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The Ethnology of .-Part V. The Jutes and Fomorians. Author(): . H. Howorth Source: The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of and Ireland, Vol. 10 (1881), pp. 174-211 Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2841608 . Accessed: 16/06/2014 18:33

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DISCUSSION.

The PRESIDENT inquired whether these Fiji mountaineerswith large heads of hair being pure Melanesians, would, in Prof. Flower's opinion, go against the common view that the mop- headed Papuans owe their peculiarity of hair to mixtures between Malay and Melanesian. He remarked that though Prof. Flower treated the cephalic index as only a subordinate cranial character, he practically showed it in the case of these most dolichocephalic people to be a most valuable race-mark. He called the attention of the meeting to the interesting series of cranial measurements,where four sets of indices in a crossed race showed intermediatedimensions between the two purest races, which as a reduction of hybridity to measurement was a most instructive result, never previouslyequalled. Dr. ALLEN THOuMSON expressed the pleasure with which he bad listened to Prof. Flower's interesting description of the series of Fiji skulls exhibitedto the Institute for the firsttime, in which the Professorcontinued his able and accurate applio-ationof the newer methods of craniological examination and descriptionto the dis- tinction of the races of mankind, as inaugurated bv Broca and others, and in connectionwith which Prof. Flower from his in- timate acqaintance with the subject, and his unrivalled oppor- tunities,was enabled to make important contributionsto ethno- logical science. Dr. Thomson had never before seen such remarkaole examples of Dolichocephaly, without scaphocephalic difformity,as were presented by these skulls, and could not help regarding them as indicating a distinctiverace or familycharacter. Dr. Thomson congratulatedProf. Flower and the Institute on the recent acquisition by the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons of Dr. Barnard Davis' rich collection of Crania and Skeletons belonging to differentraces, fromwhich, notwithstan-dirig the large amount of intelligentwork bestowedupon it by its foimer possessor, new and useful informationmay be confidentlyexpected in its association with the collectionof the College fromthe investigations of Prof. Flower.

The ETHNOLOGYof GERMANY.-PART V. THE JUTES AND FOMORIANS. By H. H. HOWORTH,Esq., .S.A. IT is the almost invariable result of taking a new step in ethnologyas in other sciences,that we are obliged to modify considerablyour views along the whole line. The freshvantage that we gain enables us to see thatwhat was formerlyheld as

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH-The Ethnologyof Germany. 175 indisputable,is based upon veryfrail evidence indeed,and we are constrainedto alter our pictureaccordingly. This makes it veryimportant that we shouldmake suLreof everystep. In a formerpaper I have arguedthat the accountsof the set- ]einentof the on the English coasts,as containedin the Anglo-SaxonChronicle, are forthe mostpart as fabulousas the storyof Romulus,and that farfrom their having come here in the middleof the fifthcentury, and settled as conquerors,that they came at least a centuryearlier, and that theysettled here largelyas colonists. Since I wrotethat paper I have met with otherevidence which had previouslyescaped me, and which all tendsto strengthenthe view thereput forth. Prosperof Tyre,who wrote a Chrolniclewhich reaches from A.. 378 to 456, tells us expresslythat in the 18th year of Theodosius,i.., in A.D.441, Britain,after suffering from many pre- vious attacks,submitted to theSaxons. " Brittaniaeusque ad hoc tempusvariis cladibus eventibusquelatae, in (litionemSaxonum rediguntur."("Mon. Hist. Britt.,"lxxxii) This is quite incon- sistentwith the usual date of the Conquestas given by the Anglo-SaxonChronicle and by . Constantius,Bishop of Lyons,who flourishedduring the fifth century,and wrotea lifeof Saint Germanus,and miaybe accepted as a contemporarywitness, describes how his hero,on his visitto Britain,which took place, as we knowfrom Prosper of Aquitaine, in 429, led the Britons against the and Saxons, in the famnousHallelujah victory. This also is many yearsbefore the, date generallyreceived for the invasion of Hengist and his people,and if the site of the battle is to be identified,as Ussher and othersargued, with Maes Garmon,near Mold,in Flintshire, thenthe Saxons werenot onlyin Britain,but had also penetrated into its veryrecesses. These two authorswere actually contemporariesof the facts theyrelate, and theirevidence is ofimmensely greater value than Bede or the compilationof the tenth century,which goes by the name ofthe Anglo-SaxonChronicle. I have shownhow many of the names in the latter narrative are formedout of naines of towns- but another fact in the recordmakes us see what an artificialand untrustworthy narrative it is. Lappenberg,with his usual acumen,was, I believe,the firstto draw attentionto this. He says the ents ip the Saga of the Aescings, or foundersof the Kingdom of Kelnt,take place in an eighttimes repeated cycle of eightyears, and adds, " If so manytraces of fctiondid not betraya poetic sourcefrom which these meagrechronicles derived their narra- tive,yet must those numbers awaken suspicion,"etc. (Op. cit.77.) Thlusin 449, Yortigerninvites the Angolesto Britain. In

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457 the Britons foughtagainst the invadersat Crecganford.In 465 Hengist and Aesc foughtwith the Welsh at Ebbsfleet. In 473 theyagain defeatedthe Welsh. In 488, 40 years after his arrival,i.e., fivetimes 8 years, Hengist died. Aesc then reigned 24 years,i.e., three times 8. (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, passirn). From this point, for 80 years, we hear nothing of , save of the successionof the threekings, " Octa or Ocha, the son of Eric or' ALsc, Eormenric and Aithelbert,who is named in 568; he reigned48 years,and his successors,Ead- bald and Earconbehrt,each 24." (Lappenberg,75.) Similarly,AElla is said to have landed in 477, and to have foughtwith the Welsh in 485. Such artificialnumbers show how purelyconventional the chronologyis. But it is morethan conventional,it is inconsistentwith itself. Thus, Bede gives us both the year 449 and 459 as the beginningof the joint reigns of Marcian and Valentinian,the formerin his Historyand the latterin his Chronicon,the rightyear being 450; and yet thisis the crucial date of his chronology,for he tells us the Saxons landed duringtheir reign. If it was duringtheir reign, as he asserts,and as the Chronicle,following him, also asserts,it Vwas clearlyneither in 448 nor 449, butin 450, or one ofthe sevensuc- ceeding years. But the factis, that the date 448 is a purely artificialone. As Mr. Skene has argued,it is foundedon an erroneousconstruction of a passage in Gildas (who apparently puts the arrivalof the Saxons afterthe third consulship of Aetius, whichwas in 446), and a manipulationof the story of Constantius, aboutthe Hallelujah victoryover the Saxons,which Bede under- standsas of the second visit of Germanus,while Constantius clearlyrefers it to thefirst. This date of Bede's is thereforeof no value, and it is the cardinaldate upon whichthe artificialchro- nologyof the Anglo-SaxonChronicle has been based. Now, in the " HistoriaBritonum," which in its earliestshape was probably not later than Bede, but, as I believe, earlier, we have three differentdates for the arrival of the Saxons, the latestof whichis 428. This date occursonly in the Harleian MS., which was writtenin 954. There we are told that Vortigernbegan to reign in the joint consulship of Theodo- sius and Valentinian, i.e., in 425. Four years afterthis, and in the consulshipof Felix and Taurus,i.e., in 428, theSaxons first arrived. This date seems to me to be clearlydeduced from Con- stantius,and to coincidewith that of theHallelujah victory,and the firstmission of St. Germanus,nor does it occurin the other copies of the Historia Britonum. The next date is apparently based on Britishtraditions. In this we are told that fromnthe firstyear of the arrivalof the Saxons to the fourthyear of King MIerviniwas 429 years. This eintryis as old as theedition of the

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions HI. H. HOWORTH.-The Ethnologyof Germany. 177 HistoriaBritonum," published in 821,which was thefourth year of King Mervin,and thus puts the Saxon invasionin 392,which as Mr. Skene,to whomI owe a great deal of my matteras to these dates,says, corresponds well withthe oldestWelsh chrono- logical tables,and that preservedin the Red Book of Hergest,a MS. of the thirteenthcentury, which says that fromthe reignof Vortigernto thebattle of Badon was 128 years. As the " Annales Cambriae" put the battleof Badon in 676,this putsthe beginning of 'sreign in 388, and the arrival of the Saxons, four years later,in 392. A thirddate given in the " HistoriaBritonuin," not reo,oncile- able with the last, is 374. We are told that Vortigerninvited the Saxons in the 347th year of Christ'spassion, and while Gra- tian and AEquantiuswere consuls. This answers to 374. I quote these dates as showingthat neitherin the Britishnor the Saxon traditionswere thereany fixedpoints upon whichto hang the chronology,so that the early dates in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicleare as valueless as the statementsof fact. We have no alternativeafter this criticismbut to reject that workaltogether, as an utterlyworthless testimony in regardto the settlementof the Saxons on the south and east coast\and to adopt the positionmaintained in a previouspaper-that they settledthere at an earlierdate, and peaceably. Theyapparently became faithfuladherents of the Emperorswho ruled in Britain. The last Imperialcoins struckin the Island wereaurei of Maxi- mus (A.D. 383-388), with the monogramof ,of whicha specimenmay be seen in the BritishMuseum. The next coins we have are certain gold coins with a head on the obverse, apparentlyfashioned on the model of these coi-nsof Maximus, and with a blunderedlegend that is not legible. These have been foundon the southcoast, and one of themat Lympne,one of the stationsof the Saxon shore. They seem to show that on the withdrawalof the Romans,the people there continuedthe previouscoinage after a rude fashion. It would seem fromthe statementof Gildas,if we are to creditit, that the invitationto Aetius sent by the distressedBritons, was sent by the cities of Britain,which also pointsto the probabilityof there not being any regulior chieftainsamong the maritimeSaxons at thisdate. They had in factbecome incorporated with the empire. If we pass from the testimonyof external witnesses to internalevidence the same conclusionis abundantlysupported. Thus the districtspeopled by the Saxons in South Britain, whereas I argue theysettled as colonistsand not as conqueroim, are marked by a very well distinguished dialect,whose boundariescan be traced with considerableminuteness. This dialect has certain idiosyncraciesof its own. It is not so VOL. .

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 178 HI. H. IHOWORTII.-The Ethnologyof Germany. nearly allied to the mothertonguie of both,the Friesic,as its northernsister the Anolian dialect of Mid and East Britain. It bears the marks of having been softenedand altered by contact witlh a foreignrace, and I have no hesitation in assigningits peculiaritiesto the fact that the Saxons whereit is spoken were largely mixed with the indigenous Roinano- Britons, and that both in blood and language they were accordinglymuch corrupted. This is confirmedby the evidence of the Kentish and West Saxon laws; wherethe Wealh or Laet werethe class of tenantswho wereneither free nor slaves answer to the same class in Lower Saxony where theyrepresented the Thuringianswho were conqueredby a race of kindredorigin, and thereforenot reducedto slaverybut made into leaseholders. These Wealhs or Lats I believe representthe Saxons of the old colonisationunder the PRomnans,who were conquered by later invaders; I shall have much to say of the class in a futuire paper. In a learned work by Mr. Coote on the PRomansof Britainthere are a number of additional facts cited which are very interestingfor the purposes of this discussion. In speaking,for instance,of the Anglo-Saxon dialect he says:- " It had and has a sound always unknown to the whole of Germany and Scandiniavia, the sound represented in our alphabetby the letterW . . . . It was the livingsound of the Roman consonantV, the digammaof the Aeolians. The Romans so impressedupon the vernacularof the Belgic coloni and proletariatethe rich broad ringof the digamma that it has never since left our island. Neither Anglo-Saxonnor Dane, Normannor Gascon could weaken or effaceits masculine eclho. The Belge continuedtrue to his Roman teaching,and pronouncedhis own Venta and Vectis,Went and Wight. The Roman vinum and vicus were still to him wine and wic. Even therude god of theAnglo-Saxons became Woden, as in the two heroes of their folk-lore,Weland and Wada, vicings became wicings,Saint Valery became Saint Walery,Guillaume was Wilhelm or William," etc. (op. cit. 33-36). Mr. Coote, alreadycited, has published the followingmost interestingand instructivelist of Analo-Saxon words which are of etymologyand prove, as he says, that Anglo-Saxon was a language spoken at one period by a Germanic nation conversantwith the PRomans.

