic tradition has not assigned any special religious title to them, expressing their high rank among Muslims. The contrast between Christianity and Islam concerning the parents of their founder figures diminishes if we consider the statements of Je- sus himself. Jesus seems to have had a much more distanced stance to- wards his mother, at least if we take the statements transmitted from him as a basis. For instance, he does not address Mary as his mother, but simply as „woman” as in John 2:4 “Woman, what have I to do with thee?” And in Mark 3:31-35 he utters that his true mother is not his bio- logical mother but rather those who “do God’s will”. In Luke 11:27 Jesus rejects the beatification of Mary on grounds of her being his mother and states that rather those, who hear the word of God and obey it, should be blessed. -
Sufi Words, Biographies of Humanity
Plunging into the wave’s ebb: Sufi words, biographies of humanity by Elena Biagi Every culture develops within its own distinctive framework, in which discourses on identity are differently modulated and shared: ideas and modes of thought are the locus of cultural projections, laden with a specific historical and social heritage. However, these frameworks should ideally be elastic enough to allow for the exchange and spread of those specific and universal values which form the foundation of successful multicultural societies. This paper aims at highlighting the connection between Sufism, the generally accepted name for Islamic mysticism (Schimmel 1975), and the concept of identity, looking at how the latter relates to the Islamic spiritual tradition as handed down in the works of some representative medieval Sufis. Furthermore, whilst dealing with issues ranging from the use of language to themes of love and knowledge, this work intends to emphasize the role of the spiritual dimension in forming the base for those universal values which are at the core of multicultural societies. The process of acquiring personal inward awareness can be seen as an important step towards improving intrapersonal relationships while spurring an active participation in social life. ‘Sufism’ comes from the Arabic word ṣūfī, which was applied to the early Muslim ascetics, as they used to wear cloaks of wool (ṣūf). Although some scholars have traced Saggi/Ensayos/Essais/Essays 161 N. 16 – 11/2016 the pre-Islamic roots of Sufism back to the early Christian mystics of Syria and Egypt (Hodgson 1958), Sufism developed mainly within the tenets of Islamic faith and teachings, from its emergence in the seventh century as an ascetic movement till its later institutionalization into the devotional orders or ṭuruq in the early thirteenth century (Trimingham 1998). -
Gendering Asceticism in Medieval Sufism
Gendering Asceticism in Medieval Sufism by Sara Ahmed Abdel-Latif A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department for the Study of Religion University of Toronto © Copyright by Sara Ahmed Abdel-Latif 2020 Gendering Asceticism in Medieval Sufism Sara Ahmed Abdel-Latif Doctor of Philosophy Department for the Study of Religion University of Toronto 2020 Abstract Medieval Sufis reoriented the practice of Islamic mysticism away from asceticism and towards a structured program of inner cultivation under the guidance of elite male teachers. This dissertation argues that this inward turn represents a key historical moment in which Sufi identity was deliberately constructed upon idealized elite masculinity to combat rival groups in fifth/eleventh-century Nishapur. While previous scholars suggest medieval Sufism arose out of the Baghdadi context, an examination of the writings of two influential Nishapuri authors, Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī (d. 412/1021) and Abū al- Qāsim al-Qushayrī (d. 465/1074), reveals sociopolitical conflicts unique to Nishapur that provoked the formation of an urban institutionalized Sufism that excluded all but the male elite. The gendered consequences of this institutionalization is explored through the legacy of al-Sulamī and al-Qushayrī and the reproduction of their gendered discourse in the writings of Abū Ḥāmid Muḥammad al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111) and Abū al-Faraj b. al-Jawzī (d. 597/1200). Through a gender-sensitive critical re-reading of asceticism in historicizations of medieval Nishapur, I demonstrate the role of opposition to rival ascetic groups in the institutionalization and perpetuation of elite androcentric Sufism.