Plummeting US-Cuba Relations Destabilization Efforts Within Cuba
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Cuba: Issues for the 109Th Congress
Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Updated December 19, 2006 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL32730 Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Summary Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba under Fidel Castro has consisted largely of isolating the communist nation through comprehensive economic sanctions, which have been significantly tightened by the Bush Administration. Another component of U.S. policy has consisted of support measures for the Cuban people, including private humanitarian donations and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba. While there appears to be broad agreement on the overall objective of U.S. policy toward Cuba—to help bring democracy and respect for human rights to the island—there are several schools of thought on how to achieve that objective: some advocate maximum pressure on Cuba until reforms are enacted; others argue for lifting some U.S. sanctions judged to be hurting the Cuban people; and still others call for a swift normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations. Fidel Castro’s announcement in late July 2006 that he was temporarily ceding political power to his brother Raúl in order to recover from surgery has prompted some Members to call for re-examination of U.S. policy. In the 109th Congress, legislative initiatives included the approval of five human rights resolutions: H.Con.Res. 81, H.Res. 193, H.Res. 388, S.Res. 140, and S.Res. 469. P.L. 109-102 funded Cuba democracy projects in FY2006. Action on several FY2007 appropriations measures were not completed, so action will need to be completed in 2007: House-passed H.R. -
Cuba: Issues for the 109Th Congress
Order Code RL32730 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Updated June 23, 2006 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Cuba: Issues for the 109th Congress Summary Cuba under Fidel Castro remains a hard-line communist state with a poor record on human rights — a record that has worsened since 2003. Since the early 1960s, U.S. policy toward Cuba has consisted largely of isolating the island nation through comprehensive economic sanctions. Another component of U.S. policy consists of support measures for the Cuban people, including private humanitarian donations and U.S.-sponsored radio and television broadcasting to Cuba. The Bush Administration has further tightened restrictions on travel, remittances and private humanitarian assistance, and the payment process for U.S. agricultural exports to Cuba. While there appears to be broad agreement on the overall objective of U.S. policy toward Cuba — to help bring democracy and respect for human rights to the island — there are several schools of thought on how to achieve that objective. Some advocate maximum pressure on the Cuban government until reforms are enacted; others argue for lifting some U.S. sanctions that they believe are hurting the Cuban people. Still others call for a swift normalization of U.S.-Cuban relations. To date in the 109th Congress, legislative initiatives have included six human rights resolutions: House-passed H.Con.Res. 81, H.Res. 193, and H.Res. 388; Senate- passed S.Res. -
ALA, IFLA, and Cuba
Al Kagan ALA, IFLA and Cuba Introduction The island of Cuba was inhabited by a number of indigenous peoples before the European age of conquest. The earliest archeological evidence dates to 3100 BC. Although some small communities remain, these cultures were largely destroyed by the colonizers. In 1492, Christopher Columbus landed in Cuba and claimed it for the Spanish Kingdom, and it remained a Spanish colony until Spain lost the Spanish-American War in 1898. The Treaty of Paris brought the war to a conclusion. The US gained control over Puerto Rico and Guam, and paid Spain $20 million for the Philippines. The US also took over Cuba and administered it until its formal independence in 1902. A 1901 amendment to 46 the US Army appropriations bill, known as the Platt Amendment, stipulated conditions for the withdrawal of US troops, stated that the US had the unilateral right to intervene in Cuban affairs, and established the right for the US to lease land for naval bases. The Platt Amendment was incorporated into the Cuban Constitution in 1901, and became part of the 1903 Cuban-American Treaty of Relations. The US Naval Base at Guantánamo Bay was established in 1898 and continues under this authority. The US then occupied Cuba again from 1906 to 1909, 1912, and 1917 to 1922 to quell various rebellions, including an attempt to form a separate black republic in Oriente Province in 1912. By the 1930s, formal intervention was no longer required to maintain US domination. Al Kagan is a long-time member of PLG and member of the Progressive Librarian Editorial Committee. -