Adfinie . .. .. adfinis (an agrumensarial term). /E;bs . . ..abies. Amber ...... anphora. Amupulle . .. ampulla.

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Ancer ...... anchora. Cafestre ...... capistrum. Camp ...... campus. Candel ...... candela. Carcern ...... carcer. Carene .. .. carauruni. Ceastl ) Castel .. .. castellumaquae. Castello Cawl .. .. . caulis. Ceaster .. . .. castrum. Cerse ...... cresco,crescere. Cirse ...... cerasus. Cisten ...... castanus. Cluse ...... clausum. Coc ...... coquus. Col .. .. collis. Corte ...... cohortis(cohors.) Cordher . .. .. cohortis(cohors.) Culter ...... culter. Cycene .. .. . coquina. Cye ...... culeus. Cyse ...... caseum. Cyste . .. .. cista. Denim ,. .. . damnuifm. Disc ...... discus. Dol ...... dolus. Earce ...... arca. Ecede ...... acetum. Ele ...... oleum. Eln ...... ulne. Fa,snmne ...... fa-niina. Fan ...... vannus. Fic ...... ficus. Finie ...... finis. Forc ...... furca. Fos ...... fossa. Founte t . . fons fontis. :Funite j Getrum ...... turma. Ginim ...... gemma. Haenep ...... cannabis. Ince ...... uncia. Lene ...... linea. Lin ...... linum. Lodh . .. .. lodix. N2

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Lyswe ...... laesio. Mangere ...... magnarius. Meowle ...... mulier. Mere .. .. merus. Mil ...... mille formille passuuin. Miln (a mill) .. .. molinum. Mortar ...... mortarium. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ fmulus. MulMul ...... *@{mullus. Mynet ...... moneta. Mytle,mytla .. .. modius. Oitgeard ...... hortus. Ostre ...... ostrea. Pall ...... pallium. Pending ...... pends pendere. Peppor,pipor .. .. piper. Pic .. . .. pix. Pil .. . . pila. Pise . .. . pisum. portus Port f porta Profian .. .. probare. Pund .. . .. pondo. Pyrige .. .. pyrus. Pyt ...... puteus. Scale >. .. .. scala. Sceacere .. .. . exactor(bubutorum.) Segn .. .. signum. Sester ...... sextarius. Spata .. spata. Spyrta ...... sporta. Steor (bord) .. .. dexter. Street ...... strata. Sweot ...... secta. Symbel (banquet) symbola. Syrf ...... sorbus. Taefel . .. .. tabula lusoria. Teeppere ...... tabernarius. Tigol ...... tegula. Torr ...... turis. Wallerwente .. .. valoremaequantes. Weall ...... vallum. Wench .. .. . ancilla. Wic .. vicIIs. Villa,wella .. .. villa. (op.ct. 36-40.)

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Mr. Coote,in speakingof this list,well says that these Latin words are survivals only, which in the tenth and eleventh centuriesstill made head against the rising floodwhich had submergeda largervocabulary. (Id. 41.) This evidenceagain is amplysupported by thatof archa,ology. The wide districtpeopled by the Saxons as distinguishedfrom the is marked by very curious archaeologicalfacts. It is overthis districtthat we findthose circular brooches with inlaid pastes and stones of which similar ones are found in Teutonicgraves along the Rhine,as may be seen in the splendid collectionat Mayence. In this districtof South Britain may be seen also a seriesof gold ornamentsfashioned in a different styleand of much more elaborate workmanshipthan those of the Anglian districtsand which point to their having been inspiredprobably by Roman models. The evidencetherefore is overwhelmingthat the Saxons were in South Britain much earlier than the accounts of the Anglo-SaxonChronicle would have us believe,and that they were settled here as colonists. This conclusion 'naturally throws immense doubt on the narrativein the Chronicleand makes us inquire moreclosely into its structure. I showed in the formerpaper how clearly fabulousthe accountof the foundationsof the kingdomsof the East Saxons and South Saxons,as told in the Chronicle,are. I may add that in the " Historia Britonum,"to whichI shall refer at greater length presently,not only is nothingsaid about independentdynasties in thesetwo districts,but we areexpressly told that both of themformed part of the countrygranted by Vortigernto Hengist (vide infra). I shall thereforepostulate in futurethat "the Saxon shore" was inhabited by Saxons probablyfrom the time of Carausio or Carauseo (as he is called by AureliusVictor). His name seems to be connectedwith that of the Caoraesito whom we referredin our paper on the Germans of Coesar. That he belonged to the Continental Menapia is made clear by the statementof Eumenius,that he invited the Franksto invade Batavia, which theyoccupied, he tells us, underthe sanctionof its quondamalumnus. In confirmationof the theorythat he plantedthe Saxons on the southcoast may be added the traditionin the Brut that he did the same with the Gwyddel Ffichtin the north of the island. (Herbert Brittania, after the Romans 9-11.) These Saxoiis were doubtless planted,as the other Germanswere elsewhere,on the bordersof the empireas "lketi," or military colonists,and theywere doubtlessunider the commandof their own leaders. As Mr. Coote says, it was the settlementof certainchiefs with their " comites." He adds that the Batavians, whoat an earlyperiod entered the military service of the empire,

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 182 H. H. HOWORTH.-The Ethnologyof Germzany. at all timesinsisted and obtainedthat they should be led by their ownnotables . . . . and we are told byAmmianus Marcel- linus, hiimselfan old soldier,that this was the general practice under the emiipirein the case of all the cohortsof and Teutons engaged in the service of Rome. (Op. cil. 31, 16, 8. Coote," Romnansof Britain,"209.) Not onilyhave the Britonsleft their tracesin the archaeology and dialect of the southernpart of the islanidbut also in its topography;Kent was the old naimeof the districtbefore the Saxon invasion; Berks preservesfor us the name of the Bibroci who lived in tbe districtbefore the Romans arrived; Cashio,a hundredin Hertfordshire,is a recordof the Cassi; Londonand the many town names compoundedwith Chester and Street are similarproofs. The tenureof gavelkindis anotherinstructive proof of our con- tention. It is a wordderived no doubtfrom the Welsh " gavael," a holding,and thence passing as " Gabelle" and " Gavellum"' into Frenchand Franco-Latin,and adoptedalso by the Saxons in the word" gafol,"a tax,which is niotfound in the otherTeutonic dialects (Robertson," Scotlandunder her Early Kings," ii, 266). This tenurewith its attendantconsequence of the youngestor hearth child succeedingto the homestead,probably survived fromthe days beforethe settlementof the English. The corre- spondingtenure of BoroughEnglish, perhaps was derived from the saine source. It is curious that out of 319 manors enumeratedby Mr. Cornerin which this custom prevailed, 136 were in , 53 among the East and Middle Saxons, and 96 in East ,all districtsof the Littus Saxonicum, while there were only 12 in , of which nine were in Hainpshire,the remaining23, save a solitaryone in Kent, being scatteredover or along the fronitiersof (Robertson, op. cit.,ii, 268). Anothlerimnportant fact, provingthat there was no violent displacementof the old inhabitants,but a gradual colonisation by the new corners,is mentionedby Mr. Wright. " It seems certain,"he says " that in some parts,especially in sonie of the cities,the transitionfrolmi Roman to Saxon was gradual,and that the two races mixed together. At ,Colchester, Rochesterand other places, we find Roman and Saxon inter- mentsin the same cemnetery:and in the extensiveSaxon burial- grounidat Oseligal,in the ,a Roman intermentin a leaden coffiinwas met with. The result of the discoveries which have been made in the researches amolngthe Saxon cemieteries,has been to renderit more and moreprobable that the Saxons were graduallygaining a footingin the island before the periodat whichthe grandinvasionis are understoodto have

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-IThe Ethnology of Gernany. 183 commenced." This opinionfrom so accomplishedan archseolo- gist is of the highestvalue in this controversy. Since writingthe above,I have received the followingcom- mmnicationfrom Mr. Keary,which I thinkso valuable in this discussionthat I have incorporatedit:-" Whatthen is in sum the evidence upon this questionwhich a study of the numismatic historyof the time has affordedus ? Our examinationiof the variouscodes of the Teutoniccontinental nations has led to the conclusion that among all those German people who had remainednear the borders of the old Roman Empire,and had not sharedin the movementwhich hurriedthe brothernations away fromtheir early homes into France and Spain, and Africa, and Italy, therehad been preservedunbroken the traditionof a silver currency. , in the first century,noticed the preferenceof the Germanpeople for old and well-knowntypes of Roman silvercoins; Moinmsentells us, fromthe evidenceof finds,that in the general debasementof the currencywhich marked the third century,the pure silver moneyfled and hid itselfin Germany; and now in the seventh and eight centuries the Teutoniccodes show us the Germanicnations of the border still in the use of silver coins,and when with Charlemagne, Germaninfluences become paramount in France, the change is markedby the substitutionof a silverfor a gold coinage. By the help of the informationgleaned fromthe laws we are able to show a sortof ring round centraland southernFrance, com- prisingthe districtsin which,before the time of Charles,silver had remained the standard metal. The circle took in the Alenianiansand some of the Bavarians; it took in Ripuaria and the north of proper (where in the west were long settledthe Saxons of Gaul), and a part at least of Frisia,but it leftout ,and most certainlynever approachedthe Cimbric Chersonese. These lands lay beyond the regionof a currencyof which the silver region was as it were the penumbra. " Do we continueour circle,it takesin theportion of oppositeto the silvercoasts of Franceand Holland,and we should say primdafaciethat had this district,too, been fromearly days German,as the land of the Ripuarians and was, and similarly the land of the Saxons in Gaul, the tradition of a silver currency would, in like manner, have been preserved. But we should have no reasonto expect anything of the sorthad the inhabitantsof this land not been of Teutonic blood; if they had been as fullysubjects of the Empire as the Britonswere. We should,too, assert with some confidencethat if this countryhad undergonea sudden and utter revolution between,say, the days of Constantineand the date of the

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 184 H. H. HOWORTH.-TheEthnology of Germany. appearanceof the earliestSaxon coins,if the older inhabitants had been all drivenaway or put to death by strangersto them, and to all their civilisation,then no traditionof a currency would have been handed on fromthe days of or Constantineto the days of Ethelredof Mercia or Ethelberhtof . Now what are the facts? Not only have we evidencethat just the region of the old " Littus Saxonicumper Britannias" is the region of the earliest silver coinage of England, and that when we pass beyond this district(in one directionat any rate*) no silver coinage appears forat least a hundredand fiftyyears, but we have much strongerevidence than in the case of the continentalnations we foundfor the con- tinuanceof a traditionarycurrency. In the firstcase, we argued upon the factof the silverhaving been foundcurrent just in the regionswhere we mightexpect to findit: here not only is this the case, but the typesof the earliestSaxon coins are foundin a vast majorityto imitate bygone Roman types. And we have clear evidencethat Roman coins were preservedand copied as late as Ethelberhtof East Anglia (793). " It is of course possiblethat the Saxons and Angles coming froma land whichknew not a coinage,and withoutholding any communicationwith the Britons,found as it were by accident some Roman coins,and constructeda monetarysystem in imita- tion of these. This was the oldertheory, so faras any theoryof the origin of the sceattas had been formed. But what a chapter of accidents it involves! How curious it is that the discoverywas confinedto certain regions of the land,- just those regions where accordingto other evidence the old Saxon colonistsmust have lived! How strange that the same fortunatediscovery was never made in Wessex! How strange, again,if the use of silvermoney sprang up thussuddenly among the Angles and Saxons of the East, that it was never communi- cated to their brethrenof the West ! Or if this be partly accountedfor by the suppositionof a frequentcommunication betweenthe opposite coasts of England and France,why were the typesof the English coins not takenfrom those which were in use upon the Continent? " This armyof difficultiesmelts away if we put in theplace of the popularview of the English invasion the morereasonable theoryof an old Saxon settlementon some of the coasts of this land, substitutefor the old theoriesor no theoriesof the orioinof the sceattas the supposition of a continued use of silver money among the Saxon settlers,handing on the habit of a

* Into Wessex. Beyond the northernlimit, i.e. in ,the currency was of copper. The locus of the early silver coins,the sceatta,is fromthe SouthamptonWater to the Wash.

