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Reconsidering Indentured Servitude: European Migration and the Early American Labor Force, 1600-1775

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Reconsidering Indentured Servitude: European Migration and the Early American Labor Force, 1600-1775 LaborHistory, Vol. 42, No. 1, 2001 ReconsideringIndentured Servitude: European Migrationand the Early AmericanLabor Force,1600± 1775 CHRISTOPHERTOMLINS* In theliterature ofearly American history, transatlantic EuropeanmigrationÐ andmore speci®cally therecruitment and deployment of European laborÐ is overwhelmingly identi®ed with thephenomenon of indenturedservitude. 1 Indenturedservitude was ª an important early solutionto the labor problem in many parts ofEnglish America,ºand wasª widely adopted,ºbecoming ªacentral institutionin theeconomy and society of many parts ofcolonial British America.ºIn theSouthern colonies it furnishedª thebulk oflabor until slavery began topredominate.º 2 This essayoffers new estimates, and an intensivesynthesis of existing estimates,of theoverall numbersand demographic characteristics ofindentured servants landing in thethree main regions ofreception of 17th- and18th-century English andother Europeanmigration tothe North American mainland (NewEngland, the Chesapeake, andthe Delaware Valley). The essayuses decade-by-decade measures of migration, numerical proportion ofservants in migrant population, andmortality andcontract length estimates,to chart therelative contributionof white servitude to early American labor forcecomposition. It also distinguishesamong regional culturesof work and social-economicconditions on both sidesof the Atlantic in explaining propensity to *Christopher Tomlins wishesto thank Douglas Deal and Farley Grubb fortheir comments on an earlier draftof this essay, and CaroleShammas and KevinKelly for permission to citetheir unpublished work. 1Aaron Fogleman provides the most recentgeneral statement of the theme: ªFor the ®rsttwo centuries ofthe history ofBritish North America, oneword best characterizes the status ofthe vast majority of immigrantsÐ servitude.ºAaron S.Fogleman, ªFrom Slaves, Convicts and Servants to FreePassengers: TheTransformation ofImmigration in the Eraof the AmericanRevolution,º Journal ofAmerican History , 85(1998), 43.Fogleman’ sinterpretiveemphasis on the linkageof servitude to immigration accurately re¯ects social reality, forthere is littleevidence that servitude per se had any signi®cant incidence as a condition ofworking life among the non-Africannative-born. As weshall see,forms of bound labor did existamong native-born whitesÐapprenticeship, pauper servitude,debt servitude,compensatory servitudeby those convictedof crimesÐ but apart fromapprenticeship formal binding was quite incidental in creolework relations. See,for example, FarleyW. Grubb, ªImmigration and Servitudein the Colony and Commonwealth ofPennsylvania: AQuantitative and EconomicAnalysisº (unpublished PhD dissertation, Universityof Chicago, 1984),163± 165. Socially, culturallyand legally, indenturedservitude was identi®ed with immigration. 2David W.Galenson,ª TheSettlement and Growthof the Colonies: Population, Labor and Economic Development,ºin Stanley L.Engermanand Robert E.Gallman, eds., The CambridgeEconomic History ofthe United States (NewYork, 1996),I, 158;ª TheRise and Fall ofIndentured Servitude in the Americas: An EconomicAnalysis,º Journal ofEconomic History ,44(1984), 1.JacquelineJones, American Work:Four Centuries ofBlack andWhite Labor (NewYork, 1998),31. See generally P.C. Emmer, ed., Colonialism and Migration: Indentured Laborbefore and after Slavery (Dordrecht,1986). ISSN0023-656X print/ ISSN1469-9702 online/ 01/010005±39 Ó 2001Taylor & Francis Ltd on behalfof The Tamiment Institute DOI:10.1080/ 00236560020017800 6 C. Tomlins migrate andthe character ofthe European labor forcecreated as a result.Though not concernedwith enslavedlabor at this stage ofanalysis, theessay offers some assessment ofthe ª ®tºof indentured servitude and slavery aslabor forms. This essayintentionally restrictsits focusto the North American mainland. 3 The reasonis uncomplicated.Historians have pointedto a transition toa predominantly freeworkforce in theearly American republic from apredominantly unfreeworkforce in themainland’ scolonial era asa major vindication ofthe reality ofRevolutionary era egalitarianism. The eventualdisappearance ofindentured servitude in theearly 19th centuryhas beentreated as an important signi® erofrepublican America’sself-differen- tiation from theold regime. 