“Not As Bad As They Seem” a Discourse Analysis of Representations of Particularly Vulnerable Areas in Sweden, Within Student Theses

“Not as bad as they seem” A discourse analysis of representations of particularly vulnerable areas in Sweden, within student theses

Petra Hellsing Widén

Department of Human Geography Master thesis 30 HE Credits Human Geography Globalization, Environment and Social Change Spring term 2019 Supervisor: Bo Malmberg

“Not as bad as they seem”

A discourse analysis of representations of particularly vulnerable areas in Sweden, within student theses

Petra Hellsing Widén

Abstract

The main purpose of this thesis is to analyse the discourses of particularly vulnerable areas in Sweden, a categorization made by the police authority, as these areas appear within student theses, written between 2010 and 2018. The aim of using this material along with theoretical discourse analysis is to gain a deeper understanding of academic as well as non-academic perspectives of these areas, in relation to the ongoing discussion of territorial stigmatization. Three main discourses where identified, structuring the analysis: the suburban discourse, the Swedish society discourse, and the critical meta discourse. In addition, I found that these are also present within studies conducted by higher scholars, and thus conclude that student theses can successfully serve as a source through which wider academic discourses can be understood. While parts of the discourses found has been identified by previous researchers as well, I argue that the critical meta discourse, having been dismissed as marginal, is prominent as a discourse within student theses. However, although the critical meta discourse serves to nuance the predominantly gloomy discourse of the suburb, I argue that this narrative also functions to preserve this image, and therefore should be used with some caution. Due to the magnitude of studies set out to “challenge the bad reputation” of these areas, the solidity and importance of these reputation are seen as given and thus possibly enhanced.

Key words: knowledge production, territorial stigmatization, spatial representation

Table of contents 1. Introduction: The discussion of spatial representation and academic knowledge production ...... 1 1.1 Background and problem statement: a well-researched topic and an unusual material 1 1.2 Research aims and questions ...... 2 1.3 Thesis structure ...... 2 2. Literature review: previous research regarding representations of space and knowledge production ...... 4 2.1 Literature related to representations of stigmatised areas, in Sweden and beyond ..... 4 2.2 Literature related to the production of knowledge in general, and student theses in particular ...... 5 2.3 Concluding comments on the literary field ...... 6 3. Theoretical framework: discourse analysis and discourse theory ...... 7 3.1 Discourse analysis as a theoretical framework: knowledge as discursively produced 7 3.2 Discourse theory: analysing stability and instability within discourses ...... 7 4. Methodology: implementing the method of theoretical discourse analysis using student theses as data ...... 9 4.1 Theoretical discourse analysis as a method: nodal points and floating signifiers ...... 9 4.2 Choice of material: recently written student theses ...... 10 4.3 Operationalization: applying the chosen method on the material ...... 12 4.4 Discussing method and material: positionality in relation to the discourse ...... 13 4.5 Ethical considerations: dealing with sensitive material and topics ...... 14 5. Discourse analysis part one: three separate, yet inter-connected, discourses ...... 15 5.1 The suburban discourse: constructing the suburb as an essential spatial unit ...... 15 5.1.1 What is a suburb? ...... 15 5.1.2 The suburb: a unified, homogenous entity ...... 16 5.1.3 Representing the suburb: islands of crime, segregation and social unrest ...... 17 5.1.4 Segregation: a suburban phenomenon ...... 17 5.1.5 Concluding the suburban discourse: suburbs as representatives of the suburb .. 18 5.2 The Swedish society discourse: constructing a society and an utanförskap ...... 19 5.2.1 Utanförsskapsområden - areas of alienation ...... 19 5.2.2 The (one and only) society ...... 19 5.2.3 Sweden and Swedishness: exclusive communities ...... 20 5.2.4 Immigrants and foreign background: markers of non-Swedishness ...... 21 5.2.5 Ethnicity and migrant background - significant subject positions ...... 23 5.2.6 Sweden yesterday and today: constructing a dichotomy ...... 24

5.2.7 Concluding the Swedish society discourse: non-Swedish societies within Sweden 24 5.3 Critical meta discourse: counteracting negative representations of the areas ...... 25 5.3.1 Stigmatization: a nodal point structuring the discourse ...... 25 5.3.2 The media: a powerful actor from outside...... 26 5.3.3 Self-representation as a way forward ...... 27 5.3.4 Subject positioning of the author: the legitimacy of being from the neighbourhood ...... 28 5.3.5 The positive antitype: areas of gemenskap ...... 29 5.3.6 Concluding the critical meta discourse: a responsive perspective ...... 31 6. Discourse analysis part two: discourses in relation to the discursive field ...... 32 6.1 The suburban discourse: the suburb as a global entity with an inner hierarchy ...... 32 6.2 The Swedish society discourse: spaces of abnormality and un-Swedishness ...... 33 6.3 The critical meta discourse: maintaining the abnormality ...... 35 7. Concluding discussion: ...... 38 7.1 Discussing the results: strengthening the results of previous findings while stressing the need for further research of academic discourses ...... 38 7.2 Methodological discussion: considering the choice of method and material ...... 39 7.3 Concluding remarks: my result and its implication for further research ...... 41 8. References: ...... 43 9. Appendix - list of theses in numerical order: ...... 46

1. Introduction: The discussion of spatial representation and academic knowledge production

1.1 Background and problem statement: a well-researched topic and an unusual material A growing discussion within the human geography field, as well as a range of other disciplines, is that of territorial stigmatization. This concept was originated by French sociologist Lois Wacquant (2007) and can be understood as the process of certain areas being associated with negative representations, which reproduces a spatial hierarchy where places, and ultimately their inhabitants, are assigned with different status, high or low, in relation to one another. In Sweden, this topic has received particular attention in relation to a number of police reports classifiying several of areas in Sweden as particularly vulnerable, in which the situation is said to be alarming (Polisen, 2017), first published in 2015 (Polisen, 2015). According to the police, the alleged areas share a number of characteristics, such as a great distrust among the residents for the police and the legal system, which complicates police efforts, contributes to the establishment of parallel societal structure and feeds a growing sympathy for extremist movements (Polisen, 2017; 2015). Although the intention of going public with this list was to identify “hotspots” in need of more resources, many have argued that drawing national attention to these areas worsened the situation for people living there, by enhancing, creating or maintaining their spatial stigma. On this note, while I was writing this thesis, the debate gained new life again when several local politicians and private investors working in the areas requested the police authority not to publish the list for 2019 publicly (By, 2019; Torvinen, 2019), but this was later declined (Lindstedt, 2019; Skogelin, 2019). As a human geography student, I believe that the understandings and perceptions of space and their inhabitants play a crucial role in people’s everyday life, by shaping their identity, sense of belonging and future outlook. For this reason, negative representations of spaces which are said to suffer from severe social problems makes up interesting and important cases. In addition, while news media content has often functioned as data for analysing representations of space, the ideas produced and maintained within academia has barely ever been the object of investigation. Thus, in this study, student theses, from Swedish universities within the last years, researching the listed areas are the object of investigation. These are studied through the use of discourse analysis, in order to understand how the truths of these areas are discursively constructed through academic writing. For the theory of territorial stigmatization, discourse is often considered central, and for example news media content has often been the interest of studies investigating the perceptions associated with different spaces. Discourse analysis, originated within a social constructivist research tradition, often deals with issues of power, of which the production of knowledge is considered one major expression (Winther Jørgensen and Philips, 2000, p. 19)- This has led to an interest among scholars for studying curriculums and elementary-school textbooks, as well as scientific articles, from a critical perspective, with the aim of uncovering underlining assumptions influencing academic discourses, which are potentially also reproduced within wider societal contexts (Lo, 2011; Norstedt, 2003; Warf, 2017; Winter, 2018). In contrast, university student work, as participating in this knowledge production, is a data which is rarely analysed from a scientific point of view. This can perhaps be explained by the fact that the thoughts and ideas of students are seen as less significant for academia as such, not

characterised by the same scientific claims as work by higher scholars. Nonetheless, I argue that university student work is not only a result of academic discourses but in fact partly constitutes these discourses, and thus should receive attention as an interesting material to study in order to understand these. Due to the fact that university courses normally include a range of different literary sources, which can be used in very different ways depending on the teacher, without entering the classroom, it is hard to tell what knowledge is actually being reproduced in there. In contrast, student theses are supposed to build on knowledge gained through the education, and these are supervised and approved by the responsible tutor at the research departments. In this sense, student theses can be said to offer exclusive glimpses of what contemporary academic discourses looks like, and perhaps even give us an idea of future directions.

