Social Conflict
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Sociological Functionalist Theory That Shapes the Filipino Social Consciousness in the Philippines
Title: The Missing Sociological Imagination: Sociological Functionalist Theory That Shapes the Filipino Social Consciousness in the Philippines Author: Prof. Kathy Westman, Waubonsee Community College, Sugar Grove, IL Summary: This lesson explores the links on the development of sociology in the Philippines and the sociological consciousness in the country. The assumption is that limited growth of sociological theory is due to the parallel limited growth of social modernity in the Philippines. Therefore, the study of sociology in the Philippines takes on a functionalist orientation limiting development of sociological consciousness on social inequalities. Sociology has not fully emerged from a modernity tool in transforming Philippine society to a conceptual tool that unites Filipino social consciousness on equality. Objectives: 1. Study history of sociology in the Philippines. 2. Assess the application of sociology in context to the Philippine social consciousness. 3. Explore ways in which function over conflict contributes to maintenance of Filipino social order. 4. Apply and analyze the links between the current state of Philippine sociology and the threats on thought and freedoms. 5. Create how sociology in the Philippines can benefit collective social consciousness and of change toward social movements of equality. Content: Social settings shape human consciousness and realities. Sociology developed in western society in which the constructions of thought were unable to explain the late nineteenth century systemic and human conditions. Sociology evolved out of the need for production of thought as a natural product of the social consciousness. Sociology came to the Philippines in a non-organic way. Instead, sociology and the social sciences were brought to the country with the post Spanish American War colonization by the United States. -
Cómo Citar El Artículo Número Completo Más Información Del
Sociológica (México) ISSN: 0187-0173 ISSN: 2007-8358 UAM, Unidad Azcapotzalco, División de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Alvear, Rafael La raíz antihumanista de la sociología: el caso de Ludwig Gumplowicz1 Sociológica (México), vol. 34, núm. 97, 2019, Mayo-Agosto, pp. 43-71 UAM, Unidad Azcapotzalco, División de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=305062908002 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Redalyc Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Sociológica, año 34, número 97, mayo-agosto de 2019, pp. 43-71 Fecha de recepción: 14/08/18. Fecha de aceptación: 29/07/19 La raíz antihumanista de la sociología: el caso de Ludwig Gumplowicz1 The Anti-humanist Roots of Sociology: The Case of Ludwig Gumplowicz Rafael Alvear* RESUMEN En parte importante de los enfoques sistémicos, postestructuralistas, e in- cluso críticos, se presume que la tradición sociológica habría estado atada a un principio humanista o antropocéntrico que explica parte de su déficit teórico contemporáneo. Sin embargo, ¿puede dicha tradición catalogarse tan sencillamente como humanista? Mediante un acercamiento a la obra de Ludwig Gumplowicz se propone indagar en un pilar olvidado de la tradición que refrenda las raíces críticas de la sociología frente al problema del huma- nismo. Dicho análisis procura atender tanto la dimensión epistémica como también el marco social disciplinar en el que la misma surge. El denominado antihumanismo de Gumplowicz –se sostiene a continuación– no sólo se afincaría en su posición teórico-conceptual, sino además en su incesante lucha disciplinar frente a la tradición filosófica. -
Coser 1957.Pdf
Social Conflict and the Theory of Social Change Author(s): Lewis A. Coser Source: The British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 8, No. 3 (Sep., 1957), pp. 197-207 Published by: Wiley on behalf of The London School of Economics and Political Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/586859 . Accessed: 14/11/2013 12:31 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Wiley and The London School of Economics and Political Science are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The British Journal of Sociology. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.210.85.113 on Thu, 14 Nov 2013 12:31:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SOCIAL CONFLICTAND THE THEORY OF SOCIAL CHANGE LewisA. Coser r NHIS paperattempts to examinesome of the functionsof social conflict in the processof social change. I shallfirst deal with i somefunctions of conflictwithin social systems, more specifically with its relationto institutionalrigidities, technical progress and pro- ductivity, and will then concernourselves with the relation between social conflictand the changesof social systems. A centralobservation of GeorgeSorel in hisReflections onViolence which has not as yet been accordedsufficient attention by sociologistsmay serve us as a convenientspringboard. -
A Review of the Social Science Literature on the Causes of Conflict