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-The Ethnologyof Germany. 185 currencyfrom the time of Carausius to the time when the sceattaswere firstcoined. " It takes a long time for a people to become thoroughly familiarisedwith a coinage; once theyhave done so, it takes as long to make themabandon it. If Tacitus foundthe Germans still using consular denarii,we need not be surprisedthat the silvermoney of Carausius-coins of the palmy days of the littus Saxonicumn,should have continued in circulaticn for many hundred years,when the civilisationof Rome had withdrawn fromour coasts,and ' the dark cloud whichhad been clearedby the Phceniciandiscoveries, and finallydispelled by the arms of Caesar,again settleddown upon the shoresof the Atlantic,and a Roman provincewas again lost amongthe fabulousislands of the ocean (Gibbon). In the thoughtof this decay,we see no difficultyin understandingwhy, when the Saxons came to supplementthe decreasingnumbers of the Roman coins by a manufactureof their own,they were only able so rudely to imitatethe originaltypes."' It is curiousin regardto the Littus Saxonicum to which we have made such frequentreference in this paper,that the juris- dictionof its townsis still preservedin that of the Cinque Ports -another proofof continuitywith Roman times. Having examined the firstwave of Saxon settlersalong the southernand eastern coasts of Britain,let us now turn to the second. This brings us face to face with another difficulty, namely,the relationshipof the Jutes. The storyor Saga of Hengist and his followershas come down to us in three differentforms. It is told in great detail in the "Historia Britonum,"in less detail by Bede, and in a fragmentaryfashion in the Anglo-SaxonChronicle. I have already dissected the chronologyof the last two authors,and shownreason forbeliev- ing it to be quite arbitrary. I have no doubt,further, that their accountshave been drawnfrom the " Historia Britonum" or the sourcewhence the latterwas itselfderived. As I have said,the earliestrecension of the latterwork is certainlyas old as the time of Bede, and, as I believe,even considerablyolder. The accountof Bede is merely a truncatedversion of that in the " HistoriaBritonum," and seems to me to bear the evidenceof having been composedfrom it; while that of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,as I have shownlater on, only differsfrom it in the substitutionof one synonymfor a localityfor another, and in the conversionof what were palpably Saxon defeats into vic- tories.My conclusion,therefore, is thatthe " HistoriaBritonum " is the best,fullest, and earliest recensionwe have of the Saga. The next point that we must consideris as to its historicvalue. I confessthat it seems to me to bear palpable evidenceof its

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 186 H. H. HOWORTH.-YThe Ethnologyof Germiany. being authentic. It has, no doubt,been interpolated and altered in the version of Mark the Hermit,which apparently became the motherMS., but in the main it cuiitains,as I believe,a faithfulrecord of the tradition,and is of greatvalue. The scepticism of IKemble,based upon the occurrenceof two such names as Hengst and Horsa, is not reasonable. Why should these names be more mythicalthan Ursus and Lupus amongthe early Gallic bishops,or as Dr. Simrpsonhas said,than Drake and Hawkins among English navigators,or Wolfe and Lyons and Horsman among, other English notables? It would surelygo hard with Columbusif this formof criticism had any value, forwe are expresslytold by his son Ferdinand, that " he took the olive branch and oil of baptismacross the ocean;" figures,no doubt, suggestedby his ilame Columbus, derived fromColumba, a dove; moreover,as Dr. Bosworthhas shown,the namnesHenigst and Horsa still survive,and are in use among the Frisians. As to there being joint leaders of the expeditionwhich has also been made a groundfor scepticism, it is forgottenthat this was the usual way in which piratical expeditionswere led in earlydays. Ivar and , Ivar and Olaf the White,Ivar and Halfdene,Biorn and Hasting,Godfred and Sigfred,are some instances fromNorse times; Ibor aid Ayo amonigthe ,from earlier legends. I have no hesitation thereforein accepting the Saga of Hengist as in the main a truthfulnarrative, and as standingon quite a differentfooting altogether to the accountsin the Anglo- Saxon Chronicleabout the South Saxons and the East Saxons. The genealogyof Hengist,which has been so amplyand curiously preservedin the Britishnarrative of the " Historia Britonum," seems to me to be also ofhigh authority, but we arenot confined to one narrativein our criticismof the historyof these dark times,and can gatherglimpses of lightfrom other sources. The name Jute is probablynot of veryold date and was not improbablyderived from Geata, the eponymosof the race,as the Kentish Royal House calls itself that of the Aescings,that of Denmarkthe Scioldings, of Sweden the Inglings, etc., from similar eponymi. It is quite clear froma numberof considerationsthat it was a synonymfor Frisian,and that Jute and Frisian in fact connotedthe same people. Thus while Bede divides the Englishrace into Angles,Jutes, and Saxons,Procopius, who lived muchnearer the timeand in the sixthcentury, divides them into Angles,Saxons, and Frisians. Hengist,the leader of the Jutes accordingto Bede, was de- scended, accordingto the genealogies both in the "Historia Britonum" and the Anglo-SaxonChronicle, from Fin the son of Fo]cwald the son of . Now, Fin the son of Folcwald is

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-/heEthnology of Germany. 187 named in the Traveller'ssong and is theredistinctly called Fresna Cynne,"of Frisian race." The invadersof Scotlandin the fourth centurywere led most probably,as I shall show presently,by Vecta, an ancestorof Hengist,while in the fifthcentury they are found there underthe latter's nephew Octa, and it was thence that Aesc went to rule overKent; so that accordingto the Saga, which is our only authority,there can be no doubt thatthe in- vaders of Kent and thoseof the easternseaboard of the Scotch lowlandswere the same people. It is thereforenatural to find speakingcf one of the inlets on the Scotch coast as the Mare Fresicuin; while Josceline,in his life of Kentigern,as Mr. Skene has pointedout, calls the shoresof Culross, Fresicum littus. That learnedauthor argues forcibly that this name was derived froina largeTeutonic colony which occupied the modern counties of Fife and Kinross and the maritimepart of Forfarbounded on the land side by the secondchain of the Ochils and Sidlaw hills, whichseparate, as he says,the low maritimetract from the great Strathsof Stratherneand Strathmor. This districtis marked by a peculiar Teutonictopographical nomenclature in that the lills within it are termed laws, the Sidlaw hills, its frontier, beilnga notableinstance. Anotherlarge colonywas apparently settlednear LDumfries,which is identifiedby Mr. Skene as the Caer Pheris of Nennius,and explainedby him as the Dun of the Frisians in contrastwith Dunbreton or the Dun of the Britons, aindhe quotes a curious anecdotefrom Josceline's life of Saint Kentigern,where we read that on his way back fromWales to Glasgow,the Saint stoppedat Holden or Hoddelene (compare thename Hadeln applied to a considerabledistrict on the Frisic coast between the Elbe and Weser) in Dumfriesshire,where a moundartificially rose fromthe ground as a platformfor him, and we are toldhe thenceaddressed the people and demonstrated to themthat Woden, whom they and especiallythe Angli believed to be theirprincipal god, from whom they deduced their origin, and to whom theydedicated the fourthday of the week,was a mortaland a king of the Saxons. In the midst of the Friescummare was the island fortressof Guidi, identifiedby Mr. Skene withFedra island near the Bass rock,but as I thinkmore probably by thelate Sir JamesSimpson with Inch Keith, whichseems to me to preservethe alternative nameof Jute. The samefortress is mentionedin the additionsto Nennius and is therecalled Judea (.H.1B.,76). The name per- haps also remainsin Jedburgh.Whiether this be so or not there can be small doubtthat the Jutesand Frisians were the same people, a conclusionsupported by the occurrenceof the names amongthe modernFrisians by the Middle Age iegendsconnecting Hengist with Holland, but above all by

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 188 H. H. HoWORTH.-The Ethnologyof Germany. the closeaffinityof the Northumbrian dialect of Anglo-Saxon with thatof . How thencame the change of name to Angle,on whichname we shall have muchto say in explanationof this very fact;when in a futurepaper we treatof theAngles ? Precisely,I believe,as the Angles were sometimescalled Saxons. Neither Saxons nor Juteswere old names because the people who were rigidlyentitled to use themwere new comers. The names were not those of the mass of the people but only of the ethelingsor princelycaste; that sectionof themto whichthe kingsbelonged, the sacred race of the north whichsupplied its upper stratum to the Norsefolk,to the Goths and and , one branchof which was knownas Geatas or Aescinas,another as Scioldings,a thirdas Inglings,a fourthas Merwings,another as Saxons,etc., etc.; but all claimingclose kinshipand tracingdescent fromOdin and the Asirs. The invadersin the noith ofEngland were in factFrisians led by a caste of this royalstock, a caste or sept knownas Geatas. Thus it comesabout that thelatter name appears so late. Its firstundoubted occurrence known to me is in a letterof the Frank King Theodebertto the Emperor Jus- tinian,when he writesof their submissionto himselfin these words " subactis cum Saxonibus Euciis, qui se nobis voluntate propria tradiderunt. . . usque in Oceani litoribus dominatis nostraporrigitur " (Zeuss, 501). A littlelater we findthem men- tionedby VenantiusFortunatus, who flourishedabout the year 580, in a passage wherethe name "Dane" apparentlyoccurs for the firsttime. He names them amongthe foesof the Franks in the time of Chilperic,thus- "Quem Geta, Wasco tremunt,Danus, EButhio,Saxo, Britannus, Cum patri quos acie te domitassepatet." (Id.) These northerninvaders were called Saxons by Claudian,they were known as Saxons to the Gaelic people of Scotland,who still call the Englishrace by the name. They were knownas Saxons to the Cymraegpeople of Wales and Strathclyde,for Saxon is still the indigenousgeneric name forthe whole Englishrace. Adamnanspeaks of King Aldfridas visitinga friendin Saxonia, meaning the countryof the Angles,and Nennius brings the people of Hengist fromthe island of Ongghul,i.e. fromAnglen. Bede, in his accountof Yarrow,describes himself as an eccle- siastical office-bearerin Saxonia, although he was an Angle. ,as I mentionedin a formerpaper, is used by Bede as a synonymfor the Old Saxons. It is curiousto findthe author of the additionsto Nennius applyingit to the Angles of North- umbria,who werebaptized by Paulinus ("Mon. Hist. Britt.,76)," showing that the names Jute, Angle, and Saxon were used