1.2 Research aims and questions According to the territorial stigmatization-theory, stigma associated to space has harmful effects on the people living in these spaces, further detaching and alienating them from their surroundings (Wacquant, 2007b). Thus, how to discuss stigmatized areas without simply reproducing their bad reputation is a crucial question for all of society, including the scientific community. In fact, as argued earlier, the work of researchers can be considered particularly important, due to their high legitimacy as distributors of knowledge. By looking at student work, which I argue represents an interesting and under researched material, I hope to gain a deeper understanding of how different ideas of space flourish within academia, and in addition, where the research might be heading. Thus, I am hoping to contribute to the scientific field in two ways: first, by adding to the discussion of how different areas, particularly those considered vulnerable, are constructed within academia, and second, by investigating how student work can be analysed and understood as expressions of contemporary knowledge production. Among all theses written about particularly vulnerable areas in Sweden, I have randomly selected twelve texts for analysing, using a theoretical discourse analysis. This is translated into the research questions: How are the discourses of particularly vulnerable areas in Sweden represented within student theses? How can we understand these representations in relation to extended academic discourses, and to what extent can student theses be said to reflect these?

1.3 Thesis structure The thesis is divided into seven different main chapters. In the following chapter, previous research is presented, in order to situate this study within a wider disciplinary and inter- disciplinary context. Furthermore, the theoretical framework, constituting the foundation of the study, is presented and discussed, followed by a methodological chapter, presenting the data along with the research method, operationalizations, methodological discussion and ethical concerns. Thereafter, the discourse analysis is conducted. Due to the choice of method, according to which the statements have to be interpreted discursively in order to draw conclusions, there is no separate result chapter, and instead the analysis can be said to be the result. However, to facilitate the reading, the analysis consist of two separate chapters, Discourse analysis part one and Discourse analysis part two. The first analysis chapter functions to provide a textually close analysis, presenting the discourses identified and major themes within these. In the second analysis chapter, these findings and their implications are further discussed and situated into the wider discursive field. Finally, a concluding discussion

follows in which the results are discussed in relation to previous research, along with a methodological discussion and concluding remarks.

2. Literature review: previous research regarding representations of space and knowledge production In this section, previous studies related to the research aim and research questions are presented. These are categorized into two separate main sections according to their relevance for this thesis: literature related to representations of stigmatized areas, nationally and globally, and literature related to the production of knowledge.

2.1 Literature related to representations of stigmatised areas, in Sweden and beyond Within the last couple of years, a number of Swedish studies analysing the representations of areas stigmatized areas has been written, mainly by undergraduate students (for example Billevik, 2015; Grönvik and Lindberg, 2013; Guibourg, 2010; Jansson, 2008). In these theses, the data normally consists of news media content, and discourse analysis is often used as a method. Among higher scholars, representations of stigmatized areas not quite as well researched, although several studies investigating this has been undertaken. For example, in a report by Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi (2000) media representations of one particular area in Stockholm, which was considered suffering from a bad reputation and severe social problems, are investigated. This work was commissioned by two Swedish state agencies, the former Swedish Integration Board (Integrationsverket) and the Swedish National Heritage Board (Riksantikvarieämbetet) and functioned as a source of inspiration for later scholars, e.g. Backwell (2019). Building on this previous work, in her dissertation “Constructing the Suburb - Swedish Discourses of Spatial Stigmatisation” Backwell similarly focuses on news media content, as well as parliamentary motions. In addition, Elsrud and Lalander (2007) has investigated the content of news media coverage of a stigmatized area in a Swedish small-town, while Dahlstedt (2004) focuses on Swedish big city suburbs (2004). While not all of these studies refer to Wacquant specifically, with several of them being published prior to his most prominent works, the concept of stigmatization is somewhat central in their analysis. Thus, the aim is to identify processes of stigmatization which are already assumed to be taken place. The results conclude that the stigmatized areas are not only essentially differentiated and inferior compared to Elsrud and Lalander (2007) compared to other areas (Backvall, 2019; Elsrud and Lalander 2007; Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi, 2000), but that the portrayals often include postcolonial understandings of the local population, dismissing the residents as dangerous, underdeveloped or uncivilized (Backvall, 2019; ; Elsrud and Lalander 2007; Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi, 2000) and the areas as in the need of change, which can only be provided by a modern and enlightened outside community (Dahlstedt, 2004). With many of the areas studied above having a higher share of ethnic minorities than the national average, spatial and ethnic stigmatization seem to be deeply intertwined within the literature of stigmatized areas in Sweden. For example, several scholars argue that due to this fact, the residents are seen as representatives of un-Swedishness, as immigrants (Dahlstedt 2004; Ericsson, Molina & Ristilammi, 2000), and thus, the areas themselves are sometimes even described as not belonging to Sweden (Backvall, 2019; Elsrud and Lalander, 2007). In addition, the news media consumers are usually assumed to be unfamiliar to the areas presented, and thus they are always described from an outside perspective, further enhancing the colonial gaze through which they are perceived (Ericsson, Molina & Ristilammi, 2000). Other scholars have studied how discourses of stigmatized areas are understood from within, mainly by qualitative interviews of residents of what has been considered stigmatized areas

(such as Bunar and Ambrose, 2016; Bunar and Kallstenius 2008; Bustos Castro and Lindbladh, 2004; Sernhede, 2009; van der Burgt, 2008). These studies have taken an interest in both how these public discourses are understood, and possibly internalized, among people living in stigmatized areas, and whether alternative discourses have emerged as an act of resistance. In general, their result shows that although many residents are well aware of the stigma surrounding their neighbourhood, they do not necessarily take a passive stance in relation to these representations. Instead, they are often critical of the current discourse and present alternative narratives to challenge these with, either by simply refusing the dominant notions of “their” space, or by stressing positive aspects of the area along with negative ones (Bunar and Kallstenius 2008, p. 13-14; Castro and Lindbladh, 2004, p. 265-266; van der Burgt, 2008, p. 257). Outside of the Swedish context, representations of stigmatized areas have been discussed by numerous authors, not least Wacquant (2007a, 2007b) himself, introducing the theoretical framework of how stigmatization related to space can be understood. In addition, in a special issue of Environment and Planning, a number of authors are using the same framework, applied on numerous different geographical contexts. For example, several scholars have conducted surveys and interviews (August, 2014; Kirkness, 2014; Pereira and Queirós, 2014) and conclude, similar to their Swedish counterparts, that although the residents of stigmatized areas acknowledge the stigma around them, they find strategies of resisting the negative reputation and often state that they enjoy living in the area (August, 2014, p. 1317; Kirkness, 2014, p. 249). Other studies have investigated how territorial stigmatization can be enhanced out through governmental policies (Kallin and Slater, 2014; Schultz Larsen, 2014). Furthermore, in relation to how representations of space can be reproduced within different sorts of media and popular culture, ultimately assigning the toponyms with meanings which stretch beyond the space itself, several international scholars have discussed the case of the Bronx borough, New York, as being one of the most explicit examples of this (Auyero, 1999; Birdsall-Jones, 2012) . For Bronx, the name has been so widely recognized that it now functions as a metaphor for an “urban ghetto” (Birdsall-Jones, 2012 p. 315) and hence, by using the Bronx as a reference when describing areas of e.g. Argentina (Aujero, 1999) or Australia (Birdsall-Jones, 2012) certain associations are triggered, metaphorically interconnecting these areas.