THE UNITED STATES and CUBA: STRAINED ENGAGEMENT William M. Leogrande School of Public Affairs American University Washington, DC
THE UNITED STATES AND CUBA: STRAINED ENGAGEMENT William M. LeoGrande School of Public Affairs American University Washington, DC [email protected] Prepared for Presentation at the Latin American Studies Association 2004 Congress, Las Vegas, Nevada, October 7-9, 2004. ©All rights reserved. THE UNITED STATES AND CUBA: STRAINED ENGAGEMENT William M. LeoGrande School of Public Affairs Amerian University Washington, DC At each other’s throats for the past 45 years, Cuba and the United States remain, in the words of a former head of the American Interest Section in Havana, “the closest of enemies.” 1 Since 1898, with one exception, no relationship has been more important for Cuba than its relationship with the United States. From the Bay of Pigs to the fall of the Berlin Wall, Cuba’s partnership with the Moscow took Washington’s place. But when the Cold War ended, so too did the geographically implausible triangular relationship between Cuba and the two superpowers, leaving Cuba alone once again to confront what José Martí called the “turbulent and brutal North.” 2 Since George W. Bush became president, the Cuban and U.S. governments have not had much direct interaction, other than trading invective. Like hostile next-door neighbors who have built a tall fence between their properties, they rarely see one another, but delight in hurling insults back and forth. This is hardly a new development. Although Presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter sought to normalize relations with Cuba in the 1970s, their efforts faltered over Cuba’s support for liberation struggles in Africa. No U.S. -
Miami, Florida 10 November 2016
U.S.-Cuba Trade and Economic Council, Inc. New York, New York Telephone (917) 453-6726 • E-mail: [email protected] Internet: http://www.cubatrade.org • Twitter: @CubaCouncil Facebook: www.facebook.com/uscubatradeandeconomiccouncil LinkedIn: www.linkedin.com/company/u-s--cuba-trade-and-economic-council-inc- The Real Deal New York, New York 12 November 2016 Will Trump reverse thawing US business relations with Cuba? U.S. companies interested in Cuba have until Jan. 20 to seek regulatory changes and individual licenses By Doreen Hemlock The Four Points by Sheraton in Havana and Donald Trump UPDATED Nov. 12, 10:40 a.m.: President Barack Obama’s two-year push to thaw relations with Cuba has spurred interest in U.S. real estate deals on the island and even the launch of a Four Points by Sheraton hotel in Havana this June. But Tuesday’s victory by President-elect Donald Trump could throw a chill on budding ties with the communist-led nation, analysts warn. During the campaign, Trump pledged to reverse Obama’s executive orders that warmed relations unless Cuba agrees to “restore” political freedoms on the island – a move considered unlikely by Raul Castro’s administration. Yet many executives active in U.S.-Cuba business see room for a President Trump to moderate his stance for two key reasons: The billionaire real estate developer had earlier backed détente with the island, and closer ties help U.S. business and jobs. What’s more, those Cuban-American hardliners pushing to reverse Obama’s thaw did not bring out the Cuban-American electorate for Trump in Florida. -
George W. Bush and Cuba's Bioweapons, 2001-2004
. BETWEEN COLD WAR AND WAR ON TERROR: GEORGE W. BUSH AND CUBA’S BIOWEAPONS, 2001-2004 Alessandro Badella UNIVERSITY OF GENOA Abstract After the 9\11 terrorist attacks, U.S. foreign policy changed dramatically due to the “War on Terror” campaign and the “Bush doctrine.” In this new framework, the invasion of Iraq became the most striking application of this new paradigm. On the contrary, however, U.S. relations with Cuba remained focused on a Cold War approach, mainly based on isolation and external pressure for regime change. Moreover, U.S. accusation over Cuban bioweapons was similar to the premises for the invasion of Iraq, the “Bush doctrine” never completely entered relations with the Caribbean island, which were characterized by a prosecution of a long dated policy without any consistent evolution. U.S. policy towards Cuba never adhered to the “Iraqi scenario.” Resumen A partir de los ataques terroristas del 11/9, La política de Estados Unidos cambio dramáticamente debido a la campaña denominada “Guerra contra el terrorismo” y a la “Doctrina Bush.” La invasión a Iraq fue la aplicación más evidente de este Nuevo paradigma en este nuevo marco. Por el contrario las relaciones Estados Unidos Cubase mantuvieron con un enfoque de Guerra Fría que se basó en el aislamiento y la presión externa para lograr un cambio de régimen en la Isla. Además, la acusación de que Cuba poseía armas biológicas a la premisa de la invasión a Iraq, la “Doctrina Bush” nunca se aplicó completamente a las relaciones con la isla caribeña, la política hacia Cuba prosiguió sobre las bases iniciales sin ninguna evolución consistente. -