Research Report Understanding Conflict Trends A Review of the Social Science Literature on the Causes of Conflict Stephen Watts, Jennifer Kavanagh, Bryan Frederick, Tova C. Norlen, Angela O’Mahony, Phoenix Voorhies, Thomas S. Szayna Prepared for the United States Army Approved for public release; distribution unlimited ARROYO CENTER For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/rr1063z1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.html. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface The recent spike in violence in places like Syria, Ukraine, and Yemen notwithstanding, the number of conflicts worldwide has fallen since the end of the Cold War, and few of those that remain are clashes between states. -
Contemporary Theories of Conflict and Their Social and Political Implications
3 Contemporary Theories of Conflict and their Social and Political Implications Tukumbi Lumumba-Kasongo Introduction: Objectives and General Issues Africa’s Great Lakes region has been known in the past four decades or so – as an area of violent conflict. An advanced research project on this region has to start with some reflections on theories of conflicts, as some parts of this region have been characterised by a devastating disease which has resulted in loss of human lives, degradation of the environment, pillage, banditry, rape of women and girls, and a general political instability of high magnitude. To explain what has happened, we need to build a good explanatory tool. The beginning of wisdom is to be aware of one’s limits of knowledge and be certain of one’s areas of strength. For easy understanding, this chapter is divided into several sections. The first section describes the main objectives, clarifies the term ‘contemporary’ and raises general issues regarding the relevance or irrelevance of theories in this research project. The second section discusses the approaches used in the work; while the third, elaborates on theories of conflict, as well as their claims, assumptions and possible social and political implications. The study ends with some brief recommendations about these theories. Let me start by saying that we cannot change all the phenomena around us or those things that are far from us – things we do not know about, or understand. We cannot explain social phenomena effectively without building some systematic and testable tools of explanations. Empiricism is central to building a critical theory. -
Sociology in Continental Europe After WWII1
Sociology in Continental Europe after WWII1 Matthias Duller & Christian Fleck Continental particularities Sociology was invented in Europe. For several reasons, however, it did not bloom there for the first one-and-a-half centuries. The inventor of sociology, Auguste Comte, was an independent scholar with no affiliation to any institution. Likewise, other European founding fathers, such as Alexis Tocqueville, Herbert Spencer, Karl Marx, and Friedrich Engels, were not professors, nor were they paid for their scholarly service by the state. Looking at the history of sociology in continental Europe, we do not come upon a striking role model of a “professional sociologist.” What is normally called the classical period ranges from pre-Comtean authors down to the generation after Comte (born 1798): Among the most prominent figures, from Ludwig Gumplowicz (1838), Vilfredo Pareto (1848), Tomáš Masaryk (1850), Maksim Kovalevsky (1851), Ferdinand Tönnies (1855), Georg Simmel (1858), Émile Durkheim (1858), Max Weber (1864), Marcel Mauss (1872), Roberto Michels (1876), Maurice Halbwachs (1977) to Florian Znaniecki (1882), only the Frenchmen and the exiled Pole occupied positions whose descriptions covered sociology and nothing other than sociology. All the others earned their living by practicing different professions or teaching other disciplines. For a very long time sociology failed to appear as a distinct entity in Continental Europe’s academic world. Simply put, one could not study it (even in Durkheim’s France a specialized undergraduate programme, licence de sociologie, started not earlier than 1958, before that students got an multidisciplinary training in the Facultés de Lettres or specialized institutions as the Vth Section of the École pratique des hautes études or the College des France). -
The Resurgence of Social Movements