2.2 Literature related to the production of knowledge in general, and student theses in particular The tradition of questioning knowledge as something which is social constructed, often functioning to preserve current power relations, is central within the social-constructivism (Winther Jørgensen and Philips, 2000, p. 111), personified by names such as Foucault (1980) and Bourdieu and Passeron (2008). Within contemporary research, both lower and higher education have been analysed, for example by looking at curriculums or textbooks as data for analysis, often using critical perspectives, such as feminist and post-colonial approaches (Lo, 2011; Norstedt, 2003). This approach is applied within the geography field as well (Winter, 2018). Scholars have argued that since this type of educational material is used for communicating and reproducing knowledge, it can be said to reflect dominant knowledge regimes and is thus suitable for analysing (for example Warf, 2017). Considering the representations of space, student theses have not yet been analysed in order to identify disciplinary discourses. Nonetheless, several scholars, mainly with backgrounds in linguistics or educational studies, have used post- and undergraduate theses as data for

understanding language-use among students (e.g. Povolná, 2012; Samraj, 2008; Hyland and Tse, 2005, Hewings and Hewings, 2002) or wider thematical or methodological trends within different academic disciplines (Duman and Inel, 2019; Karlsson, Goba and Bengesai, 2011; Nordsteien, Horntvedt, and Syse, 2017; Samraj, 2008). Similar to myself, some of these scholars stresses the importance of researching the academic field itself and argue that analysing theses is one possible way of doing so (Duman and Inel, 2019, p. 66-67). However, the research interest among the studies listed above are either strictly linguistic, or a more general interest of trends in themes within or between certain disciplines. In contrast, studies investigating a particular topic as it occurs within different disciplines, which is my intention, seem to be less common. Within the wider scope of studying academic texts as cultural products within human geography, Mattsson (2001) is using critical discourse analysis for investigating the work of her colleagues. The aim is to identify and analyse perceptions of “Swedes” and “immigrants” in relation to the labour market from a postcolonial perspective, and her results stress how postcolonial ideas of ethnic and cultural identity are reproduced within this research field. While having a different research interest than myself, this study has served as an inspiration of how to approach a scientific material by using discourse analysis as a method. 2.3 Concluding comments on the literary field To conclude, many studies have been undertaken concerning how negative perceptions of space are reproduced, and what implications this might have for the local population. In Sweden, news media coverage has been thoroughly analysed through multiple studies, trying to identify stigmatizing discourses preserving negative associations of certain spaces. In contrast, academic discourses have not yet received the same attention, which I am hoping to change with this thesis. When it comes to student work as such, more specifically student theses, these rarely functiones as a source through which wider academic discourses can be detected and has never yet been used for this purpose conducting a study with a spatial focus, which is the aim of this thesis.

3. Theoretical framework: discourse analysis and discourse theory In this section, discourse analysis, as a theoretical framework, and discourse theory, which is the particular orientation used for analysing this data, is presented. Since these theoretical frameworks consists of both theory and method, authors have stressed the importance of not using discourse analysis as a tool detached from the theoretical model on which it relies (Winther Jørgensen and Philips, 2000, p. 10). Thus, the basic principles and epistemology of discourse analysis, along with the particular orientation chosen for conducting this study, are introduced in the following section. 3.1 Discourse analysis as a theoretical framework: knowledge as discursively produced Discourse analysis can be understood as an umbrella term, including a range of different theoretical and methodological frameworks for analysing, which all shares a set of common characteristics. The word discourse is defined by Winther Jørgensen and Philips (2000) as “a particular way of talking about and understanding the world (or an aspect of the world)” (p. 7). As mentioned briefly earlier on, discourse analysis stems from a social constructivist research tradition, questioning positivistic claims of the researcher’s ability to gain knowledge of an objective truth. Instead, social constructivism is an anti-essentialist perspective and emphasises that everything we think of as knowledge emerges within a historical and cultural context (Winther Jørgensen and Philips 2000, p. 11-12). Building on this school of thought, Foucault originated the concept of discourse analysis. Implementing this, Foucault understands each statement as an independent unit for investigation, and a number of statements which describes the same phenomenon can be said to constitute a common discourse. (Wreder 2007, p. 34; Winther and Jørgensen, p. 19) According to Foucault, the truth is constructed discursively, and different knowledge regimes dictate the rules of what is possible to say within a given time and place. Even though there are hypothetically an unlimited number of ways to understand the world, in practice the diversity of statements within a given context is rather restricted. These restrictions represents the discourse: the often taken for granted structure of what is considered meaningful, relevant or even possible to say within a particular context. In this sense, the focus is not the statements themselves, but rather surrounding framework in which these statements are enabled. (Winther and Jørgensen, p. 19) Furthermore, the discourses are understood as social practices, which do not simply reflect a pre-existing material reality - in fact they partly produce this reality (Winther and Jørgensen, p. 67). As a social practice, it is through our understanding of the statement these become meaningful, which means that the intention of the individual author is somewhat insignificant within discourse analysis (Wreder, 2007, p. 46-47). The aim instead to, as suggested by the name, critically analyse the discourses on which the statements rely. However, as stressed before, since discourse analysis relies on a post-structuralist epistemology, the point is not to uncover the “truth” behind the discourse, since the idea of such a truth is usually dismissed. This applies to all kinds of discourse analysis, but holds especially true for discourse theory, which is discussed in the next section. Exactly how I apply this theory in this project is further elaborated in the method section. 3.2 Discourse theory: analysing stability and instability within discourses Among the different orientations of discourse analysis, all somehow rooted in Foucault’s work, I am mainly inspired by discourse theory for conducting the analysis. Discourse theory, which was introduced by Laclau and Mouffe, usually focuses on the instability of the discourse, highlighting the constant conflict within the discourse, and among discourses, of defining and establishing the meanings of words and concepts, reflecting our perception of the world.

(Winther and Jørgensen, 2000, p. 31) This process is never really finished, but different competing ideas might strive towards reaching a position of being seen as natural and given, or objective. This state of authority is sometimes referred to as a hegemony (Winther and Jørgensen, 2000, p. 43) and when constructing this theory, Laclau and Mouffe brought together two major theoretical schools of thought: Marxism and poststructuralism (Winther and Jørgensen, 2000, p. 32). While traditional Marxist theory usually distinguishes between base and superstructure, which in this case translates into the discourse and the material reality, discourse theory agrees with poststructuralism in refusing this separation – everything is discourse and nothing exists beyond it (Winther and Jørgensen, 2000, p. 37-40). While social phenomena, according to the theory, are constantly being reconstructed and negotiated the term discourse refers to a context in which the meaning is currently fixed, although this fixation is never final (Winther and Jørgensen, 2000, p. 35-36). In addition, while the production of knowledge is understood as central within discourse analysis, as well as other social constructivist theories, I argue that the students, or their work for that matter, cannot be seen solely as a result of the education they have received at university. In contrast, I see them as co-producers of knowledge, who enter the university with previous understandings and experiences, gained throughout their own lives, by which they influence the academic spheres of which they are a part. Thus, it is not my intention, nor do I consider it a possibility, to distinguish between the discourses produced within the academic sphere and others: they all compose a common academic discourse concerning the areas of interest.

4. Methodology: implementing the method of theoretical discourse analysis using student theses as data In this section, the methodological framework, my implementation of this and the choice of data is presented, along with a methodological discussion and ethical concerns. 4.1 Theoretical discourse analysis as a method: nodal points and floating signifiers As discussed in the theory chapter, discourse theory is normally understood both a theory and a research method, and this method is described in the following section. While Mouffe and Laclau mainly present a theoretical network, the question of exactly how to put this into practice is largely left open for interpretation (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 31). Nonetheless, there are a couple of different terms and concepts central within discourse theory, which are used in the analysis below and therefore requires some elaboration in this section. As mentioned before, discourse theory distinguishes itself from other types of discourse analysis by emphasising the instability of the discourses and the way in which different discourses, and ideas within the discourses, compete to reach a dominant position. Furthermore, while a discourse is understood as a current fixation of meanings within a certain domain, these domains consist of a countless number of different semiotic signs (words, notions, ideas etc.) which are assigned meaning in relation to others. Among these signs, a distinction is made between moments and elements, with moment referring to signs with a currently fixed meaning, which position thus appears to be given. In addition, particular attention is given to signs that enjoy a privileged position within the discourse, functioning as a centre which other signs revolves around, and these are called nodal points. For example, within the discourse of contemporary western medicine, the concept “body” is considered by Winther Jørgensen and Phillips (2000) as a nodal point, and within this discourse the meaning is rarely disputed (p. 35). However, the word “body” as such does not have an inherited meaning regardless of the discourse - throughout time and depending on the context the meaning is changed. For example, in a religious discourse the concept “body” may, 2019 refer to something completely different (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 35). In contrast to moments and nodal points, the term element refers to signs which meanings are not totally established within one particular discourse. These signs might have several rivalling and perhaps even contradictory meanings, which all strive towards reaching an undisputed position as moments. (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 34) Particularly disputed elements are referred to as floating signifiers (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 35). Thus, “body” might be a nodal point within contemporary western medical discourse, but within an extended discourse of “health”, which arguable could include several of understandings of the “body”, it is rather a floating signifier. Within discourse theory, floating signifiers which refer to a totality/unity/entity are called myths. These are signs which, within the particular discourse, are used as if being unambiguous although their meanings in fact, according to discourse theory, constantly are being negotiated and reconstructed. (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 35) Closely related to the distinction between moments and elements is the concept of the objective versus the political. Inspired by Gramsci, Laclau and Mouffe use the concept of hegemony to describe the state of discourses, or moments within discourses, which are so well established that they are no longer seen as socially constructed, but rather seen as natural and self-evident. In contrast, others are considered highly political and their implications are constantly being debated. However, as stressed before, these hegemonic positions are not to be understood as if final, but rather as temporary states which can shift at any time. (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 43-44)