4 Myinteresthere is in investigating theempirical basis for suchclaims about labor forcecomposition, social structureand political culture,as they relate toindentured servitude. I concludethat migrant indenturedservitude, though undoubtedlyan important sourceof colonial era labor power,was rather lessimportant than historians have assumed.Correspondingly, the trajectory ofAmerican political culturein thelate 18th andearly 19th centurybecomes less clear-cut than liberal historiography supposes. Numbers Stripped tobare transactional essentials,indentured servitude describes a contract committing oneparty tomake aseriesof payments toor onbehalf oftheotherÐ settle- mentof transport debt,subsistence over the(negotiable) contractual term, and® nal payment in kindor, less usually, cashat theconclusion of the term. In exchange the payee agrees tobe completely at thedisposal ofthe payor, or thepayor’ sassigns,for 3Migrationto the British WestIndies does not thereforefeature in this analysis. 4Aaron Fogleman seesthe AmericanRevolution as atransformativeevent in the history offreedom in North America. Seeª From Slaves, Convicts and Servants to FreePassengers,º 43± 76. More critical, David Montgomeryhas neverthelesspointed tothe periodfrom the 1770sto the 1820sin Americaas one ofdecisive repudiation ofmany hated hierarchiescommon in ªtraditionalºsociety, and has af®rmed ª the durable legacyof egalitarian practiceº left by the Revolution. Seehis Citizen Worker:The Experience of Workersin the United States with Democracy andthe Free Marketduring the Nineteenth Century (New York and Cambridge, 1993),5, 13±51. Reconsidering Indentured Servitude 7 performance ofwork, for theterm agreed. 5 All aspectsof performance ofthe trans- action weresecured by law. 6 Immigrant Europeansworking underindenture can be found in all regions of mainland America during the17th and18th (andwell into the19th) centuries. 7 Consideredfor thenumerical signi® canceof its contributionto labor supply in the British mainland colonies,however, immigrant indenturedservitude is important primarily for its associationwith twoperiods of substantial ¯owof labor into two mainland regions:the Chesapeake (Virginia andMaryland) between1630 andthe early 1700s; andthe Delaware Valley (primarily Pennsylvania, Delaware andNew Jersey, but 5Duringthe 17th century,commercial migrant servitude in the Chesapeake regiontypically took the formof the migrant’scontractualcommitment to labor fora negotiatedperiod and on termsagreed with ashipper priorto embarkation. Theshipper, eithera consigningmerchant or a shipmaster, would recover transportation costsby sellingthe servant’scontracton arrival. Inthe caseof migrants who neitherpaid theirown passagenor negotiated individual servicecontracts prior to departure,standard termsand conditions ofservitude that institutionalized localpractice (ª the custom ofthe countryº) wereprescribed by colonial legislationand administeredthrough the courts.During the 18th century,a variation on 17th centurypractice developed in the increasinglyimportant DelawareValley labor market, in which the migrantdid not commit to afutureservice contract prior to embarkation but insteadindemni® edthe shipper by agreeingto entera servicecontract on termssuf® cient to liquidate the transportation debt within aspeci®ed period after arrival should othermeans tosatisfy the debt (such as advancesor gifts from family, friendsor former neighbors) fail to materialize.This so-calledª redemptionerºsystem, which GeorgFertig likens to Gesindedienst (the Germanform of service) and which might also be viewedas avariation on debt servitude,dates from the 1720sand was dominant in the migrantservant trade by the 1750s.See David W.Galenson, White Servitude in Colonial America:An Economic Analysis (Cambridge and NewYork, 1981), 3±4; FarleyGrubb, ªTheAuction ofRedemptioner Servants, Philadelphia, 1771±1804: An Economic Analysis,º Journal ofEconomic History ,47(1988), 583±602; Robert J.Steinfeld, The Invention ofFree Labor: The Employment Relation in English andAmerican Lawand Culture, 1350±1870 (Chapel Hill, 1991),198; Aaron S.Fogleman, Hopeful Journeys: GermanImmigration, Settlement, andPolitical Culture in Colonial America,1717± 1775 (Philadelphia, 1996),73± 79; Georg Fertig, ª Eighteenth-CenturyTransatlantic Migrationand EarlyGerman Anti-Migration Ideology,º in Jan Lucassenand LeoLucassen, eds. Migration, Migration History, History (Berne,1997), 271± 90. A furtherinnovation appearing in the 1770s was the ªindentureof redemption,º which comprisedan assignablepre-negotiated agreement to servethat couldbe voided by the migrantif better terms or unexpected resources were available on arrival. SeeFarley Grubb, ªLabor, Marketsand Opportunity: IndenturedServitude in EarlyAmerica, aRejoinderto Salinger,º LaborHistory ,39(1998), 237,n.14. Rather than dependon merchants, migratingfarmers or plantersmight themselvesdirectly recruit servants to accompany them, orreturn to Europeonce established to recruitadditional labor through family orcommunity connectionsfor their own use. Examplesof both practicescan be found in 17th-centuryNew England and in earlymigrations into the DelawareValley. Inmost cases,however, the facilitation ofEuropean migration through labor contracts was afully
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