INDEPENDENT from WHAT? Néstor Baguer Sánchez Galarraga 153
INDEPENDENT FROM WHAT? néstor baguer sánchez galarraga 153 The Dean is writing a book. He asks us to hasten the interview, for he has written a mere 50 pages and, at his age, has very little time to spare. In August he will turn 82 and hopes to tell, in his own words, everything he experienced within the world of Cu- ban “political dissidence”, a world he got to know as well as the palm of his hand, and of which he can doubt- less furnish us with astonishing an- ecdotes. Néstor Baguer Sánchez Gala- rraga, perhaps the oldest active agent of Cuba’s State Security, wants to avoid an introduction in an interview where time promises to fly. Here it goes, then, without much fur- ther ado. AGENT OCTAVIO Why did you choose the name of Octavio? I chose it after Octavio Sánchez Galarraga, an uncle of mine who would have loved doing that sort of work. What did your uncle do? Octavio Sánchez Galarraga was a lawyer; he defended people of modest means. Another renowned Sánchez Galarraga was my uncle Gustavo, who was a poet and a journalist, one of the few that stood up against Machado’s dictatorship. He gave a speech at 154 the Vedado Tennis Club (now the José Antonio Echevarría Social Club), speaking against Machado, on a December 31, and the dictator called my aunt María, the mother of the Galarraga family. “Listen, see what you can do with that boy, because Crespo — the thug — is after him, and I can’t always protect him.” There’s something interesting. -
Jorge Perez-Lopez
U.S.-CUBA RELATIONS IN 2007: TRADE, SECURITY, AND DIPLOMACY Dan Erikson and Kate Neeper1 In July 2006, Fidel Castro passed power to his logue with the Cuban government will be utilized in younger brother and defense minister Raúl Castro pursuit of those concerns. In his 2007 State of the and a team of other ministers on a provisional basis. Union Address, President George W. Bush declared Since then, the U.S.-Cuba relationship has been hov- that “We will continue to speak out for the cause of ering on the brink of the post-Fidel era. There is little freedom in places like Cuba, Belarus and Burma.” question that the tense and estranged relationship The U.S. embargo of Cuba has been accepted as an between the two countries is about to enter a new article of faith and is adamantly defended. U.S. Assis- phase. The unresolved question is whether the fu- tant Secretary of State for Latin America Tom Shan- ture of U.S.-Cuban relations will look much different non dismissed Raúl Castro’s offers to negotiate as from the present. “nothing new” and emphasized the view that “the road to stability in Cuba runs through a successful On December 2, Raúl Castro made a major speech at transition to democracy.” The U.S. is now focusing a celebration commemorating the 50th anniversary of on short term goals that would lead towards a politi- Cuba’s Revolutionary Armed Forces, where he de- cal transition, such as freeing political prisoners, the clared that “we take this opportunity once again to development of trade unions and political parties, state that we are willing to resolve at the negotiating and creating a pathway towards elections. -
Cuba: an Elusive Truth
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Journalism & Mass Communications: Student Journalism and Mass Communications, College Media of 2003 Cuba: An Elusive Truth Dakarai Aarons University of Nebraska - Lincoln Joe Duggan University of Nebraska - Lincoln Sarah Fox University of Nebraska - Lincoln Matthew Hansen University of Nebraska - Lincoln Melissa Lee University of Nebraska - Lincoln See next page for additional authors Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/journalismstudent Part of the Journalism Studies Commons Aarons, Dakarai; Duggan, Joe; Fox, Sarah; Hansen, Matthew; Lee, Melissa; Pekny, Shane; Pesek, Cara; Zeman, Jill; Hahn, Marilyn; Huddle, Catharine; Blackbird, Ken; Grieser, Lindsay; and Lueninghoener, Quentin, "Cuba: An Elusive Truth" (2003). Journalism & Mass Communications: Student Media. 22. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/journalismstudent/22 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journalism and Mass Communications, College of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journalism & Mass Communications: Student Media by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Authors Dakarai Aarons, Joe Duggan, Sarah Fox, Matthew Hansen, Melissa Lee, Shane Pekny, Cara Pesek, Jill Zeman, Marilyn Hahn, Catharine Huddle, Ken Blackbird, Lindsay Grieser, and Quentin Lueninghoener This article is available at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/ -
Cuba After Fidel: Economic Reform, Political Liberalization and Foreign Policy (2006–2014)