In relation to these ongoing conflicts, while discourses are described as domains in which positions and meanings are fixed for the time being, the discursive field refers to everything which is currently excluded from the discourse, but which potentially could have been present. (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 33-34) Continuing with the example of the western medical discourse, the understanding of the body as a machine with different components, which are possible to separate from each other and thus treated individually, dismisses a more holistic view often practiced within other medical traditions (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 35). The discursive field constitutes a certain dilemma for the researcher, since there is no way of theoretically deciding what potentially could have been part of the discourse, and might in fact be so in the future, and what could absolutely not (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 2000, p. 34). However, this problem goes hand in hand with the interpretative nature of the theory and method, claiming that discourse analysis should never be considered final or definite (Börjesson and Palmblad, 2007, p. 18) and hence it is ultimately up to the researcher to make claims on basis of their ability and imagination. According to Wreder (2007), discourse analysis distinguishes from other qualitative methods by ignoring what is usually referred to as background variables, which are used to gain a deeper understanding of the participants (p. 45). In contrast, according to this theory and method, the statements themselves make up the research objects, and thus the individuals producing the statements are insignificant. This approach has been criticized for dehumanizing the participants by ignoring factors which could explain and contextualize their behaviour and for not taking power structures, which might actually dictate the positions available to each individual, into account (Wreder 2007, p. 45-49). However, similar to Wreder (2007) I argue that this is an inevitable consequence of the research aim itself, which does not claim to analyse the reality beyond the discourse, because the theory itself dismisses the idea of a reality which is not discursively constructed (Wreder 2007, p. 47-49). In addition, while the theory does not consider individuals as such, subject positions are often discussed, referring to identity positions claimed by the author, but only as and if they appear in the statements (Wreder, 2007, p. 46- 47). Thereby, the researcher makes no claim of knowing anything about the person behind the statement unless the individuals themselves choose to include this information, and it thus seem to be viewed as important within the discourse. 4.2 Choice of material: recently written student theses For finding student theses which can function as data for conducting this thesis, I am using the Swedish web-portal DiVA. On this site, members publish their own work, being either student theses or research publications, produced at 49 Swedish universities. Thus, the web-site functions as a search engine for most, although not all, of the research undertaken by Swedish students and academics. By restricting the search to only include results for student theses, I have been able to identify interesting candidates for analysis. The selection of interest areas within this study is made on basis of the list published by the police authority in 2017. This list appears in a report with the title “Vulnerable areas – social risks, collective ability and undesired events” and consists of 23 different areas located in Sweden which, as mentioned earlier, are considered to suffer from a number of problems. These are chosen as areas of interest for this study due to the fact that these can be said to compose areas which, according to the stigmatization theory, potentially do experience severe stigmatization, and thus I am interested in how these are treated within academia. With the aim of having as open an approach as possible, the intention is not to find theses which specifically are interested in social vulnerability or crime, but rather theses dealing with the areas as such. However, since the selection of toponyms was made on basis of a list published in 2017, being the most recent and extensive one, while some of the theses are written as early as 2010. Thus,

one might question whether these actually represent the discourse of particularly vulnerable areas, since this term was perhaps not as widely recognized by the time of the writing. Nonetheless, even if these areas were perhaps not considered particularly vulnerable by then, I argue that the toponyms of the list can still serve as an example of a number of areas which have become publicly infamous within the past few years. By using each toponym as a search word, sometimes split up if the area was referred to by multiple names, I was able to identify roughly 300 theses which included these search words. With this number being far too high to be feasible for this project, I randomly organized the theses into an order according to which each one was assigned a number. A set of criteria was constructed to disqualify theses including the search words which are not considered suitable for conducting this study, formulated to favour the research aims but also to generate a relatively consistent sample of units for analysing. First, the theses have to have been written within the last ten years, after 2008, to ensure that they represent (relatively) up-to-date attitudes, given the contemporary nature of this topic. The second criterium is that the thesis has to be in Swedish, with this being the language I am most comfortable analysing, having a relatively deep understanding of literal as well as contextual meanings of words and concepts. Additionally, since I am analysing the theses as a common discourse, I find that this enhances the comparability and that major linguistic discrepancies are hence avoided. Furthermore, the third criterium is that the thesis has to be maximum a hundred pages long, due to the time frame and my ability to read and fully grasp the content of each individual text. Fourth, the particular area of interest has to be referred to directly in the abstract, which disqualified theses which refer indirectly to the area, e.g. by discussing a particular event, place or phenomenon related to the toponym. According to this criterium, studies which solely investigates representations of an area, produced for example by local politicians or news media, but had little or no interest in the area as such, are eliminated as well. Finally, the forth criterium is that the thesis has to have the area as a particular research interest, which meant that theses which mention the toponym briefly in the abstract, either as part of the result or as a reference to something else, are disqualified. Going through the theses individually in numerical sequence according to these criteria, those who have failed to fulfil any of the criteriums were illuminated from the selection. When twelve theses had been identified as potential candidates, these were simply chosen and downloaded to be used as units for analysis. Within the given time frame and considering the rather time- consuming procedure of discourse analysis, I believe this is a feasible amount: high enough to result in a certain variety, yet low enough to guarantee that the individual data units are analysed thoroughly. The final sample consists of ten bachelor theses and two on advanced level: one master thesis and one magister thesis, with magister being a Swedish post-graduate degree which is equivalent to one additional study year after graduating with a bachelor’s degree. This dominance of bachelor thesis can be explained by the fact that there are generally more bachelor theses being written, which my random selection process did not compensate for, but also because master theses are more likely to be written in English or exceeding 100 pages. However, I do not see this distortion as particularly problematic, since all the theses constitutes student work, being my area of interest. On the contrary, I consider the fact that there is a certain diversity among the theses, both in terms of research interest, discipline and academic level, a good thing, which contributes to the possibility of identifying widely shared and dominant discourses.

In terms of language, the fact that the data analysed is written in Swedish while the analysis is in English naturally compose a complicating factor. To translate concepts from one language to another inevitably adds a measure of impreciseness and can be said to even decrease the transparency, since the readers do not necessarily have a chance to evaluate the original statements for themselves. Nonetheless, this is a problem which arises whenever using non- English data while writing in English, being the primarily used language within academic writing, and I view the alternatives, to either write the entire thesis in Swedish or to resign from using sources with a non-Anglo-Saxon origin, as being worse in terms of scientific relevance and diversity. Instead, my aim is to translate the statements as justly and correctly as possible, while both considering their literal and contextual meaning. However, in cases of statements including grammatical errors or missing words, which would have complicated the reading while not contributing to the quality of the analysis, I am taking the liberty of adjusting these. When deemed necessary, I am including the original term in Swedish as well, for example when there is no real equivalent in English, and providing some contextual elaboration, to increase the transparency and research integrity of the results.