E-journal promoted by the Campus for Peace, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya http://journal-of-conflictology.uoc.edu ARTICLE The Resurgence of Social Movements Michel Wieviorka Submitted: December 2011 Accepted: June 2012 Published: November 2012 Abstract Starting in the early nineteen seventies, there were mainly two opposed perspectives in the sociological debate on social movements, illustrated on the one hand by Charles Tilly and on the other by Alain Touraine, which this article follows. The concept of ‘social movement’ has been used to analyse the working class movement, the new social movements and global movements. Is it useful to analyse the struggles that developed recently within the Muslim and/or Arab world, and the actors that have been called indignados in Spain and that appeared in many countries? Is there any unity in these movements? Keywords social movements, Arab spring, social revolution, indignados INTRODUCTION working class movement, at its height in the 1960s before starting on its historical decline. The end of the 1960s saw The sociology of social movements could be helpful in the appearance of the ‘new social movements’; it was per- analysing contemporary actors that more or less success- missible to think these indicated entry into the age of post- fully try to put an end to authoritarian regimes in Arab industrial society but they lost impetus towards the end of and/or Muslim countries, and those that act to impose the 1970s, even if their ideas and their protests continued new forms of struggle against social injustice and in fa- to constitute powerful forces for modernization and cul- vor of democracy in several western countries – those ac- tural change. -
Introduction to Sociology 2E
1 This is an excerpt from the text listed below: Introduction to Sociology 2e Collection edited by: OpenStax Content authors: OpenStax and Openstax College Sociology 2e Based on: Introduction to Sociology <http://legacy.cnx.org/content/col11407/1.7>. Online: <http://legacy.cnx.org/content/col11762/1.6> This selection and arrangement of content as a collection is copyrighted by Rice University. Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Collection structure revised: 2016/01/20 PDF Generated: 2016/05/18 16:15:08 For copyright and attribution information for the modules contained in this collection, see the "Attributions" section at the end of the collection. 10 Chapter 1 | An Introduction to Sociology Making Connections: Sociology in the Real World Individual-Society Connections When sociologist Nathan Kierns spoke to his friend Ashley (a pseudonym) about the move she and her partner had made from an urban center to a small Midwestern town, he was curious about how the social pressures placed on a lesbian couple differed from one community to the other. Ashley said that in the city they had been accustomed to getting looks and hearing comments when she and her partner walked hand in hand. Otherwise, she felt that they were at least being tolerated. There had been little to no outright discrimination. Things changed when they moved to the small town for her partner’s job. For the first time, Ashley found herself experiencing direct discrimination because of her sexual orientation. Some of it was particularly hurtful. Landlords would not rent to them. -
Population and Conflict 1567
Copyedited by: ES MANUSCRIPT CATEGORY: Article Review of Economic Studies (2020) 87, 1565–1604 doi:10.1093/restud/rdz042 © The Author(s) 2019. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Review of Economic Studies Limited. Advance access publication 21 August 2019 Population and Conflict DARON ACEMOGLU MIT Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/restud/article/87/4/1565/5552814 by MIT Libraries user on 18 September 2020 LEOPOLDO FERGUSSON Universidad de los Andes and SIMON JOHNSON MIT First version received April 2017; Editorial decision July 2019; Accepted August 2019 (Eds.) Medical innovations during the 1940s quickly resulted in significant health improvements around the world. Countries with initially higher mortality from infectious diseases experienced larger increases in life expectancy, population, and subsequent social conflict. This cross-country result is robust across alternative measures of conflict and is not driven by differential trends between countries with varying baseline characteristics. A similar effect is also present within Mexico. Initial suitability conditions for malaria varied across municipalities, and anti-malaria campaigns had differential effects on population growth and social conflict. Both across countries and within Mexico, increased conflict over scarce resources predominates and this effect is more pronounced during times of economic hardship (specifically, in countries with a poor growth record and in drought-stricken areas in Mexico). At least during this time period, a larger increase in population made social conflict more likely. Key words: Civil war, Conflict, Mortality, Natural resources, Population growth JEL Codes: J1, O11, O15, Q56 1. INTRODUCTION The world’s population is forecast to rise from its current level of around 7.4 billion to nearly 11.2 billion by 2100. -
SOCI 101 Introduction to Sociology
