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Download (756Kb) Munich Personal RePEc Archive Future of Rohingyas: Dignified Return to Myanmar or Restoring Their Rights or Both Mohajan, Haradhan Department of Mathematics, Premier University, Chittagong, Bangladesh 9 July 2020 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/108266/ MPRA Paper No. 108266, posted 12 Jun 2021 10:22 UTC The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies Vol. 4, No. 2, January 2021, pp. 145-170 Future of Rohingyas: Dignified Return to Myanmar or Restoring Their Rights or Both Md Mahbubur Rahman PhD Student on Communication and Journalism, Massey University, New Zealand Email: [email protected] Haradhan Kumar Mohajan Assistant Professor, Department of Mathematics, Premier University, Chittagong, Bangladesh Email: [email protected] Mobile: +8801716397232 Tripty Kana Bose Assistant Director, Bangladesh Betar, Dhaka, Bangladesh Email: [email protected] Mobile: +8801717440686 Abstract At present Bangladesh is hosting more than 1.1 million of Rohingyas who have been migrated from Myanmar and maximum of them are living in 34 makeshift camps of Cox‟s Bazar and some thousands start to live at Bhashan Char of Bangladesh. The Government of Bangladesh (GoB) does not recognize Rohingyas as refugees and so they are not entitled to claim even the rights of refugees in Bangladesh. Getting support from the international community, the GoB still tries to repatriate Rohingyas to Myanmar, as the repatriation will relieve the huge burden of Bangladesh. But Rohingyas are not interested to go back to their home country, Myanmar without establishing their citizenship and some other rights. As a result, till today not a single Rohingya has been repatriated to Myanmar and so at present the future of the Rohingya is in uncertainty. Bangladesh always think the fruitful solution of the Rohingya Crisis lies on their repatriation but more than three years after Rohingyas‟ new entry in 2017 no repatriation happens and so the question arises what may be the future of Rohingyas? Is the future of Rohingyas rely on their repatriation or staying in Bangladesh for a longer period of time with or without restoring their rights, would be tried to discuss in this article. If the Rohingyas will have to stay in Bangladesh for a longer time, then what the GoB should do, will also be discussed in this paper. For this the field visit and interviews with Rohingya refugees at Rohingya Refugee Camp in 2018 and also in 2020 by the first author, M. M. Rahman, and his more than 3 years working experience on Rohingya crisis at BTV (Bangladesh Television) and the literature reviews by all the authors will be utilized. Keywords: Rohingya, citizenship rights, dignified return 1 The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies Vol. 4, No. 2, January 2021, pp. 145-170 Introduction The Rohingya is the most ill-treated community of the world having lived in a realm of statelessness for generation to generation in Rakhine (former Arakan) State of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (Milton et al., 2017). Rohingyas are the Muslims ethnic minority community living without citizenship rights at Myanmar and also in Bangladesh (Wekke et al. 2017). Rakhine is one of the poorest seven States of Myanmar with total area of 36,778 km2 (MSR, 2019) where most of the Rohingyas live (Chan, 2005; Mohajan, 2018). Myanmar is an independent country of Southeast Asia situated just adjacent Eastern side of Bangladesh (UNFPA, 2015; Karim & Islam, 2018). Since the August 2017 with the mass expulsion of more than 740,000 Rohingyas from Myanmar to Bangladesh, no sustainable solution for the Rohingyas is in sight till today. Immediately after the Rohingya exodus in 2017 high profile delegations from Bangladesh and Myanmar held several meetings with each other in both countries regarding Rohingya repatriation (Aziz, 2019). To send the Rohingyas back to Myanmar a repatriation agreement was signed on 23 November 2017 at Naypyidaw, Myanmar between Bangladesh and Myanmar (Holmes, 2017; Yhome, 2018). And as per the deal the Rohingya repatriation should begin within two months of signing the deal (Rahman, 2017). As per the repatriation agreement, the Government of Myanmar (GoM) has agreed to accept 1,500 Rohingyas each week. But till today no Rohingya has been repatriated to Myanmar (Kamruzzaman, 2020). If the agreement will be implemented, then it would also take more than 10 years to return more than 1.1 million Rohingyas from Bangladesh to their homeland because in the agreement it is mentioned that only 1,500 Rohingyas can be repatriated in a week. After signing of agreement, a series of painstaking discussions between the proactive Bangladesh and the unwilling Myanmar had been held and the two countries agreed to begin the attempt of repatriation on 15 November 2018. But the effort failed due to the unwillingness of Rohingyas to return back to Myanmar (RFA, 2018). Rohingyas demand that they would not return to an unsafe place and