4.3 Operationalization: applying the chosen method on the material The terminology of discourse, discourse field, nodal points, and floating signifiers serve as an inspiration and a framework for analysing data in this study. Inspired by Foucault, I use the term statement when referring to the individual quotes, and thus, all these combined are seen as constituting one common discourse (Winther and Jørgensen, p. 19; Wreder 2007, p. 34). This is ultimately a consequence of not studying the thesis individually, as isolated from each other, but rather seeing them as one shared social practice. Additionally, following my inductive approach, the identities of the authors are only discussed if and as they appear, and thus are considered important, within the discourse. It is likely that some personal characteristics or experiences are seen as relevant, and thus presented to claim certain positions, while others are seen as insignificant. Thus, I am leaving it up to the authors to decide whether factors such as gender, age, ethnicity or discipline are of importance or not, and if so these are included and discussed in the analysis. In terms of conducting the analysis, I have first gone through the data units individually while highlighting certain paragraphs which directly address the research interest: the representations of the areas. After doing so, I have transferred all these paragraphs into one shared document, although noting their source of origin to help distinguishing the theses from each other. Through this process, parts of the data which was considered to be of little interest for my study was excluded and in addition I was able to approach the data as an entity, identifying reoccurring signs, themes and framings. Going through the document thoroughly, I gained an idea of the content, and was able to organize single statements into themes. Within these themes, three main discourses emerged, and within these discourses particular signs, for example nodal points and floating signifiers, were identified. Although investigating the content of the theses together, I have often gone back to the original theses to ensure that the statements and their contexts are understood correctly. Once statements which further contributed to my understanding of the identified themes were found, I added them to my data, and thus the scope of the data was expanded along the process, gradually deepening my understanding of relational positions within the discourses. Thus, in addition to the wider discourse of particularly vulnerable areas, I have identified three central themes which function as discourses within the wider discourse, and therefore are analysed independently. What characterizes a separate discourse, in contrast to conflicting views within a single one, is not completely clear according to discourse theory, and in the end,

this is up to the researcher to decide. However, for the content of the analysis this is mainly a technical question of how to structure the results, helping the reader, and myself, navigate. Thus, in this analysis, these three discourses function as main categories, within which central signs and themes are identified, and I find this to be a helpful structure. The discourses analysed are 1.) the suburban discourse, 2.) the Swedish society discourse and 3.) the critical meta discourse. Within these three discourses, representing and discussing the addressed areas, several other subthemes emerged, such as the essence of suburban identity, Sweden yesterday and today and the role of the media. Further, within and among these themes, specific signs, functioning as nodal points, undisputed signs, and floating signifiers, disputed signs, within the discourses, are identified, e.g. the suburb, the society or the media. Additionally, although these discourses are partly distinguished in the analysis chapters, this does not mean that they exist separately and independently of each other. On the contrary, I understand them as deeply intertwined and to some extent even dependent on each other: in nearly all of the theses, all three discourses are present, and the same themes are covered in slightly different ways. It is thus not necessarily the case of each statement representing a single discourse only, but in fact they often rely on each other.

4.4 Discussing method and material: positionality in relation to the discourse Since the aim of discourse analysis is to identify and analyse characteristics which are often taken for granted, the researcher is required to maintain a certain distance to the discourse being studied, and Winther Jørgensen and Phillips (2000) suggest an approach similar to that of an anthropologist studying a foreign culture (p. 28). In my own case, this means that my position as having been born and raised in Sweden, and additionally not in any of the interest areas, might actually constitute a disadvantage for fulfilling my aim of identifying and critically analysing the discourse. In this sense, my previous understandings of many of the areas figuring among the data might potentially cloud my judgement. Additionally, there are complications of analysing a field discursively which is closely intertwined with my own research, such as to distinguish between what should be considered the background of my study, and what is actually part of the discourse itself. However, inspired by Wreder (2007), who studies discourses of elderly care among both care workers and researchers, I choose to rather see my previous knowledge an advantage: analysing the statements, I already have a rather deep understanding of wider discourses which is used to situate the statements within a wider extended, academic as well as cultural, context. Moreover, with the anti-essentialist approach that all knowledge is socially, historically and culturally situated, discourse theory takes this argument quite serious when claiming that there is nothing outside of the discourse. In this sense, while it might be ideal for the researcher to be as unfamiliar as possible with the research object, I argue that this in practice is a hard requirement to fulfil. The interest for a certain topic or question usually emerges from somewhere, such a personal experiences or current affairs, and this means that the researcher already is biased in relation to their research object. To then position oneself outside of the discourse, seems to be a contradiction which all structuralist scholars struggle with, and Laclau and Mouffe do not appear to be any exceptions (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips 2000, p. 29). Thus, I have decided to simply treat this concern as an epistemological dilemma to which a solution is yet to be found and keep a distance coding the data, while using my previous understanding when analysing the signs, discourses and discursive fields. In addition, by keeping the statements relatively intact, my hope is that the reader is able to follow my thoughts as well as evaluating the conclusions drawn for themselves.

As emphasised earlier, discourse analysis strives at identifying underlying common-sense assumptions and for this purpose, news media cover, every day speech and informal texts is a convenient and commonly used data for analysing. However, within academic writing transparency is normally considered a virtue, and this usually includes thoroughly defining the concepts used, rather than relying on the readers previous understanding and interpretation. This might constitute a complicating factor when analysing the material. On the other hand, this give the signs which meanings are taken for granted an even more privileged position, highlighting their status as objective facts, which is considered the most privileged position of all within discourse theory. Moreover, due to the high status and legitimacy enjoyed by the scientific community as a producer of knowledge, there is all the more reason to question the truths reproduced within these spheres.

4.5 Ethical considerations: dealing with sensitive material and topics As many scholars have stressed before, there is a dilemma of taking an interest in areas who might already be disadvantaged without further enhancing their spatial stigma and to avoid this, the toponyms of the areas figuring in the theses are excluded from my study. This also means that these areas are treated as one unit of investigation in the analysis, which however aligns with the research aim of how the discourse of particularly vulnerable areas, rather than one individual area, is constructed. On the same note, questioning the police authorities list and the relevance of publishing their names, by writing this thesis, this list will unarguably gain more attention. Despite this fact, I argue that the aim is important enough to motivate such a risk. Regarding the student theses themselves, dealing with the work of others, on which they have spent a significant amount of time and effort, is of course a delicate task. Although I have not contacted the authors personally, just as I would not have contacted journalists or movie producers if my data would have been by news articles or movies, my strive is to treat the texts with appropriate respect, while at the same time not diminishing their significance as producers of knowledge by baulking at discussing them critically. Additionally, the intention is not to evaluate the theses individually, since I view them merely as representatives of the discourse, and thus they are mainly treated as one unit of investigation, while of course sometimes stressing contrasting standpoints. The title of the thesis and the authors name are not specified in the analysis, simply because this does not contribute to the quality of the study, while it might expose the authors more than necessary. However, for the sake of transparency and considering that the texts are already accessible for anyone to read online, I refer to them by a number by which they can be identified in the appendix.

5. Discourse analysis part one: three separate, yet inter-connected, discourses In this chapter, the first part of the analysis is presented. The chapter is structured around three separate discourses: the suburban discourse, the Swedish society discourse and the critical meta discourse. Furthermore, several sub-headings function to introduce a number of different themes, including nodal points, floating signifiers, subject positions, and myths, considered central within each discourse.

5.1 The suburban discourse: constructing the suburb as an essential spatial unit The first discourse centres around the concept of the suburb, which I identify as a floating signifier within the discourse, being a central concept, whose meaning is slightly disputed within this discourse. The suburb as a phenomenon is constructed as a unit of areas which, although often geographically disconnected from each other, are considered to share certain characteristics, and thus generally are treated as one entity, within this discourse.

5.1.1 What is a suburb? The meaning of the sign suburb (förort) is rarely elaborated in the statements, assuming the reader to already be familiar with the term, as well as the contextual meaning that it possesses. The Swedish word förort has a slightly different connotation to it than the English suburb: the term literally means pre-city, referring to areas just outside of the city-core, and although being considered the peak of modern urban planning when built in the 1960s and 1970s, as an alternative to the filthy and unhealthy conditions within the city centre (Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi, 2000, p. 13), the term today has often been described as stigmatizing in its own right (Backvall, 2019, p. 72; Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi, 2000, p. 7-8). Within the suburban discourse, the concept is for example often used when the areas are introduced, e.g. “[area X] is a suburb in western [city X]” (A3, 2014, p. 1), seemingly referring to the fact that the area is located outside of the city centre, and in this context the meaning seem to be well established. However, statements such as the following one reveals that the term can also be used in a different way: There is a certain ambiguity as to whether [area X] can be called a suburb, since the area is not located outside of [city X] [...] however, [area X] has many characteristics which today are associated with a suburb built during the million-program era. These areas are characterized by a higher share of foreign-born residents, a higher unemployment and a lower proportion of resource rich residents than the national average. (A1, 2017, p. 11) The million-program, which is a sign appearing within the data numerous of times in slightly different versions (million-program area, million program housing, million-program suburb) refers to a governmental housing plan implemented in the 1960s and 1970s, with the aim of providing one million new homes to people living in Sweden. Since this plan was indeed realised, many urban areas in Sweden are characterized by housing built during this particular era, following the same architectural execution (Hall and Vidén, 2005, p. 301). The above quote appears as a footnote, after presenting the area of interest and situating it within the wider context of “urban suburbs” (A1, 2014, p. 8). In this quote, the meaning of the suburb as a type of area which is located outside of the city is slightly altered, and instead the concept is used to describe a range of other characteristics, allegedly shared by these areas, which seemingly has little to do with the original function of the term. Although this is reflected upon in the 15

statement, the term suburb is henceforth used in reference to the area and others considered similar, implying that this meaning ultimately triumphs the previous one. Thus, in contrast to referring to the area of interest as an individual space with a set of characteristics, such as being a suburb, the concept of the suburb functions to describe suburbs in a more general meaning, as a wide network of urban outskirts, which is further discussed in the next section.