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HowORTH.-The Ethnologyof Germany. 189 indifferently.Bede, in fact,uses the phrase," Tunc Anglorum sive Saxonum gens" of the actual followersof Hengist,whom he afterwardscalls Saxons; while in the " Historia Britonum" we nevermeet with the nameJute, the invaders being invariably called Saxonsby its author. Let us now on withour story. After the planting of the garrisonsalong the southernand eastern shoresof Britainon the Saxon shorethe southernparts of the island werefor a long time unmolested,and the stronghands of the emperorswho reignedin the firsthalf of the fourthcentury were quite competentto restrainmarauders. Wheenwe next read of the Saxons as invadersthey are foundin NorthBritain. They have nothing to do with the previous wave who were already settled in the south, and had then become Roman citizens,and this invasionforms an entirelynew departurein Saxon history. In the year 360 Ammianus Marcellinis mentionshow the Picts and Scots having broken the peace to which theyhad agreed,were plunderingthe districtson theirborders and keep- ing in constantalarm the provinces exhausted by formerdisasters, whereuponLupicinus was sent withtwo extra legions and an auxiliaryforce of lightarmed and against them. We are not told that he did anythingagainst them, and are led to infer,from the contemptuousterms in whichhe is referredto, that he did not. Four years later,nainely in 364, the same authortells us thatthe Picts, Scots, Saxons, and Atacottiharassed the Britonswith incessantinvasions. This is the firstmention of the Saxons in this theirsecond campaignagainst the British territory,and as will be seen fromthe tribesthey are namedwith, theyclearly came fromthe Northand were in alliance withthe tribes who lived beyond the wall. Four yearslater, namely in 368, we are told that news reachedValentinian that Britainwas reducedby the ravagesof the unitedbarbarians to the lowest extremityof distress; that Nectaridus, the Count of the Sea Coast, had been slain in battle, and the Duke Fullofaudes had beeni takenprisoner by theeneiny in an ambuscade.Valentinian, struck with consternation,sent Severus and thenJovinus; and lastly,on accountof theformidable reports which reached him, Theodosius, who at the head of a large armywent to restorematters. At this time Ammianussays the Picts,who were divided into two nations,the Dicaledones and the Vecturiones,and likewise the Attacotti,a verywarlike people, alnd the Scots,were all roving over differentparts of the countryand committinggreat ravages (id., 453 and 454). The Vecturionesof this passage,as I shall show presently,were mostprobably Saxons. Claudian in his panegyricon Theodosius puts the Saxons in the Orcades or Orkneys. Thus:

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"Quid rigorwtern us coeli,quid sidera prosunt, Ignotumquefretum ? madueruntSaxone fuso Orcades: incaluitPictorum sanguine Thule Scotortimcumulos flevit glacialis Jerne." (Claudian de quarto ConsulatuHllonorii Augusti Panegyris, 30-34.) Again,when in 396 and 397 came to Britain to repel anotherinvasion, the same panegyristwrites:

"Munivit Stilichon,totam cum Scotus Iernen Movit,et infestospumavit remige Tethys Illius effectumcuris, ne tela timerem Scotica,ne Pictumtremerem, ne litoretoto Prospiceremdubiis venturum Saiona ventis." (Id. in primumconsulatum Stilichonis, lib. ii, 247.) These passages show that Scotlandwas at this timeinhabited by colonies of Saxons as well as Picts and Scots,and this is confirmedwhen we turn to those much-neglectedbut very valuable authorities,the Irish Annals and Sagas, to which, exceptingalways their chronology,I am disposed to attach considerablecredit. Now in one of the most famous of the battlesmnentioned in the earlyannals-that of Magh Mucreimhe near the present Athenryin the countyof Galway, which is dated by the annalistsabout 195 A.D., and was fotughtbetween Mac Con and Art,son of Conn of the HundredBattles-we are tolo the formerwas assisted by the Franks,Saxons, Britons and Albanians (O'Curry'sLectures, vol. i, xxi.). Niall of the Nine Hostages is said in the Irish legendsto have been killed in Britain on the Iccian Sea, i.e., the Straits of iDover,in 405. He may have led one of the confederatearmies whichthen so terriblymolested the Englishshores. In the story of Brudin Daderga we findmention made of manyforeigners, among others of Saxons,at the Courtof Conain Mor, King of Ireland. In the Ulster Annals we find under the year 434, the date ought to be remarked," Prima prcedaSaxonum in Britannia." In 471, the second plunderingof the Saxons in Ireland is mentioned. The common object of attack, Roman-Britain,says Mr. O'Sullivan,brought the Irish and Saxons in contactat an early period; and thatthis intercoursewas on the wholeof a frienidly characteris shownby the frequentintermarriages between them and theirpresence at the Courtsof Irish princes,but, above all, by the numberof earlyIrish missionarieswho devoted them- selves not only to theestablishmnent of churches and monasteries in the north-eastof England, but curiouslyenough followed the stream of population fromthe Straits of Dover through Belg,iumto the iRhinie,that is fromthe Iccian Sea, of which

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORmTH.-TteEthnology of Germany. 191 thereis so frequentmention in Irish MSS. relatingto veryearly times,and to which one Irish princeat least led an expedition. We have anotherproof of this alliance against the Romanized Britons in the way in which Saxons were received at the schoolsof Ireland. The hostilityof the two peoples appears to have firstarisen in consequence of the quarrels between the Irish and Saxon Churches. Political causes helped to develop this hostilityas soon as the Saxon dominionextended to the northof England,and the Saxon Kings of Northumbriacame into direct contact with the Scotic Kingdoin established in Scotland. The wars carriedon by the Saxon Kings against the Scots and Picts involved the Irish in the quarrels of their brethrenin Scotland,and led to the ravaging,of the coasts of Ireland by the Saxons; and Bede in describingan expeditionof Egfrid,King of the Northumbrians,against Ireland, under a commandernamed Beort in 684, adds that it miserablywasted that harmlessnation, which had always been most friendlyto the English,insomuch that in theirhostile rage theyspared not even the churchesand monasteries. Alcuin similarlydescribes the same.event. "PraefuitEgfridus regno feliciter annis Ter quinisfaciens victriciabella, quousque Agminibusmissis animo transaequora seevo Praecipiensgentes Scotorum ecede cruenta Vastare innocuas,Anglis et semperamicas," etc. (S'ee O'Sullivan on O'Curry's " Manners and Customsof the Irish," etc., 1, xxxv.and xxxvi.Bede iv,. xxvi,Alcuin Poema de Pont. et Sane. eccl.Ebor, 835.) The evidence,therefore, that the Saxons did not spare the Irish coasts when theyattacked thoseof Great Britain is very conclusive. As they do not appear in the old Irish stories under the name of Saxons,however, it is interestingto findout whetherthey may not be mentionedunder some other namie. Mr. Skene,who has done so much forearly history, pointed out that the people whomthe Irish called Formorianswere doubtless the same folk as the Frisians. Foinorians or Pomorians is wordfor word the same name in formas Pomeranians,as has been pointedout by the learnedBishop of Limnerick,Dr. Graves, and it meansmerely those living in the flatlandsby the sea, and is thereforeespecially applicable to the Frisians. Severalof the old Irish writers,as may be seen in O'Flaherty's" Ogygia,"etc., call themAfricans, and as Mr. Skene says,it is a remarkable factthat Procopiussimilarly calls the FrisiansAfricans. The variousnotices of themin the Irish legends show they came from the neighbourhoodof Scandinavia and were of Teutonic origin. In confirmationof this view, I may quote fromProfessor O'Curry, who says of them: "The Fomorians appear to have been rovers,tribes frontNorway, Sweden, and

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Finland,who crept down the Baltic and the coast of Norway and swarmedover the Orkneys,Shetland, and the Hebrides. They are said in our old historiesand genealogiesto have been of the race ofCam, son ofNoah, and to have fledhither from Africa. They appear to have been theforerunners of the of later times; if indeed the race and propensitiesof those adventurersdid not come down unbrokenfrom the remotesttimes to the battle of Clontarf." Mac Firbis classes the Fomorians with the Lochlanns or Scandinavians and the Saxon Galls in one of his workson old Irish genealogies. In anotherhe devotes a chapterto themin companywith the Lochlannsand Normans. I quite agreewith the views here urgedbv Skene and O'Curry,and as these are by no means familiarfacts, I have collectedtogether such references as I could meetwith about the Fomorians,culled fromthe old Irish heroictales, etc. Keating says of them:-" Those African pirates called Formhoraucwere the descendantsof Shem. They fittedout a fleetand set sail fromAfrica, and steeringtowards the Western Isles of Europe, theylanded on the Irish coast. Some time afterthey arrived, the Nemediansengaged them in threebloody battlesand defeatedthem. The firstof these battleswas fought at Sliabh Blaidhmia,the secondat Ross Fraochainin Connaught, where Gan and Geanan were slain, the two principal com- manders of the Africans. The third battle at Murbuilg in Dailreadah,where Starn,the son of Nemedius,was killed by Conaing,the son of Farbhar. In a fourthbattle, the bloodiest and most desperate of a11,fought at Cuambriusin Leinster, Nemediusand his forces,which were mostof the men he had in his kingdom,were cut to pieces. Amongthe slainwas Arthur,the son of Nemedius,born in Ireland,and Jobhchon,the son ol his brotherStarn. This broke the heart of Nemedius, who died shortlyafter, with 2,000 of his people,at a place called Oilean arda Nemhid,now Barrymonin the countyof Cork. "On his deaththe Africans puirsued their victory and completed their conquestof the countryaiid made the people tributary. They fixed their chief settlementat Torinis,also called Tor Conaing,where Morc, the son of Dela, and Conaing,the son of Faobhar,who gave its name to the island, ruled. The tribute of the Nemedianswas annuallycollected at a place calledMagh Goceidue,between Drobhais and Eirne,on the Ist of Novemiiber. They took two parts of their children,their milk,butter, and wheat,which was collectedthus: Theyemployed a womanas tax collector,who compelled each familyto pay three measures of wheatenmeal, three measures of creamand threeof butterevery year. Magh Goceidue mieansthe plain of compulsion."

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The Nemedians,unable to bear the oppressionany longer, rose in revoltand slew Conaingwith all his children(Keating, 31--34). ProfessorO'Curry describes in greater detail the a4ruggle with Conaing. He says:-" During the revolt of the Ne- medians, Morc, the son of Dela, was absent in Africa, but he returned soon after with 60 sail and fought a desperatebattle with the Nemedians. The battle was fought on the strand,and was so hotly contestedthat neitherside observedhow the tide was flowingin untilboth were surrounded, so thatmany of thosewlho escaped the swordwere drowned." Morc anidwhat remainedof his men managedto get on their ships,and theyafterwards succeeded in conqueringthe island. A large number of the Neinedians then withdrewfrom the island under three chiefs,while the wretchedremnant of the people lived in servitudeto the Fomorianstill the arrivalof the Firbolgs. (Id., 34 and 35.) The Fomorianscame under a valiant leader,named Conaing (?Kunung), son of Faebhar (? corruptionof ap Ivar), and took possessionof ToryIsland, on the north-westcoast of Donegal. This theyfortified and convertedinto a kind of citadel or depot, whencethey plundered the Nemedianson themainland. Driven to despair,tlle latterat length assembled all their people,men and women,on the mainland,opposite ToryIsland, whereutpon we are told the Fomorianssent theirDruids and Druidesses to confoundthem. Under an arch-Druidess,named Reilbeo,the wife of Nemid,a fiercecontest of blows and spells ensued,in whichthe Fomorianswere defeated,and in a generalfight which followed.their fortress on was destroyedand their chief,King Conaing,and his sons werekilled (O'Curry,ii, 184 and 185). Presently,however, Morc, soil of Dela, another Fomorian chieftain,returned with sixty ships and re-occupied Tory Island, and renewed the oppressionof the Nemedians. Anotherbattle followed,in which there was a great'ilutual slaughter. Morc and a few of his followersalone escaped to the island, and but one ship of the Neine(lians,with only thlirty warriorsand three leaders,escaped to the mainland (id. 185). Toryis merely Tor ey, i.e., Tor inis, or Tor Island, the island of the toweror fortress;and this use of the Teutonic " ey" for an island showsagain that the ilivaderswere Teutons. Keating tells us that the palace of KinigNemedius was built by fourfamous Fomorian builders, named Bog, Robhog,Rodan, and Ruibhne. Theywere called Fomorians,he says,because they were a sort of piratesor sea robbersthat came originallyfrom Africa.The next morning,after their work was done,Nemedius orderedthem to be killed,lest theyshould build otherbuildings VOL. X. 0