SOCI 101 Introduction to Sociology Professor Kurt Reymers, Ph.D. (DR. K) WWW.morrisville.edu/SOCIOLOGY STRATIFICATION = LAYERING G. Social Stratification 1.a. Social Stratification is the categorization of people into a social hierarchy. b. Stratification is defined materially by access to resources that relate to standard of living and social position (status). c. Stratification is represented symbolically through socially constructed rankings of social status (for example, by “occupational prestige”) d. Stratification is culturally universal. All human societies develop stratification systems, although they don’t always look the same. 1 G. Social Stratification 2. The Structure of Stratification a. How is it Measured? “SES” = Socio-Economic Status The idea behind SES comes from Max Weber’s famous essay on Class, Status and Party (1893). || || || (Property, Prestige, Potential) ~ or ~ (Money, Respect, Power) G. Social Stratification 2. Structure: Measuring Stratification a. SES = Socio-Economic Status: Money, Power, Respect i. Income and wealth (Money) • Income: occupational wages and earnings from investments • Wealth: the total value of money and other assets, minus any debt ii. Political position of authority (Power) • Power is “the ability to control your fate and the fate of others, even in the face of resistance.” (Weber, 1893) • Examples: - Parents have authority over children; - Police officers have authority to use force when necessary; - A Supreme Court Justice has authority to interpret the law. iii. Social prestige (Respect) • Educational level – PhD, JD, MD, MBA, MA, BS, BA, AA, GED • Job-related status – “occupational prestige” • Honor; fame; celebrity – “positive sanctions” G. Social Stratification 2.b. Different Structures of Social Stratification i. Caste System A system based on ascribed status: birth determines social position. -
La Raíz Antihumanista De La Sociología: El Caso De Ludwig Gumplowicz1 the Anti-Humanist Roots of Sociology: the Case of Ludwig Gumplowicz
Sociológica, año 34, número 97, mayo-agosto de 2019, pp. 43-71 Fecha de recepción: 14/08/18. Fecha de aceptación: 29/07/19 La raíz antihumanista de la sociología: el caso de Ludwig Gumplowicz1 The Anti-humanist Roots of Sociology: The Case of Ludwig Gumplowicz Rafael Alvear* RESUMEN En parte importante de los enfoques sistémicos, postestructuralistas, e in- cluso críticos, se presume que la tradición sociológica habría estado atada a un principio humanista o antropocéntrico que explica parte de su déficit teórico contemporáneo. Sin embargo, ¿puede dicha tradición catalogarse tan sencillamente como humanista? Mediante un acercamiento a la obra de Ludwig Gumplowicz se propone indagar en un pilar olvidado de la tradición que refrenda las raíces críticas de la sociología frente al problema del huma- nismo. Dicho análisis procura atender tanto la dimensión epistémica como también el marco social disciplinar en el que la misma surge. El denominado antihumanismo de Gumplowicz –se sostiene a continuación– no sólo se afincaría en su posición teórico-conceptual, sino además en su incesante lucha disciplinar frente a la tradición filosófica. PALABRAS CLAVE: sociología clásica, humanismo, antihumanismo episté- mico, cientificidad, filosofía. 1 El artículo que se presenta procura expandir la discusión que he intentado desa- rrollar en La sociología clásica y el destierro del ser humano y en Die Stellung des Menschen in der zeitgenössischen Soziologie. Umrisse zu einer soziologischen Anthropologie, con el objetivo de escarbar en pilares resueltamente olvidados de la sociología clásica. La preparación de este manuscrito se enmarca en el proyec- to Fondecyt de Posdoctorado de Conicyt (folio no. 3190389). Agradezco a Pablo Beytía y Óscar Alvear por sus comentarios y críticas a lo aquí expuesto. -
Historicism and Historiosophy in Ludwig Gumplowicz's Early Writings
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS WRATISLAVIENSIS No 3503 Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 34, nr 2 Wrocław 2012 DAVIDE ARTICO University of Wrocław Historicism and historiosophy in Ludwig Gumplowicz’s early writings. Gumplowicz between Gobineau and Schönerer A necessary (though not sufficient) condition to discuss Gumplowicz as a historian is to overcome confusion over his alleged social Darwinism. The main argument arises, of course, from his Rassenkampf, magnum opus published in 1883 and often considered a work to be placed between Arthur de Gobi- neau’s ideological racism, and programmatic anti-Semitism in the mainframe of the German nationalist movement promoted in Austria by Georg Heinrich von Schönerer at the turn of the twentieth century. Starting from the latter, it must be underlined that any allegation of anti- Semitism on Gumplowicz’s side can only be considered as a paradox. As dem- onstrated by Czesław Lechicki, among others, Gumplowicz not only had clear Jewish origins which, in spite of its many vicissitudes, he never denied, but he was also probably forced to abandon his native Kraków precisely because of the anti-Semitic attitudes of the Polish elites of the time, which translated into a heated ostracism against him.1 This biographical feature of Gumplowicz clearly puts him in opposition to Schönerer’s pan-Germanism, according to which Jews were allegedly “pigs,” and not because of their religion, but because of “blood.”2 Besides, a whole series of anticlerical and libertarian beliefs contributed to the marginalisation of Gumplowicz regardless of his Jewish origins.3 One might even assume, when comparing Gumplowicz’s experience to the biographies of other Jewish intel- lectuals of the period, that the ostracism by Polish conservative circles was 1 C.