5.1.2 The suburb: a unified, homogenous entity The tendency to describe the areas as representatives of the suburb, rather than as areas in their own right, is not least evident when the topic in introduced and framed. This is often done in reference to a wider societal discussion, concerning the suburb in general and how it is to live there, and expressed in thesis titles such as “Young in the suburb” (A1, 2017) or “To grow up in a suburb” (A7, 2018). Additionally, in the literature sections, the research projects are often connected to studies which relates to the suburb as a theme, rather than to the focus area itself. Although Sweden often functions a frame for situating the areas into a wider context, which is discussed further down, the Swedish suburbs are sometimes connected to suburbs in other parts of the world: The last couple of years, riots have occurred in many European big cities with youths/young people involved. In Sweden, riots have emerged in suburbs of [city X], [city X] and [city X]. A majority of the residents of these areas are not ethnical swedes and the areas have been defined as socially vulnerable. (A12, 2010, p. 5) Among these statements, especially the French suburbs, or banlieues, are mentioned, which can be explained by the fact that these are used as case studies in the work of Wacquant (2007a, 2007b), and thus they are often mentioned in relation to the theory of territorial stigmatization. However, in one of the theses, one of the respondents also frequently refers to the “French suburbs”, when describing the severe nature of the situation in their area and where the development is heading. I understand this as an implication of these areas being so infamous that they are used as warning examples within the discourse: [Respondent X] believes that we are heading towards becoming a “French suburb”. With this, [respondent X] means a suburb where the police are heavily armed because of a severe threat, causing their actual job to be secondary. The important thing is to stay alive. (A8, 2013, p. 23) By referring to a different spatial situation, of which the readers are assumed to be aware, the seriousness of the situation of the interest area is communicated efficiently. In addition, a connection is drawn between the areas, as being similar to one another, not least through their suburban identity. Thus, the particular suburbs, are connected to suburbs as a wider phenomenon, and this is further stressed by concepts such as suburban identity (A1, 2017), suburban youth (A11, 2011) and suburban culture (A9, 2014). Through this process, the suburb is constructed as a unit and clearly distinguished in relation to what lies outside of it. As such, I understand the suburb additionally as a myth: a floating signifier filled with several meanings which, within the discourse, yet is described as a totality and viewed as unambiguous and definite. How, then, is the suburb constructed within the discourse? In the following sections, several themes which are used consistently throughout the material, and thus considered central in representing the areas, are presented.

5.1.3 Representing the suburb: islands of crime, segregation and social unrest Although the sign suburb sometimes is accompanied by other words, such as problematic suburb, million-program-suburb or socially vulnerable suburb, distinguishing these suburbs from others, the concept often seems to be used as an equivalent to terms such as socially vulnerable area or million home-area, indicating that the meaning of these concepts is ultimately the same. These are, in turns, generally associated with problems, which is implied in statements such as “the problems occurring in the suburbs” (A7, 2018, p. 2), “how society should tackle the problems in the area” (A1, 2017, p. 9) or “areas with million home-program housing, where people with socio-economic problems have been accumulated (A8, 2013, p. 6). By associating the areas of interest, and other areas which are considered similar, with problem as a sign, which I argue enjoys a position as objective, consistently being used in negative terms, this relation is constructed within the discourse. Thus, the nature of the areas as problematic is maintained. More specifically, the nature of the problems is defined in various ways, but some themes are frequently reoccurring: [A] vulnerable suburb is an area characterized by high unemployment, crime, receivers of social allowance and residents with a migrant background. A vulnerable area also has problems with parallel societal structures and extremism in which the police has difficulties doing their job. (A7, 2017, p. 3) [A]reas characterised by social problems, such as low socio-economic status, segregation, high unemployment and low educational level (…) and criminals have an impact on the local community. (A6, 2018, p. 10) Many million-program housing areas have been stamped as problem-areas, due to the extensive segregation and the social problems which are present within the areas. (A4, 2014, p. 2) As evident among the statements above, the areas are often associated with not only the sign problem in itself, which is prominently present within the discourse, but also with a range of other phenomena which are clearly considered negative, such as the prevalence of crime, social problems and segregation. Sometimes these allegations of the areas are critically challenged, as is further discussed later on in the critical meta discourse section. For example, A1 (2017) argues that the suburb is often used “synonymously with problems: we do not talk about the suburb as a place where certain problems exists, we talk about the suburb as a problem” (p. 19). Although this argument seems to be partly applicable on the suburban discourse, statements such as these do not seriously question the existence of problems within the areas, but rather the one-sided representations. However, through also emphasising the already established perception of these areas as suffering from problems, this idea is further enhanced, and the problems are seen as given. Among the different problems associating with suburban-ness within the discourse, I consider segregation particularly central and thus this term and its function is further elaborated in the next section.

5.1.4 Segregation: a suburban phenomenon As stated above, segregation enjoys a central position in nearly all of the theses, often being one of the first concepts being introduced when framing the research topic and sometimes even figuring among the key words (A3, 2014). It also seems to function as a characterizing trait when describing the area of interest, in notions such as “the high segregation [...] which exists

within the areas” (A4, 2014, p. 1) or “the segregated area X” (A5, 2018, p. 3), which in these cases first appears without any elaboration, suggesting that the meaning of the term, within this context, is already quite well-established. However, later on in the theses, the term is often defined, for example as “different population groups being systematically allocated into spaces according to for example their age, household type, social class or ethnicity” (A10, 2018, p. 15) or “differences which enhances a hierarchical difference between at least two groups” (A3, 2014, p. 3) While these two definitions seem to align with each other, in contrast, one of the authors states that “[respondent X] defines the concept of segregation as certain groups being separated from the society as a whole, due to factors such as ethnicity, religious faith, financial situation etc.” (A5, 2018, p. 2). While this description differs slightly from previous ones, which refer to groups being separated from each other rather than particular groups being separated from the totality, this description seems more accurate considering how the concept is used within the discourse, with the areas normally being described as segregated in themselves. This is not least clear when looking at how the word integration is used, which I understand as the opposite to segregation: Today, many of the million-program housing areas have a high proportion of residents with a non-European background whom, to a lower extent, are integrated in the remaining society. (A4, 2014, p. 2) In many cases, the migrants are blamed for the segregation, but a well-integrated society is hard to achieve if the population do not share the same possibilities in terms of housing conditions and when different types of tenure often are geographically separated. (A4, 2014, p. 2) In both these statements, the processes of segregation and integration seems to be understood as occurring within particular areas (the million-program housing-areas) and supposedly carried out by certain people (the immigrants). Although the quotes, especially the latter, seem to be critical of the way in which the responsibility of integration is framed upon a certain group, stressing the structural nature of the issue, it is still assumed within the statement that spaces, communities and individuals are more or less integrated in relation to a whole, which in this case is equalises the reaming society: a concept further analysed in the Swedish society-section. The fact that both of the above statements uses the term segregation as synonymously with ethnic segregation is also discussed in the same section.

5.1.5 Concluding the suburban discourse: suburbs as representatives of the suburb In summary, the suburban discourse functions to construct the areas, whether they are described as suburbs, vulnerable areas or million-program housing, as a unit, implying that they share a certain essence. Through this, they are not considered as solely representing themselves, but rather a wide range of phenomenon, connected to a much wider discussion. This essential character shared by the areas and their inhabitants maintains a distinction between the suburb and the rest, indicating that they make up isolated islands of crime, segregation and other sorts of problems. In contrast, they are separated from the rest of society in which these phenomena do not exist. How this society, which I refer to as The Swedish society, and those standing outside of it, living in utanförskap (alienation), are constructed is the focus of the following section.

5.2 The Swedish society discourse: constructing a society and an utanförskap The next discourse, which I call The Swedish society discourse, refer to the construction of a society which is clearly distinguished from those living outside of it, and, within the discourse, this often includes the interest areas.