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 194 H. H. HOWORTH.-TlheEthnology of Germany. exceedinghis in beauty. They were killed at Doire Lighe and thereburned. (Id. 31.) One of the most famous of the heroic tales of the ancient Irish is that known as the Fate of the Childrenof , translatedby ProfessorO'Ourry, in the Atlantis. This contains some veryinteresting notices of the Fomorians. In it we read that at the time the Tuatha de Danans were tributariesof the Fomorians, theylaid a tax on the kneadingtrough, the quern, and the bakinigflags, and a poll tax of an ounce of gold upon every nose of the Tuatha de Danan, and this was extorted annually; anyonewho refusedto pay had his nose cut off. Presentlya deliverercame in the presence of of the Long Arms,who had been a great traveller,and returnedhome with a numberof companions,opportunely, as eighty-oneof the Fomorian tax collectorswere about to proceed to their work. We are told four of them were called Eine (i.e.,Ina), Eath- faid (Eadfred),Coron, and Compar. Lugh fellon thesepublicans and killed seventy-twoof theon. The remainingnine he spared and allowedto returnhome. They set out,we are told,for the countryof Lochlain (i.e., Scandinavia), where the Fomorians were,and theyrelated to themwhat had happened,and Balar asked if theyknew who Lugh was; Ceithliome,Balar's wife,* said she knew: " He is a daughter'sson of yoursand mine,and it is presaged and prophesiedthat when he shall go to him the Fomorians'power there should come to an end." Then the chiefmen of the Fomorianswent into a Council. Eab Seanchab,the grandsonof Neid and Sotal Salmhor; and Luaith-Leabharchaim,and Tume Mor of Triscadal,and Loisgum Lomghimeach; and Luaith Luaimneach,and Lobais the ; and Liathlabhar,the son of Lobais; and the nine deeplylearned poets and propheticphilosophers of the Fomorians,and Balar of the Stout Blows himself,and the twelvewhite-mouthed sons of Balar and (Ceithleannthe CrookedToothed, Balar's Queen. And it was then Breas, the son of Balar, said " I will go with seven valiant and greatbattalions of the horsemenof the Fomo- riansinto Erin, and I willgive battleto theJoldhanach" (a termby which Lugh was designated. He was a kind of Admirable Crichton,and was thence called Joldhanach,i.e., master of all arts)," and I will cut offhis head and I will bringit to you upon the greenof the Lochlainn Berbhe."t " It would well become

* She was presentin the secondfamous battle of Magflh Tuiredh, to be mentioned presently,and so injuredDaghda that he died. Mr. O'Currysuggests that the name Inis Ceithleann,now Iniiskillen,in the county of Fermaiiagh,is derived from her. t Dr. O'Currysays, this was the name of the chief city of Lochlainn,men- tionedin severalof the Irish romantictales, but whoseposition he could not fix. It is elsewherecalled Berge. Can the name be connlecteJwith Bergenlin South Norway?

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. 11. HOWORTH.-TIh Etlnologyof Germany. 195 you to do so " theysaid, and thenBreas added," Let myships and my swiftbarks be made readyfor me, and let foodand stones be put into them." This was done,and Luaithhueach (i.e.,the SwiftStoryteller) and Luaithleatharcham(i.e., the Swift-bodied) were sent to assemnblethe army,and when they had come together,and were duly equipped,they set out forErinn. " And Balar followedthem to theport and said ' Give battleto the Joldhanachand cut offhis head,and tie that islandwhich is called Eire (i.e.,Ireland) at the sternsof yourships and let the dense vergingwater take its place, and plant it upon the north side of Lochlainn,and not one of the Tuatha De Danann will ever followit there.' "Then they pushed out their ships and swift barks from the port,and theyfilled them with pitch, and with frankin- cense and myrrh; and theyhoisted their sliding variegated sail- ing cloths,and theymade a sudden startfrom the harbourand the shore-port,along the land that is not cultivated,and ou-t upon the wide lying sea, and upon the wonderfulabyss, and upon the ridgebacks of the deluge,and upon the wet high cold- venomedmountains of the truly deep ocean, and they never slackenedfrom that sailing course until theyreached harbour and shoreport at Eas Dara (now the village of Ballisadare on the river Uinshin,in the barony of Leney and the county of Sligo), and the King of Connacht at this time was Bodhbh Dearg, the son of Daghdha." The strangersnow proceededto devastateConnaught. Mean- while Lugh went to have an interviewwith them at Magh Mor an Aonaigh (i.e., the great Plain of the Fair, its site is not known),where they were campedwith their plunder. Then arose Breas and said," It is a wonderthe sun shouldrise in the west to-dayand not in theeast as on otherdays." " It had been betterhad it been so,"said the . " What thenis it ?" said he. " The radianceof the face of Lugh of the Long Arms" was theirreply. When Lugh saluted them he told them he was but half a Tuath de Danann, being a Fomorian by his mother'sside, and he then,we are told,cast a druidical spell overthe cattle they had harried,and sent its own milch cows to every house in Erin and left them the drybones, and having waited for his forcesand put on his armour,Lugh and his people attacked Magh Mor an Asnaigh,and the foreignersjoined battle with themand theycast the spears at one another,and when these were shiveredthey drew their broad-edged gold crossed swords fromtheir blue borderedscabbards, and Lugh, seeingBreas, the son of Balar, surroundedwith his warriors,rushed at him,and two of these body-guardswere killed. Breas then demaanded o 2

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 196 H. H. HOWORTH.-The Ethnologyof Germany. quarterand promisedto bringthe Fomoriansover to the battle of Magh Tuireadh; quarterwas grantedto him accordingly,and he was allowed to go withhis Druids. The battleto which he promised to come is known as the second battle of Magh Tuireadh. The secondor northernbattle of Magh Tuireadh,more com- monlycalled the battle of Magh Tuireadh na 'Fomhor(i.e., the Plain of the Towers or Pillars of the Fomorians),is very famousfrom the heroicnarrative which has reached our day in regardto it, and whichis quoted by Cormacin his Glossaryas early as the ninthcentury. It was foughtbetween the Fomo- rians and the people called Tuatha D6 Danann. The latter were governedby Breas,who was a Fomorian by his father's side,but a Tuatha De' Danann on his mother's. He encouraged the invasions of the sea rovers,we are told,so that theysuc- ceededin layingheavy tributeon the Tuath De Dananns. The latter,after conspiring secretly for three years, rose in revoltand droveaway theirKing Breas,replaciing him by his predecessor, Miadha, who,having lost his arm,had been disqualifiedfrom ruling,but had now recoveredfrom his wound and even,accord- ino to the legend,had a silverarm made for him by the silver- smithsand surgeonsof his people. The Tuatha De' Dananns also prepareda great store of spearsand swordsfor the coining fray. Breas, when he was conistrainedto resign the throne, went withhis motherto the court of his father, (? Ella), who,we are told,was at this timethe great chief of the Fomo- rian pirates,who swarmedall over the GermanOcean and ruled over the ShetlandIsles and the Hebrides. Though he received his son coldly,Elatha neverthelessfurniished him with a fleet and armyto enable him to reconquerhis positionin Ireland,and was recommendedby him furtherto the great Fomorian chiefs, of the Evil Eye, King of the Islands, and Indech,son of De Dannand, and they collected all their armamentsso that theyare said to have formedan unbrokenbridge of ships and boats fromthe Hebrides to the north-westcoast of Ireland. Having landed there theymarched to the northernTuireadh, situated in the parishof Cell Nitrie Trena,and the baronyof Tirerrill,in thecounty of Sligo (O'Curry'sLectures,249; "Manners and Customs,"iii, 213), a place surroundedwith hills and rocks and narrowdefiles. " Besides Meada of the Silver Hand, the chief men of the Tuatha De Dananns at this time were the greatDaghda, Lug,son of Cian,son of Deancecht,their great AEsculipius: Ogina GreanAmeach (of the Sufi-likeFace), and others,but thegreat Daghda and Lug -erethe prime counsellors and arrangersof the battle." The accountgoes on to state how these two summonedtheir smiths,their cerds, or silver and

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-CTbeEthnology of Germany. 197 brass workers,their carpenters,their surgeons,their sorcerers, thieircupbearers; their druids,their poets, their witches,and their chief leaders; and there is not, perhaps, in the whole rangeof our ancientliterature, a morecurious chapter than that whichdescribes the questionsput by Lug to theseseveral classes as to the nature of the service which each was preparedto renderin the battle,and the characteristicprofessional answer whichhe receivedfrom each of them(Lectures 249). The same accomplishedauthor has abstractedthe answersgiven by the smiths,the silversmiths,and the carpenter. The first-of these replied: " Thoughthe men of Erin should continuethe battle forseven years,for every spear thatfalls offits handle and for everysword that breaks, I will give a newweapon in place of it, and no erringor missing cast shall be thrownwith any spear thatis made by my hands,and no fleshinto which it will enter shall ever taste the sweets of life after; and this,"said he " is more than Dubh, the Fomorian smith,can do." " And what will you give in the battle, Creiduc?" said Lug to the gold and silversmith." This," said Creiduc, "rivets for spears and hilts for swords, and bosses and rims for shields shall be suppliedby me to all our men." " And you,Luchtine," said Lug to the carpenter. "This,"said Luchtine," a full sufficiencyof shieldsand of spearhandles shall be suppliedby me to them." (" Manners and Customs,"etc., ii, 249.) Here we gatherthat the shieldswere then made of wood withmetal bosses and rims,etc. The Fomorianswere astonishedwhen theysaw the arms of their enemies. "They saw tlleir own arms," says the story, that is, theirspears and swords," injuredand useless afterthe fight; but it was not so with the Tuatha de Danann, for if their armswere rendereduseless to-day,they were in perfect orderfor battle the next day,because Goibun the smithwas in the forgemaking swords and jazielins and spears and he made these arms by three turns,or spells,and theywere perfectly finishedby the third turn. And Luchtine made the spear handles by three chippings,and the third chipping was a finish. " When the smithhad finishieda spear-head,"says the tract, "he threwit fromthe tongstowards the door-post,in whichit stuck by the point,and then Luchtine the carpeniterhad the handle ready and threw it so accuratelythat it enteredthe socketof the spear,and became so exactlyfixed that it required no furthersetting" ! ! ! Creidin the Cerd also made the rivets by three turns,and the third turnwas a finish,and then he pitchedthem from his tongs into the holes in the socketof the spear,so as, withoutfurther boring, to pass throughit, and the

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 198 H. H. HOWORTH.-The Ethnologyof Gernmany. handle fasteningthem so firmlyas to requireno furtheratten- tion ! ! I etc. The Fomorianssent out a man to spy out the enlemy'scamp; his name was Ruadan, and he was the son of Breas of the Fomorians,but his motherwas Brigh,daughter of Daghda the greatchief, and championof the Tuatha de Danann, and on the strengthof this relationshiphe gainedfree access to theircamp. He reportedthe operationsof the smith,the Cerd,and the carpenter,and was told to return and kill the snmith.He returnedtherefore, and obtained a spear-headfrom the smith, rivets fromthe Cerd, and a handle fromthe carpenter. He then took it to a woman named Cron,the motherof Fianlugh, whose occupation it was to grind the arms on a whetstone. She groundthe spear forRuadan, who thereuponthrew it at the smith and wounded him, but the smithwithdrew it fromhis own body and threwit back at Ruadan,through whose body it passed,killingf him on the spot. (Op. cit.,249 and 250.) In this battle the onlyweapons named were the Sligh,or long-pointedjavelin for throwing,the foghaor shortspear, the Saighead bolghor belly dart,the claidheamchor sword,and the Lic tachne or sling-stone(id., ii, 295). The last of these is mentionedin an interestingpassage of the tale. We are told that during the heat of the battle the Fomorian chief and warriorBalor was dealing fearfuldestruction among the Tuath de Danann, not moreby his swordand spear than by his " Evil Eye," which he generallykept covered,but whichhe exposed during the fight. Amolngthose who were struckdown by this was Meada of the Silver Hand, the King of the Tuath de Danann, and the Lady , daughterof Erumas,after whose deaths Balor again closed his eye. Thereuponthe champion Lugh went up to him,and denouncinghis cruelty,threatened him with instant death. ThereuponBalor opened the lid of his Evil Eye. When Lugh saw it move,he darteda sling stone at it and droveit throughhis skull,whereupon Balor fell dead among his people (id., 251). We are told that among the Fomoriansthere was not a man who was not suppliedwith a " lorica" on his body,a helmet on his head, a inanais or broad spear in his righthand, a heavy sharp sword at his girdle,and a firmshield at his shoulder. The swords are spoken of as tooth-hiltedswords, i.e., hilted with the tusk of the sea-horse. They are also describedas charmed. Thus we are told thatin the fightOgma the championobtained Ornai the sword of ,King of the Fomorians; unsheathed the sword and cleaned it. " Then it relatedall thedeeds that it had performed, and it is therefore,"says the old tract," thatswords are entitledto the tribute of cleaningthem whenever they are opened. It is