they have the fear that they may be persecuted again after return. At that time the International community also urged Bangladesh to halt the repatriation process as the conditions in Myanmar are not conducive (HRW, 2018a). Since the failed attempt in November 2018, the GoB put every effort to start repatriation again and finally saw a ray of hope for eventual repatriation of Rohingyas to Myanmar after China started to influence on GoM to permit the Rohingya Muslims to go to their home. As per the Rohingya list cleared by GoM, Bangladesh was all set to start repatriation on 22 August 2019, but that attempt of Rohingya repatriation also failed as no Rohingya show willingness to return to Myanmar. This time also the International Organizations urged Myanmar and Bangladesh to halt the repatriation process until Rohingya returns would be safe, voluntary, and dignified (HRW, 2019). International Crisis Group mentioned in its December 2017 report that the main obstacle to repatriation is that most Rohingyas are very unlikely to return. Still in 2021 after more than three years of 2017 Rohingya exodus the conditions in Rakhine state is not safe for the return of Rohingyas (Strangio, 2021) and the Rohingyas living in IDP camps or outside the Camps in Rakhine still are facing the discrimination (House of Commons, 2020; OCHA, 2021). Again, there is a lack of clarity from GoM on whether they would be allowed to return 2 The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies Vol. 4, No. 2, January 2021, pp. 145-170 Rohingyas to their villages of origin and reclaim their farmland at Rakhine state. Because the entire Muslim Rohingya villages in Rakhine state have been demolished and replaced by police barracks, government buildings and refugee relocation camps (Head, 2019). The agreement piece between Bangladesh and Myanmar also provides for the issuance of National Verification Cards (NVCs) at the point of return; a document most Rohingyas reject out of fear that it will codify second-class citizenship status (Horsey, 2017). But the GoM and its security forces have expressed concern about the presence of any “terrorists” of Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) or their supporters among the Rohingya returnees which suggests returnees will be subjected to extreme scrutiny or vetting during the repatriation process (McKay, 2019). Another major obstacle or repatriation is that Rakhine Buddhist leaders and communities are strongly opposed to the return of any Rohingya (Mohajan, 2018). Getting no assurance of return with dignity to their motherland, more than a million Rohingyas staying in camps of Cox‟s Bazar, Bangladesh are now facing an uncertain future. As the Myanmar authorities still have not addressed the fundamental rights of Rohingyas being denied citizenship, freedom of movement, security, and other basic rights and so there is slim prospects of return of Rohingyas. Again, many of Rohingyas living in the Cox‟s Bazar camps are not still interested to go back to Myanmar because of fear of abusing again if they return. So, though the life-saving essentials, such as food, water, sanitation, shelter and basic health services are now more or less in place in the camps of Cox‟s Bazar but attention must now need to turn to Rohingyas‟ future prospects (Rahman & Mohajan, 2019). In this study the future of Rohingyas living in Bangladesh will be discussed. As Bangladesh is not a party of the 1951 Convention relating to the status of Refugees nor its 1967 Protocol and so the country does not have any obligation to recognize Rohingyas as refugees (UNHCR 2007a; Zetter & Ruaudel 2016) and so the country recognize them as FDMN (forcibly displaced Myanmar Nationals). The present status of Rohingya people in Bangladesh will also be discussed in this article. We will also try to bring light on the future of Rohingyas living in Bangladesh considering whether they could return to Myanmar soon or the GoB should ease the restrictions on longer-term assistance like freedom of movement, education and job facilities to the Rohingyas so that they could be self-dependent. Literature Review Many researchers argue that the plight of Rohingyas has the root cause of their statelessness identity. Despite their presence in Myanmar dating back to the 8th century, the GoM continues to deny the citizenship of the Rohingyas and their most basic human rights since 1962 or more specifically from 1982 (Rosenthal, 2019). The 1982 Citizenship Law of Myanmar has conferred 135 ethnic groups of which the Rohingyas were not included and as a result Myanmar has created the world‟s largest stateless population within its territory (Zawacki, 2009). Chris Lewa has argued that deprivation of citizenship has served as a key strategy to justify arbitrary treatment and discriminatory policies against the Rohingyas (Lewa, 2009). Citizenship and identity are closely intertwined as providing legal basis for the claiming and recognition of basic rights of a person.
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