5.2.1 Utanförsskapsområden - areas of alienation First, a sign which is consistently used when describing the situation of the areas and their population is that of utanförskap. This term is best translated into English to alienation, but there is no real equivalent - the term is highly contextual and requires some elaboration, which is why I have decided to include the original term in the analysis. Literally, the term utanför means outside of, and thus utanförskap can be directly translated into something like “outsideness”. As a term, utanförskap has often been used in a political context, often referring to those who are unemployed and dependent on social allowance (Alm et al. 2010, p. 3). Later on, the term utanförsskapsområde (area of alienation) was originated, which has a similar connotation. In this sense, the concept differs from alienation or social exclusion by specifically referring to one particular aspect, which is paid work, although the word has a more general ring to it (Alm et al. 2010, p. 3). In [city X] there are several urban areas which are characterized by segregation, utanförskap, social insecurity and low unemployment. In these areas crimes are frequent occurrences. (A4, 2014, p. 4) As illustrated by the statement above, in the data, the concept of utanförskap or utanförsskapsområde is often used to describe the character of the areas, either as areas of utanförskap (A1, 2017, Sammanfattning) or as a characteristic of the area or similar areas (e.g. A8, 2013, p. 31; A9, 2014, p. 42; A4, 2014, p. 1; A7, 2018, p. 7). The sign is never defined and usually occurs without any further elaboration in the statements, assuming the reader to already be well acquainted with the term, and thus I understand it as a nodal point. However, it does not seem to refer solely to unemployment as such, since for example adolescents, who generally are not involved in paid work anyway, are often said to be living in utanförskap. But what does it mean to be living in utanförskap and in relation to what does this exclusion occur? To understand how these ideas are constructed within the discourse, I find the concept of the society to be crucial, and thus, this is analysed in the section below.

5.2.2 The (one and only) society The society as a term seems to have at least two meanings which partly contradict each other. On one hand, it is often being used in reference to a totality, including all groups, in statements such as the areas being “excluded from the rest of society” (A12, 2010, p. 17), “the remaining society lacks insight” in events occurring in the areas (A8, 2013, Summery) or there is “a strong sense of alienation (utanförskap) from the remaining society” (A11, 2011, p. 4). These statements imply that the areas are somehow separated from the rest of society, but this also means that they are included within the society as a whole. The exclusion thus seems to be occurring within society in relation to a more restricted sphere, sometimes referred to as the majority society, or the Swedish society, in which the areas and their residents are no part of, according to the discourse.

In contrast to this all-encompassing view of the society, in other statements it appears as if those suffering from social exclusion are separated from society as such, which is then understood as a restricted sphere. For example, in quotes such as “[t]hese youth are said to share a hatred and despise for society” (A2, 2010, p. 20) or “they cannot trust society” (A3, 2014, p. 30), it seems as if the residents of the excluded areas no longer are part of the society, but already standing outside of it. This distinction might appear to be insignificant and perhaps even far- fetched, but still I argue that there is a difference being seen as excluded from the rest of the group and no longer seen as belonging to this group. Within the discourse of socially vulnerable areas, it seems as if both ideas enjoy some support and often the authors express contradictory views within the same texts. Thus, I understand the concept of the society as a floating signifier and a myth: a somewhat disputed sign within the discourse, although being used as having an uncontested essence. Another concept which occurs within the texts and also in the definition of vulnerable areas is that of parallel societies or parallel societal structures emerging or said to emerge within the areas (A1, 2017, p. 9; A7, 2018, p. 7; A8, 2013, p. 23). While these terms are examples of concepts which also figure in the police report, and thus likely are borrowed directly from there, I understand them as nodal points, being uncommented and seemingly undisputed within the discourse, and highly illustrative for framing the idea of a society and those standing outside of it. In addition, the notion of parallel societies inevitably leads to the conclusion that there is normally, and ideally, one society, characterized by a certain consensus, in contrast to these multiple societies. Thus, similarly to how certain groups are placed outside of society within the discourse, the notion of parallel societies further clarifies this separation, and states that there can only be one main society, challenged by a number of competitors. Those who move in have a bigger chance of being recently arrived migrants and thus to be less integrated within the Swedish society. (A4, 2014, p. 7) In the statement above, the implication is that residents of the area, both the interest area and similar ones, are likely to having migrated recently and thus are not as well integrated within the Swedish society. Through this statement, a correlation is thereby being made between having migrated recently and not being integrated within Swedish society, which might not appear as very surprising. However, since segregation, as discussed earlier, seemingly is understood as a process which occurs not only in terms of individuals, but of whole neighbourhoods, and when analysing how migrant status and foreign background is transferred from one generation to the next, as is discussed in the BLABLA section, question arises as to the rigidity of the Swedish societal essence. If people live here for generations, when is the process of becoming a part of the Swedish society ever finished? The concepts of Sweden, Swedishness and the Swedish society are further discussed in the next section.

5.2.3 Sweden and Swedishness: exclusive communities The concept of Sweden is very present within the discourse and functions as a framing for situating the areas within a wider, and yet restricted, context. While of course being a construct in itself, the Swedish nation state and its borders is not the focus of this analysis. Instead, what caught my interest is the notions of Sweden and the Swedish society which occur within the data, which clearly deviate from the generally applied meaning of Sweden as a country with certain fixed and unambiguous borders. Instead, the concept of Sweden seems to represent something else than the geographical space, and instead mirror the idea of a Swedish essence.

Although many young people are born in Sweden they do not identify as Swedish. (A7, 2018, p. 28) [t]he youth […] are actually born in Sweden but do not feel Swedish (A8, 2013, p. 18) [T]he residents of [area X] […] do not consider themselves part of Sweden (A8, 2013, p. 26) This distinction, between having been born in Sweden and feeling Swedish is stressed in several of the theses. This is framed as a dilemma and a contradiction which is often critically addressed by the authors, for example by emphasising that they do not identify as Swedish although having been born here, insinuating that this relation could, and perhaps even should, be different. The words feel, identify or consider themselves also highlights the socially constructed nature of national identification, rather than seeing this identity as fixed. In one thesis, the author discusses Swedish national identification by contrasting it to that of the U.S., by arguing that the latter is more including (A8, 2013, p. 18-19), which further highlights these identities as cultural phenomena. However, the distinction is still maintained between Swedes and non- Swedes, ethnic Swedes and those with a foreign background or being part of the Swedish society and living outside of it, although the location unambiguously being Sweden. [Researcher X] argues that youth living in stigmatized areas […] are considered foreign due to the fact that they do not really have a connection to the Swedish society. (A12, 2010, p. 17) According to [respondent X], society needs to tackle these problems as long as [area X] is a part Sweden (A7, 2018, p. 23) In the first of these statements, the implication is that there is a certain Swedish society, which one does not necessarily have a connection to, although living within Swedish borders. Thus, the concept is used to refer to an idea Sweden and Swedish society is, beyond the strict geographical understanding of the term. In the latter, the author is echoing the words of one of the interviewees when arguing that society has to tackle the problems in the area of interest as long as it is part of Sweden. While the underlining assumption of this statement is of course that the area is part of Sweden, the quote gives off the impression that this fact might be open for interpretation. In addition, the term as long as implies that although this is the case now, this could very well change, again insinuating that what could and should be considered Sweden is under negotiation.

5.2.4 Immigrants and foreign background: markers of non-Swedishness Another category of signs, which seem to be central when discussing the areas and their alleged non-belonging to the Swedish society, are those related to ethnicity and migrant status. This is normally one of the first notions to be made when introducing the areas and thus I understand is as crucial within the Swedish society discourse: [Area X] has today a population of an estimated [number X] people, out of which [number X] has a foreign background” (A4, 2014, p. 2)