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-TheEthnology of Gerrnmani. 199

on this account,too, that charmsare preservedin swords,from that timedown. Now the reasonwhy demonswere accustomed to speak fromweapons at that time,was because arms were worshippedby the people in thosetimes, and armswere among the tutelaryprotectors of those tinmes."(Id., 254.) As a pendentto the above descriptionof the armatureof the soldierson eitherside, may be added the followingdescription of Eladha, King of the Fomorians,who afterthe battle ap- peared suddenlybefore a Tuatha de Danann maidenin Con- naught,dressed as follows: He had goldenhair down to his two shoulders; he wore a cloak braidedwith golden thread,a shirt interwovenwith threads of gold,and a brooch of gold at his breastemblazoned with precious stones. He carriedtwo bright silver spears with fine bronze handles in his hand,a shield of gold overhis shoulders,and a gold-hiltedsword, with reins of silver and paps of gold. And we are told that on partinghe leftthe maidenhis ringof gold, whichhe took offhis middle finger. (Op. cit.,iii, 155 and 156.) The battle ended in the completedefeat of the Fomorians, who retiredfrom the fieldunder theirsurviving leader Breas, who had been captured,but obtainedhis libertyby a stratagem. (Id., 213.) We have othernotices of the Fomorians. Thus we are told in the book of Invasions that Rath-Ciun-Eich(i.e., the Horse- head Fort),was built in one day by four Fomorian brothers, who were condemnedby Nemhedh as prisonersor slaves to do the work,but who were put to death again the next day, lest theyshould demolish the workagain. (Id., iii, 3.) One of the famous legendaryKings of Ireland was Siorna, who fora while dispossessedLugair, the son of Lugaidh,of the throneof Munster. The latter appealed to the Fomoriansto go to his assistance. They came in greatforce, we are told,headed by theirKing Ceadarn (or Ceasarn),and having been joined by Lugair and his Munster men, fought the battle of Moin Trogaidhe,in whichthe leaders on either side were killed. On this battlean old poem survives:- "The battleof Moin Trogaidhein the East, In whichthe Fomorianswere cut down, He who foughtit at the swellinghill, Was Lugair,the son of Lugaidh Lamh-fhind, He fromwhom Moin Trogaidheis named, Was Trogaidhe,the tutorof the youngwarriors of Erin, And even of the Fomorianstoo Beforethe fightof this greatbattle." (Id., ii, 356.) In anotherstory about the Fomorians,we read how when the famnoushero Cuchullainwas on a journeyto Ireland,he landed

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 200 H. H. HOWORTH.-TheEth?zology of Germanyg. at Rechrainn(Dow Rathlin) Island, " where he founda beauti- ful girl sittino alone on the beach. On asking her why she thus sat there,she replied she was the daughterof the King of Rechrainn,that her father was annuallycompelled to pay a large and rich tributeto the Fomoriansor pirates,who infestedthe Scottish Islands; that failing this year to procurethe stipu- lated amount,he was orderedto place her,his only daughter,in the position he now saw her, and that beforethe night she should be carried off by the Fomorians. While this conver- sationwas actuallygoing on, threefierce warriors of the Fomo- rians landed fromtheir boat in the bay, and made straightfor the spot in whichthey knew the mnaidenawaited them. Before theyhad time to lay ruLdehands on her,however, Cuchullain fell on them and killed them all, escaping himselfwith but a slightwound which the maidenbound up," etc.,etc. (O'Curry, TLectures,etc., 280 and 281.) The facts here collected are not, I am aware, arrangedin complete order. The vein I have here followed is almosta virgin one in British ethnologicalreasoning, and I have little doubtthat when morefully explored, a rich resultwill reward the inquirer. These facts,however, make it certainthat Scotlandand the Northof Ireland were overrun probably in themiddle of the fourth centuryby a large numberof invaders,whom we identifyas Frisiansor Jutes. These invadershave in our view lefta memo- rial of singularinterest and importancein SouithernScotland, namelythe Catstane. This famousmonument has beenillustrated withsingular learning and ingenuityby Sir James Simpson,by Mr. Skene,by ProfessorDaniel Wilson,and others,and all are agreedthat it is a perfectlygenuine monument. It is situated in the parishof Kirkliston,on the farmof Briggs,in a fieldon the northside of the roads to Linlithgow,and betweenthe sixth and seventhmilestones from Edinburgh. It is a massiveunhewn block of greenstonetrap, like similar boulders in the district. Its heightabove the groundis 4 feet6 inches, it is about 4 feet 5 inchesin width,and 3 feet3 inchesin thickness. Sir James Simpsonhad the groundabout it excavated,and found that its total lengthwas 7 feet3 inches. It restson a basis of stones, whichapparently once formeda built-up grave,but which has long since been rifled. A centuryand a half ago it was sur- roundedby a circularrange of large flat-laidstones. The stone is knownas the Catstaneor battle-stone. Upon the stoneis an inscription,which all the most competentlapidary authorities knownto me who have examined it pronounceto be perfectly genuine,and to be of that peculiardebased Roman stylewhich prevailedin the fourthcentury. It was firstpublished so long

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-The Ethnologyof Germany. 201 ago as 1699-1700, in the " Mona Antiqua Restaurata,"in a letter to Rowlands,the author of that work, fromthe well-known Welsh antiquary,HumphreyT Llwyd, and has beensince frequently copied. (An elaboratepaper upon it,showing great learninag and inigenuity,was publishedin the 4thvoluine of the " Proceedings of the Society ofAntiquaries of Scotland,"p. 1i 9, by Sir James Simpson.) The inscriptionis as follows: "IN O(1 TUMOLO JACIT VETTA F VICTI." For a completepaleographical commentaryon the inscriptionI must referto Simpson's paper just cited,and will at once turn to theperson commemorated. The two names are clearlynot Roman,nor are theyCeltic, and the questionremains whether they are Teutonic,and about this therecan be no doubt. Vetta orWitta occursin the " Traveller's Tale," as the ruilerof the Swafs or Suevi. The name Witta is still in use amongthe Frisians. The tenth Bishop of Lichfield in Florence of Worcester'slist, is Huita, called Hweicca or Hweitta,by Simeonof Durham. His death is mentionedunder the year 775, in Florence,and he is then called Witta. But we can go further.Vitta was the name of Hengist'sgrandfather. In the " HistoriaBritonum," which in my view containsthe oldest recensionof the Saga of HIengi8t,he and Horsa are made the sons of Guichtgils,the son of Guicta,the son of Guecta(Grime's ed., 18). These names occur here in their Welsh form. The An-glo-SaxonChronicle gives themas Heng,ist,the son of Wiht- gils, the son of Witta, the son of Wecta (Earles' " Parallel Chronicles,"13). Bed'euses V insteadof W in the corresponding passage. Here thenwe findnot only thatVitta and Victa were good Teutonicnames, occurring in a good Teutonic genealogy, but thatVitta occuLrsas the son of Vecta,just as he does on the stone. This most remarkable coincidence in such rarely- occurringnames, has led such cautious antiquariesas Simpson, Skene, etc., to suggest that the Vitta, son of Vecta, of the inscription,is no otherthan the grandfatherof Hengist,and I confe,ssthat I do not see how this conclusionis to be gainsayed, and I accept it as at least tentativelysound. In the Irish Nennius, the name Vitta is variouslywritten Guighteand Guite. This has led the same antiquariansto con- nect the name withthe cityof Guidi,lilentioned by Bede, which was situatedin the midstof the Friesicumsinus or Friesic gulf. His Urbs Guidi thus becomesthe townof Vitta. Again, one of the divisionsof the Picts, mentionedby Ammianusin the year 368, was the Vecturiones. It has been suggested that the Vecturioneswere so named fromVecta, the fatherof Vitta,who was probablya famouschieftain and leader,and who gave the race its naine,in thesame way thatthe leaders of the Scotch and Irish clans and septs did, and as the Irish traditionsdeclare -theleaders of theDalriadians and Cruithneor Picts did.

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 202 H. H. HOWORTH.-Dte Ethnologyof Germnanyl. Lastly,it is not uninterestingto findthat Vit is the name given to the Jutes by Bede, and it maybe that Vit is derived fromVitta, as Vecturionesis fromVecta. I have thereforecome to the opinion that in the fourth century,and beforeHengist and his people had settledin Kent, Jutes,under the leadershipof Hengist's ancestor,were already plantedin the South of Scotlandand the North of Ireland. If the argumentshere used about the Catstane be deemed con- clusive,and if we assignthe year 368 forthe approximatedate of Vecta's presencein Scotland,we may with more confidence perhaps accept the positionof the " Historia Britonum,"and of Geoffrey,that the Saxons against whom St. Germanus fought were the Jutes of Hengist,and that the Hallelujah victoryin 429 was in factwon againsthim and his people afterthe flight of Vortigern. Let us now examinethe Saga about Hengist. Gildas, Nennius,and Bede are agreedthat the strangerscame in threecyulis, i.e., keels or long ships,and that theywere com- mandedby thetwo brothers, Horsa and Hengist. Gildas saysthey were invitedby Vortigern,in which he is followedby Bede. ("Mon. Hist. Britt.,"13 and 121). Nennius, who doubtless preservesthe older as he does the completerversion of the story,informs us that theyhad been exiled fromtheir country (op. cit., ed. Gunn, 18). While Geoffryof Monmouth adds that,like thelater , they went into exile in consequence of thenational custom, by which,their country being overstocked with people, the youth were assembled together,and choice made by lot of such as were strongest,and theywere thereupon constrainedto emigrate,and chose Hengist and Horsa as their leaders. Geoffreyreports the conversationwhich took place betweenthem and Vortigern,in whichthey said theyworshipped Saturnand Jupiterand Mercury,whom they called Woden and Freya (op. cit., ed. Giles, 116 and 117). All this seems pro- bable enough. Nennius tells us the invaderslanded in the Isle of Thanet,at the mouthof the Thames,a famoustrysting-place of the later pirates. The later Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and Ethelwerd add that they landed at Hypwiniesfleet,which is doubtless to be identifiedwith Ebbsfleet,where was probably one of the two fords across the Wantsum (which separates Thanet from the mainland), mentioned by Bede, the other being doubtless at Wade (Guest. Arch. Inst. Sal., 53, note). Ebbsfleeuis still the name of a farm-houiseon a strip of high ground,rising out of Minstermarsh, in the Isle of Thanet. It is now some distanceinland, but it was evidentlyat one time a promontoryrunning out betweenthe estuaryof the Stour and Pegwell Bay. The traditionthat "some landing" took place here,is still preservedat the fbirm,and the fieldof cloverwhich