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2016 Cuba After Fidel: Economic Reform, Political Liberalization and Foreign Policy (2006–2014) Arturo Lopez-Levy University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Latin American Studies Commons Recommended Citation Lopez-Levy, Arturo, "Cuba After Fidel: Economic Reform, Political Liberalization and Foreign Policy (2006–2014)" (2016). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1212. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/1212 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. Cuba after Fidel: Economic Reforms, Political Liberalization and Foreign Policy. (2006 – 2014) A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy by Arturo Lopez-Levy August 2016 Advisor: Aaron Schneider ©Copyright by Arturo Lopez-Levy 2016 All Rights Reserved Author: Arturo Lopez-Levy Title: Cuba after Fidel: Economic Reforms, Political Liberalization and Foreign Policy (2006-2014) Advisor: Aaron Schneider. Degree Date: August 2016 Abstract This dissertation discussed Cuba’s processes of economic reform and political liberalization, and their impact on Cuba’s foreign policy’s adaptation to the post-Cold War. The first part of the dissertation explains economic reform and political liberalization from the perspective of partial reform equilibrium as a result of the Cuban Communist Party’s focus on domestic stability and international legitimacy. -
November 03 Newsletter
Cuba Trade & Investment News A service of NORTH AMERICAN PARTNERS, Tampa, FL, USA, a marketing management firm connecting business to new markets. Vol. VI, No. 3 March 2004 Embargo Updatet Economyt RUM CASE: FROM COURTS TO POLITICS POLITBURO PICKS NEW TOURISM BOSS In a ruling that moves a nearly decade-long battle from the Continuing a wave of change in the nation’s top economic courts back to the political arena, the U.S. Patent and team over the past 12 months, and following an industrywide Trademark Office’s Trademark Trial and Appeal Board (TTAB) purge in tourism companies, the Politburo of the Communist decided in favor of French liquor giant Party on Feb. 11 let go Tourism Minister Ibrahim Ferradaz Groupe Pernod Ricard SA’s rights to García, 54. Ferradaz, who had been in office since 1999, was the Havana Club rum trademark in replaced by Manuel Marrero Cruz, 40, an architect and most the United States. The Patent Office recently president of Grupo de Turismo Gaviota S.A. rejected a motion by Pernod rival Gaviota, which owns 15 percent of Cuba’s hotel rooms, is Bacardi-USA seeking to cancel the under the control of the label’s registration, and recognized armed forces; Marrero is the validity of its 1998 renewal by actually an army colonel. Havana Club Holdings, a joint venture by Pernod Richard and The government said Cuban rum producers. that Ferradaz would be However, the TTAB didn’t specify who owns the U.S. rights “assigned to other to the trademark. duties,” without saying Bacardi had based its motion on Section 211, a five-year what they are. -
The Current State of European Union-Spain- Cuba Relations
From Stubbornness and Mutual Irrelevance to Stillness and Vigil on Castro’s Crisis: The Current State of European Union-Spain- Cuba Relations Joaquín Roy Working Paper (WP) XX/200X 31/8/2006 Area: Latin America – WP 16/2006 August 2006 From Stubbornness and Mutual Irrelevance to Stillness and Vigil on Castro’s Crisis: The Current State of European Union-Spain-Cuba Relations1 Joaquín Roy * Summary: By mid-2006, for the first time in almost half a century, all actors and observers of the Cuban drama that has attracted the attention of a wide spectrum of the world’s public opinion were in agreement. All breathed a sort of a mix of expectation, calm, anguish, and hope in front of the moderately imminent biological ending of at least the current political leadership. What it was less clear then and it is less clear now, of course, is the doubt consisting in deciphering if this chapter of the recent history of Cuba will also represent a drastic change of regimeXXXXX Introduction2 By mid-2006, for the first time in almost half a century, all actors and observers of the Cuban drama that has attracted the attention of a wide spectrum of the world’s public opinion were in agreement. All breathed a sort of a mix of expectation, calm, anguish, and hope in front of the moderately imminent biological (as the term is customarily used in Cuba) ending of at least the current political leadership. What was not actually expected * Jean Monnet Professor and Director of the European Center at the University of Miami, Visiting Professor at the University of Barcelona during the first semester of 2006 and author –among other books on Cuba– of ‘Cuba, the United States and the Helms-Burton Doctrine: International Reactions’, published by the University Press of Florida in 2000 1 Originally published in the Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series, vol.