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-TheEthnology of Ge'rmany. 203 rises immediatelyon its northside, is still shown as the spot. (Stanley's "Memorials of Canterbury"; Murray's "Guide to Kent and Sussex,"210). St. Augustineis said to have landed at the same place, as is also St. Mildred,the great Saint of Thanet,showing that Ebbsfleetwas the ordinarylanding-place in the island,and so confirmingthe traditioncontained in the Chronicle. We are told the strangerswere welcomed by Vortigern,who explainedto them how he was harassed by the attacks of the Picts and Scots,and promisedif theywould assist him to make thema grantof land. To this theyassented. At this time it wouldseem thatthe Picts were engagedin ravagingthe northern parts of the island, and the allies marched against them. Geoffreysays theymarched against them beyond the Humber. Henry of Huntingdon,who seems to preserve some other Britishtraditions, tells us thePicts and Scotshad advancedas far as Stamfordin the southof Lincolnshire,where he places thesite ofthe battlein whichthe Saxons were victorious.Geoffrey adds that in rewardfor their services they were grantedlarge posses- sions of land in Lindsey (part of Linconshire)(op. cit., 118). Mr. Haigh suggeststhat in this campaign the Saxons coasted round the island fromThanet to the Nen, and landed near Peterborough,and he suggeststhat Horsey Hill, about two miles fromPeterborough, commemorates the success of Horsa on this occasion (" Conquestof Britain,"209). If we are to credit the statementsof Hector Boece, the Saxons not only defeated the invadersin England,but pursued them into Scotland,and ravagedthe Merse and Pentland,and defeatedthe Pictish army in a famousstruggle. (Id., 210 and 211). To returnto more sober chroniclers,we are told by Gildas, Nennius, and Bede, that after his victory,Hengist sent to Germanyfor reinforcemelnts. Pleased with the fertilityof the country,he had determinedto remainhere, and his people sooin becameexacting. Gildas saysthey complained that their monthly pay was not given them,and threatenedto devastate the island if they were not more liberally treated. Nennius says that when their numberswere greatlyincreased, and the Britons could not feedthem, as was theirwont, they demanded food and clothing. To theirrequest the latteranswered, " Your number is increased,your assistance is now unnecessary,you maythere- forereturn home, for we can no longer supportyou." This, of course,was no part of Hengist's policy,and we are told that shortlyafter a freshfleet of 16 keels arrived,bearing, inter alios, Hengist's beautiful daughter (Nennius, 22). Her name is not given in the text of the oldestversion of the " Historia Britonum,"nor in fact in the text of any of the copies. It

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 204 H. H. HOWORTH.-ThteEthnology of Germany. occurs only in the capitula attached to the CambridgeMS., which,according to the late Sir Thomas Hardy,is a veryinferior MS., and aboundingin initerpolations.It dates fromthe end of the twelfthcentury. In thesecapitula, which I take to be of no authoritywhatever, the daughterof Hengist is called Rourwen. It is probablethat this name has been taken fromGeoffrey of Monmouth. It has been well said that the name is not Teutonic,and in fact it occurs in two old genealogiesas the name of a Celtic ancestorof the kings of Scotland ("Chrons. of the Picts and Scots," 131 and 144). But it seems to me that the mistake can be traeed. We are told that the Britishname of Thanet, which was granted to Hengist, was Roihin (Nennius), whichis also givenwith variousreadings as Ruoihin,Ruoichim, Ruoichin ("Mon.Hist. Britt.,"63). The namesurvives, accordinig to Dr. Guest, in Ramsgate. I believe the name ,as applied to Hengist's daughter,has been created out of a mis- understoodreference to this local name, a position which is strengthenedwhen we find that a considerabledistrict in Wales also borethe name Rowenanc. (See" Annales Camnbriae!"sub ann.,816, and Bruty Tywysogeon,sub ann.,817, " Mon. Hist. Britt.,"834 and 844). It will be noted that Geoffreyof Monmotithdoes not mentionThanet as grantedto Hengist,which makes it very probablethat he mistookits Britishnaine fora personalone. On the arrival of this reinforcement,the Saxons invited Vortigernand his officersto a feast,which was also attendedby his interpreterCeretic. Some of the latercopies of the " Historia Britonum" have Certecselmet,a mistakearising out of the con- fusionof Vortigern'sinterpreter with Ceretic,the pettyregullus of Elmet or Leeds, who was, morethan a centurylater, defeated by Edwin of Northuinbria.The late copy unfortunatelyfollowed by Dr. Petrie in the " Moll. Hist. Britt.,"also adds that Ceretic was the only Briton who understoodthe Saxon language, a phrasewhich does not occur in the early recensionof the text publishedby Mr. Gunn,and whichseems to be a marginalgloss that has creptinto the text. Hengist ordered his daughterto ply his guestsliberally with wine and mead,and we are told by Geoffreythat making a low curtseyshe approachedVortigern, and said " Laverdking wachtheil " (i.e.," Hlafordconung wacht heil"), (" Lordking, your health"). When Vortigernsaw herhe was muchenamoured, and asked the meaningof thephrase from the interpreter,who explainedit, and bade himreply "Drinclheil," upon which he took the cup fromher hand,kissed her,and drankhimself (op. cit.,ed. Giles, 120). This anecdote,preserved by a Britishtradition, and withthe correctform of words, greatly strengthens,as Mr. Haigh says; the probable truthfulnessof

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-TheEthnology of Gernmany. 205 the whole narrative. Having at length got drunkand being madlyin love with the fair stranger,he asked her in marriage from her father,promising through the interpreterto give Hengist whateverhe should ask. Hengist having -consulted withhis companions,demanded the provincecalled Ceilntby the Britons and Centland or Centwaralaindby the English. Dr. Guest explains Caint or Cent as meaningthe open countryas distinguishedfrom the downs fartherwest, which were known as Gwent("Proc. Arch.Ass. Sal.," 32). To thisVortigern agreed, and theprovince was made overto the strang,erswithout the con- sent of the reguluswho reigned there. The term used here is " guoranogono,"which has been readby Geoffreyand othersas a personalname Guorangani, but as Camdenlong ago showed,Guo- rongmeans a viceroy,and Langhornaccepting this interpretation, treatsthe wordas a generic one for deputyor petty regulus,a conclusionfollowed by Mr. Gunn (op. cit., note 86). What strengthensthis view is that Kent being the very nucleus of the Old Saxon shore,it is probablethat the personalname ofits chiefat this time would be Teutonic. Vortigernnow married the Saxon princess. After this,we are told,Hengist addressed Vortigern,and said "I will be to you both a fatherand an adviser; despise not my counselsand you shall have no reason to fearbeing conquered by any man or any nationwhatever, for the people of my countryare strong,warlike, and robuist;if you approve,I will send for my son and his brother,who at my invitationwill fightagainst the Scots,and the people who live in the north,near the wall called Guaul" (op. cit.-,Gunn 23-24). Here Ochta and Ebessa are called brothers,so theyare called in one place by Geoffreyof Monmlouth(Giles ed., 122), but in anotherplace where Ebessa is called Essa, he is spokenof as Ochta's kinsman(id., 165). In other copies,of the "Historia Britonum" he is spokenof as his" fratuelis" (i.e.,nephew), and not brother(' Mon. Hist. Britt.,"66). In the" Brut.Tyssilio," Ossa is called Ochta's uncle (Gunn,op. cit., note 87). In the Capitula attachedto the later copies of Nennius,he is called the son of Horsa, and thereforethe cousinof Ochta (" Mon. Hist. Britt.," 50). In the Irish Nennius,Ebessa is called the son of Ochta's mother'ssister (op. cit., 89). The balance of evidencegoes to show that he and Oclita were in factcousins, as Mr. Haigh has concluded. Vortigern assented to Hengist's proposal to send for his relatives,and we are told theyaccordingly were invited. The "Historia Britonum"tells us theycame with forty ships. Geoffiey that theywere accompaniedby Cherdich(i.e., no doubtby the Cereticalready named), whose knowledgeof theSaxon language shows he was in some way connectedwith the invaders. He

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 206 H. H. lOWORTH.-Thle Ethnologyof Ger,2nany. says theycame with 300 ships. We are told they sailed round the countryof the Picts,laid waste the Orkneys,and occupied manyregions to the confinesof the Picts (op. cit.,Gunn's ed., 24). Later MSS. describe the regions so attacked as being beyondthe Fresicsea (one copysays " transMare Frenessicum" " Mon. Hist. Britt.,"66). This phraseapparently formed no partof the originalnarrative, and was a later explanatorygloss. The statementthat they sailed " roundthe countryof the Picts,"and the mentionof the Orkneys,shows thatthe districtsin the west of GreatBritain on the Irish Sea were ravaged by them. The term" Mare Fresicum" may,however, merely mean the Irish Sea. The Irish Nennius explains it as the sea northof the Gaidheal (i.e., of the Irish), and Ireland was probablythe land of the Scots in the eyes of Nennius. We are told tlheyoccupied many regions near the Guaul and as far as the Pictish confines,and it would seem that the land ceded to themwas southof the Firths,and probablyin the Lothians. The islandfortress of Guidi in theFirth of Forth, which is men- tioned by Bede, and which,as we have seen,has probablysonme connectionwith the Jutes,was perhapsa relicof theiroccupancy. We shall revertto thesenorthern invaders presently; meanwhile let us turnonce more to Hengist. We are told he continually invitedfresh bodies of his countrymento comeover and settlein Kent, so that the islands whence theycame were left vacant. Geoffreytells us the Britonsnow beganto get alarmed,and" the numberof thosewho had comewas now so greatthat theywere a terrorto his subjects,and inoone could now know who was a pagan,or who a Christian,since pagans marriedthe daughters and kinswomenof Christians. They accordingly remonstrated with Vortigern,who was, however,infatuated with his new friends, The Britonsthereupon deposed him and set up his sonVortimer in his place. We are told he foughtfiercely against the Saxons, whiomhe drove out of their conquests. He fought several battles with them. The " Hist. Britt." says four,but it only describesthree: the firstat the River Derwent,which has been identifiedwith every probabilitywith the Darent in Kent (the Cray joins the Darenth in the marshes,just beforeit falls into the Thames). Thence Langhorn has argued with some probabilitythat this battle is the same as the one mentionedin the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in the year 457 as havingbeen foughtat Crecganford(i.e., Crayford,near Dart- ford). The Anglo-SaxonChronicle assigns the victory,however, to the Saxons, who are variouslysaid to have slain fourtroops, or 4,000 men of the Britons. Thereuponthe latterforsook Kent and retiredto London. The leaders of the Saxons are called

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Hengist and Aesc his son (" Mon. Hist. Britt.,"299; " Earle's Parallel Chronicles,"13). But this account,as I have said before, does not seem to me to be so trustworthyas thosein the British writers. The second battle was fought,according to Geoffrey, at Epifford,which the " HistoriaBritonum " givesmore correctly as Episford,the form the name has in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Tysilliogives the name in a Welsh translationas "iRhydy Pysgod" (i.e.,the ford of the fish, Gunn, op. cit., note 102), while the " Historia Britonum,"adds that the place was known as Sathenegabail or Rithergabail (" Mon. Hist. Britt.,"69). These formsare bothdoubtless corrupt. Dr. Guest explains the name as " Syddiny eenbail,"(the house of the ford). Thisplace was calledby the Britons" Saisenaegbabail," because.the Saxons were slaughteredthere (Gunn, loc. cit.). In this battle we are told in the "HistoriaBritonum," and by Geoffrey,that Horsa, the brotherof Hengist,and Katigern,the brotherof ,were killed. The latter implies they killed each other in single coiubat. In the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the battle where Horsa was killed is dated in 455, beforethe battle of Crayford. The site of it is called Aeglesthrepin the Chronicleand by Ethelwerd,and AElestrenby Henry of Huntingdon,which is identifiedtentatively by theeditor of the " Mon. Hist. Britt."with . The latter place, which is named in later Saxon days as AEgelesford,probably derivedits name fromthe, Latin- Welsh Eglwys,a church,and meantthe churchford. Dr. Guest says Aylesfordchurch probably occupies the same site as the Welsh Eglwys, and is situated on the top of the bank over- hanging the village, and its remarkableposition explains the proprietyof the names Aegelesford,Aegelesthrip or Aehlestren, the churchford, village, or cross (op. cit.,47). Kemble explainsit as compoundedwith the naine Eigil or Egil, the mightyarcher of the NorthernSagas. Bede tells us that the site of the battle was in the east of Kent, and was marked by a monument bearingthe name of Horsa. At Horsted,two miles northof Aylesford,a heap of flint stones is still pointedout as his grave (Murray's" Kent," 181). Horstedin Sussex and Horsham in Kent possiblyalso retaintraces of his name. Horstedis not the oDly reputedrelic of the fightnear Ayles- ford. Near that townis the famous cromlechknown as Kits Coityhouse, which has been pointedout as the burialplace of the Britishchieftain , who fell in the same battle. lKittshill and Kite's house on Dartmoorare similarnames given to alicient tombs,which disturbthe value of the plausible etymology,and Kits Coityhas been otherwise explained as derivedfrom KedCoity, the ' hollowin the wood." A wood onceoverspread the hill-side and of it some venerableyews remain. The cromlech,we are

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 208 H. H. HOWORTH.-TheEthnology of Ger-manvy. furthertold, is the centreof a groupof monumentswhich it is supposedwere onceconniected with a similargroup in the parish of Addington. Near the cromlech is a large chambered tomnb,in the hollow below whichis a slab called the " coffin stone,"while the hill above is strewnwith small cromlechssur- roundedby stonewalls; while manycircular pits withchambers at the bottom,like those at Cisburyand some filled up with flints,occur along the browof the chalk hills on eitherside of the river. Many Britishcoins have been foundthere, while we are told a boulder on the top of the hill (now destroyed)was formerlyknown as the white horse stonie"and pointed out as the place on whichHengist after the deathof Horsa at Avlesford was installedas firstKing of Kent" (Murray's" Kent," 183). This shows how legendsgrow and get distorted.Whether the cromnlechand the heap of flintsmark the respectivegraves of the Britishand Saxon chiefsor no, therecan be no hesitationin acceptingAylesford as the site of thebattle, and these numerous remains,as well as thoseof a Roman cemet,eryand a villa which was destrovedby fire,existing close by the town,prove that the si$tewas a famouisone, a positionwhich is at once appreciated when we findit was situatedat the lowestford on the Medway. The third struggle,we are told,was foughtnear the stoneon the shoreof theGallic Sea, wherethe Saxons being defeatedfled to theirships (Gunn, Ioc. cit.). OtherMSS. ofthe" Hist.Brito- num)"give the name of the place as " Lapis Tituli." This has been identifiedwith someprobability with Stonar; Stanare,"tlle stone of honour,"being the equivalent of Lapis Tituli (Haigh, op. cit.,241). Stonarwas oncethe commercialrival of Sandwich, and is situated abouita mile below that town. It was totally destroyedby the French in 1385. The name still survivesin a farm-house,while the foundationsof the churchand adjoining buildings may be traced amidst a clump of trees (Murray's "Kent," 156). It is now includedin the Isle of Thanet,but was formerlyapparently separated by a wide channelfrom the island. It is close to Ebb's ileet,and the fightthere is clearlythe same as theone mentioned in theAnglo-Saxon Chronicle as havingbeen foughtat Wipped's fleetin 465, wherewe are told 12 Britisheal- dormenwere slain,while one of the Saxon thanesnamed Wipped (the eponymosof Wipped'sfleet) also fell. Afterthis defeatthe SaxoL:s took to theirships, and accordingto Geoffrey,retired to the Isle of Thanet, where Vortimerpressed them hard. It mustbe remnenmberedthat the Wantsumnwas passable forships of burden sometimes,so that it is probablethe fordcould oinly be crossedon foot at ebb tide. This explains theirtakino to theirships (Guest, op. cit.,53, note). Vortigern,it wouldseem, was all this while livingwith the invaders,and we are told he was

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions H. H. HOWORTH.-TheEthnology of Gerimany. 209 flowsent by themto Vortimerto request permissionfor them to embarkquietly homewards. While a conferencewas being held on the subject theywent on board theirlong galleys,and leaving theirwives and childrenbehind them returnedto Ger- many (op. cit., Giles, 123). Thus concluded,according to the Britishauthorities, the firstcampaign of Hengistin Britain,and the account seems in every way probable and much more crediblethan the disjointedAnglo-Saxon notices. The latter claim victoryafter victoryfor their people, and yet 18 years afterthe landingof Hengist(i.e., in 465), and afterthe Britons,as we are told,had retiredfrom Kent and taken refugein London, we find them actuallyfighting the Saxons at Wipped's fleet, the veryplacewheretheylanded originally; but all becomesquite clear if we followthe Britishaccounts. They acknowledgethat Kent or a largeportion of it lad beenmade overto the invaders by Vortigern,and thengo on to tell us how in one battle after anotherthey were driven back until they were finallyejected from the island. In this campaign Vortimerwas probably greatlyaided by the Old Saxon colonistsof the Littus Saxoni- cum, who havingshared in some of the cultureof the Roman worldand settledupon its soil weredoubtless also littleinclined to toleratethe strangers. The campaign was also in all pro- babilitya sharpone and not distributed,as the Chroniclewould make out,over 18 or 20 years-a statementin unisonwith the artificialchronology which it follows. The "HistoriaBritonum" tells us thatshortly after these events Vortimerdied. Tyssilio and Geoffreyaccuses his stepmother Rowena ofhaving hired a man to poisonhim. Boece makes out that the Britishnobles were accessoryto her crime(Gunn, note 104; Geoffrey,loc. cit.). We are told that beforehis death he orderedhis friendsto buryhis bodyat theentrance of the Saxon port,and at the rockwhere the Saxons firstlanded, for though he said theymay inhabit otherparts of Britain yet if the Britons followed his commands they would never remain in this island,(Gunn, 30). Geoffrey,who has apparentlysomewhat misunderstoodthe notice he translated,says Vortimerordered a brazen tomb to be built,and makes it appear it was the tomb whichwas to frightenthe enemy(id., 124). We are told the Britons imprudentlydisobeyed Vortimer's commands and neg- lected to buryhim where he had commanded(Gunn, 30); a late copyof the "Hist. Britt."says theyburied him at Lincoln (" Mon. "Hist. Britt.,"69). Tyssilioand Geoffreyboth say at London. On the death of Vortimerwe are told that Hengist once more returned. Geoffreysays that Vortigernhaving recovered the throne,sent him an invitationon the advice of his wifeand bade him come with only a srnall retinueso as not to arouse VoL. X. P

This content downloaded from 185.2.32.49 on Mon, 16 Jun 2014 18:33:07 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 210 H. H. HlOlORTH.--ThbeEthnology of Germany. suspicion; but he set out with an army of 300,000 (!!!) men and a vast fleet, and calling his leaders togetherhe consultedwith them as to the stratagemthey mightemploy against Vortigernand his army. They sent messengersto him withpromises of friendshipwhich were correspondinglymet by Vortigern. On pretenceof ratifyingthe treaty,the Saga tells us that Hengistinvited the king,his nobles and militaryofficers to the numberof about 300, while he ordered i00 of his own people each to conceal a knife in his stocking. When the Britons were sufficientlydrunk he told them he would cryout " eure seaxes " (i.e., " Take yourknives again ")-a good Teutonicphrase, speaking well forthe authenticity of the legend; when each man was to draw his weapon and kill his companion. The king was to be spared, inasmuch as he was his son-in- law and his ransom might be worth a good deal. The feast took place, and we are told Hengist's companionsfollowed his comimands,and 300 of the Britonswere laid low. Geoffreysays 460 Britishchiefs, and that theywere buriedby St. Eldad near the Monasteryof Ambresburyin the neighbourhoodof Salisbury. Vortigernwas made prisoner,and we are told purchased his redemptionby surrenderingthe three provincesof East, South, and Middle Sexe, besides otherdistricts at the option of the invaders(" Mon. Hist. Britt.,"70, note 14). The last sentenceis singularlyconfirmatoryofthearguments we have previouslyurged that Sussex, Middlesex, anid were not founded by independentbands of settlers,as the English Chroniclefalsely avers,and shows thatthey were integral parts of the old fromwhich Essex was only detached in the days of Ethelbert. Geoffreysays the invaders,after the massacreat the banquet,took London, York, Lincoln and Winchester,wasting the country through which they passed terribly. On the retirementof Vortigernthe Sagas make him be succeeded by Aurelius Ambrosius,who came fromArmorica with a large forceto succourhis countrymen. Geoffreytells us he foughta battle againstHengist at Maesbeli. In this fightEldol, who is called the Duke of Gloucester and who had escaped from the recent massacre foughtwith greatbravery. Hengist and his people were defeatedand retiredtowards " Kaerconan,now called (Curningeburgh,"says Geoffrey. Near the town another battlewas fought. In this fightGorlois, Duke of Cornwall(?), distinguishedhimself and engaged Hengist in single combat. He seized Hengist, we are told, by the helmet and draoged him by main forceamong the Britons and then shoutedout in greatjoy " God has fulfilledmy desire,my brave soldiers.Down, downwith your enemies the Ambrons, the victory is now in your hands ! Hengist is defeatedand the day is your

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own." They accordinglypressed the invaders hard and the Saxons fled wheresoeverthey could find shelter.some to the cities,some to the woods on the hills and othersto theirships; but Octa,the son of Hengist,made his retreatwith a great body of men to York,and Eosa, his kinsman,to the city of Alclud, where he had a very large army for his guard (" Geoffreyof Monmouth,"150-153). Geoffreysays that Aurelius now cap- turedthe cityof Conan and then calleda councilto deliberateas to whatshould be donewith Hengist. At thiscouncil, we are told, Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester,brother of Eldol, insisted that he should be hewn in pieces like Agag,which Eldol accordingly carriedout. "But Aurelius,"says Geoffrey," showed moderation in all his conduct,commanded him to be bnried,and a heal) of earthto be raised overhis body,according to the customof the pagans." Thence he wentto York to besiege Octa's son there. Feelingthat resistance was hopelessthe. latter went out withhis principalchief, carrying a chain in his hand and sand on his head (! !!) and said, " My gods are vanquished,and I doubt not the sovereignpower is in your god who has compelled so many noble persons to come before you in this suppliant manner." On the advice of Eldad mercywas shownthem and theywere allowed to settle in the country. Afterthis Eossa and the restwho had fled,being encouragedby Octa's success, came also and were admittedto the same favour. The king thereforegranted them the countrybordering upon Scotland and inade a firmncovenant with them (id., 154 and 155). Whateverthe value of this legend,I am firmlyconvinced that it was no inventionof Geoffrey's,but was the genuine Saga, of which a shorterrecension is containedin the " Historia Bri- tonum." The storyof Hengist'sfinal defeat and of the expulsion of the Jutes from Kent is confirmedby the reinark- able fact that the Royal House of Kent was not named after him as its patronymic,but was styledthat ofthe Aescings,after a princewho is made his son by Bede and the Chronicle,which makes it probable that there was a new departurewith Aesc, while it can be shown from other evidence that Octa and Eosa or Ebessa had a settlementin Southern Scotland and therefought with Arthur, etc. This is a good haltingstage in our journey. We have by no means exhaustedtne interestingproblem of the ethnologyand earlysettlements of the Jutesand shall have moreto say about themin anotherpaper. But this one has alreadyextended to an inordinatelength, and we can only hope that the new facts broughtforward, and the interestof the question upon which modernhistorians are so divided may excuse us. Our next paperwill deal withthe Franks. p 2

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