Most of the inhabitants [area X] have a foreign background” (A5, 2018, Abstract) Foreign background seems to be the dominant term used when describing the resident’s identities and many of the interview studies have specifically targeted participants with a foreign background (A5, 2018, p. 7, A7, 2018, p. 2, A11, 2011, p. 4). Although sometimes being defined (“Foreign background refers to people who are born outside of Sweden or have two parents who are born outside of Sweden” (A4, 2014, p. 14)) the concept is often left unexplained, implying that the term is self-explanatory. I understand this conformity as suggesting this sign to be nodal point, which meaning is considered given within the discourse. In some of the texts, the ethnic background of the residents is further accounted for, by e.g. naming the most common ethnicities (A3, 2014, p. 2) or by stressing that most of the migrants come from non-European countries (A4, 2014, p. 1), but often the notion of foreign background seem to provide enough information. In addition, the term immigrant is often used in relation to the area and its residents and is even listed among the keywords in one of the theses (A3, 2014). However, this sign seems to have a slightly different function and a more disputed position within the discourse, often being discussed in a critical light. While the term immigrant is sometimes used as a descriptive and fixed category, in statements such as “immigrants and young adults” (A2, 2010, p. 15) or “extreme populations of immigrants” (A8, 2013, p.17), the concept is stressed as a socially constructed category and the distinction between citizens on basis of their or their parents’ migrants status is sometimes criticized: Who is really an immigrant? Immigrant is, just as other categories socially constructed (A3, 2014, p. 4) In A1 (2017), the whole thesis is introduced by a quote by a Swedish musician: I am a second-generation immigrant. I do not know in how many other countries this terminology exists, it is a paradox in itself. I was born in Sweden, I did not migrate. Although these statements, and other similar ones, are underlined with a critique of the concept “immigrant” itself, being a socially constructed category, in which physical appearance often seem to be more important than actual migrant status (A3, 2014, p. 4-5), the divisions are still maintained, which indicates a certain rigidity to the concepts of immigrant and foreign background. Further, these terms are contrasted by the concepts of Swedes or the Swedish society. The Swedes started to leave [area X] and the migrants started to move in. The suburb in [city X] became isolated islands in the forest [..]. Today the area is characterized by segregation. (A7, 2018, p. 3) [Author X] argues that the deviant behaviour in socially vulnerable areas is explained by failed assimilation. The author believes that there can be a strive among residents of [area X] who has a foreign background to establish themselves within the society and reach a similar living standard as the ordinary/average Swede. (A6, 2018, p. 24) In statements such as the ones above, the dichotomy between immigrants and Swedes is established, and through this process these are constructed as mutually exclusive categories. This means that the position of being both a Swede and an immigrant, is made impossible: you

are either one or the other. When it comes to the term segregation, as discussed above, while this according to the definitions stated do not favour ethnicity specifically over any other identity position, these two signs seem to be deeply related within the discourse. In some of the theses, ethnic segregation is specifically mentioned (A11, 2011, p. 5), or even said to be the main focus (A5, 2018), while others refer to segregation in general. However, these association are still made implicitly: The residential segregation is explained by the idea that people who migrated prefer to live with like-minded […]. But segregated areas are perhaps to be called Swedish-sparse, rather than immigrant-dense (A3, 2014, p. 3) In these statements, segregation clearly refers to ethnic segregation, which implies that this is normally how the concept is interpreted within this discourse. Thus, I understand segregation as a sign which is assigned with several different meanings, and thereby qualifies as a floating signifier.

5.2.5 Ethnicity and migrant background - significant subject positions When it comes to subject positioning, the extent to which the authors present themselves as individuals with particular attributes in their thesis varies among the texts. Some use a rather personal voice, whereas others have a more distant approach, which can perhaps be explained by the fact that different disciplines, universities and supervisors vary in terms of academic ideal and writing style. However, the fact that some authors make their identity positions visible to the reader, suggests that these particular identities, in contrast to others, carry importance within the discourse. In some of the theses, ethnicity and foreign background seems to be significant subject positions for the authors themselves, and thus these are made visible to the reader of the statements: We are both born in Sweden with a migrant background, one of us live in the suburb and although we come from two different areas we share an understanding of the suburb and its residents. (A7, 2018, p. 16) In this statement, a connection is being made between having a foreign or a migrant background, living in the suburb and understanding the residents of the area of interest. This is further elaborated by A11 (2011): Just as my interviewees, I have a foreign background and the informants were well aware of the fact that I was living in X, after the personal introduction. A complication which occurred during the interviews was that the informants several times assumed that I already knew about the matter of things. […] On the other hand, I experienced the youth as very open and willing to share their stories. Perhaps this was due to our shared experience of having a foreign background, which I mainly saw as an advantage rather than an obstacle when conducting the interviews. (A11, 2011, p. 7) In both these studies, the interviewees were selected on basis of their foreign background as well as their connection to the area, which means that ethnic identity was of interest for the study all along. In this sense, it is less surprising that these subject positions are seen as relevant in relation to the participants in these particular texts. Neither is this a remarkable interest: as discussed previously, the discourse of ethnic and cultural origin is deeply intertwined with the

discourse of the suburb and particular vulnerable areas itself. However, in these texts this identity is also important for the relation between researcher and study object, which is well explained in the latter statement. Although discussing the risk of the participants relying on the researcher’s preunderstanding and therefore less prone to give their opinions, this is mainly seen as beneficial for the result. Thus, by stressing the importance of having a migrant background, this identity is constructed as essential within the discourse, although simultaneously arguing that less significance ought to be put on ethnicity.

5.2.6 Sweden yesterday and today: constructing a dichotomy Another description which figures within the Swedish society discourse is that of what Sweden, or the Swedish society, used to look like. This is expressed through formulations such as “Sweden is today a country which population consist of people with many different backgrounds” (A9, 2014, p. 3) or “[t]hese patterns are prominent in Sweden today, due to the fact that our areas are dominated by immigrants and newly impoverished people” (A8, 2013, p. 8). I understand the term background as referring to ethnic and migrant background, considering the context, and the term ny-fattigdom, which I have translated into newly impoverished people, also implies that this is a relatively recent development. In other theses, a specific time period is referred to: This thesis concerns the labour migration to Sweden from the 1970s, when many people moved to Sweden to earn money and support their family. (A5, 2018, p. 1) Between the year 1975 and 1995 Sweden experienced an extensive immigration [...] both in terms of labour immigrants and war refugees. (A6, 2018, p. 3) While statements such as Sweden today suggest that a shift has occurred somewhere in the past, changing the character of Sweden, and that this alteration is highly related to the country’s ethnic composition, the latter also states when this change occurred. Exactly from what Sweden ought to have changed is not elaborated in the statements, but considering the emphasis on migration, one might conclude that Sweden in the past was not a country of extensive immigration, and neither characterised by a diverse population, in which some areas were dominated by immigrants and poor people. Hence, an additional dichotomic relation is constructed, according to which Sweden has experienced a significant shift, from not being a country of immigration to being an ethnically diverse country, and this development is in turn associated with several other phenomenon, such as segregation, alienation and recent poverty.

5.2.7 Concluding the Swedish society discourse: non-Swedish societies within Sweden To summarize, the discourse of the Swedish society concludes that there is a clear and undisputed distinction between living within the Swedish society and outside of it, and this state of alienation is referred to as utanförskapet. Thus, although the concept of the society seemingly refers to something all-inclusive, there are strict limitations of this inclusiveness. By constructing Sweden as a myth, although the term might appear to have a fixed meaning being a nation state with strict borders, areas which unarguably are located within this geographical space can be understood as potentially not part of Sweden. Similarly, the idea of parallel societies recognizes the possibility of multiple societies existing, but at the same time disqualifies these from being included in the society, which is described as a single, uniform

community. Thus, by stressing that these areas represent parallel societies, the underlining assumption is that there could also be one society, sharing certain norms, and that this perhaps how things used to be. This is suggested by phrases such as the society, Sweden or area X today, which occurs in several statements, implying that a shift has occurred somewhere in the past. Hence, an additional dichotomic relation is constructed between Sweden today and yesterday, stressing the difference between these two stages.

5.3 Critical meta discourse: counteracting negative representations of the areas In addition to the suburban discourse and the Swedish society discourse, I identify a third major discourse within the data, which I call the critical meta discourse. This discourse is more or less prominent in all texts and can be understood as a critical notion from the authors side of how the areas are portrayed by other actors. Crucial themes within this discourse are for example stigmatization, the media, and the positive antitype.

5.3.1 Stigmatization: a nodal point structuring the discourse One central theme, and a sign which I identify as a nodal point, central and undisputed, within the critical meta discourse is that of stigma or stigmatization occurring in relation to the areas and their residents. Many of the statements explicitly refer to territorial stigmatization as a theory (A1, 2017, p. 18; A7, 2018, p. 9; A11, 2011, p. 11; A12, 2010, p. 17), while others use the concept of stigma in a more general sense: These areas are today characterized by segregation and a bad reputation and those living there are partly stigmatized. (A3, 2014, p. 3) In this quote, while there is an attempt to also describe what the areas actually are (characterized by segregation), the emphasis is rather on the stigma and the reputation as such (whom are being stigmatized). Thus, a distinction is being made between what the actual conditions are, which may, 2019 or may, 2019 not be differ from the alleged image, and the image itself. The same distinction can be identified in the statement below: Eventually, the suburbs were associated with social problems […] in terms of increased criminality and a higher proportion of drug addicts than the other boroughs in the municipality. (A11, 2011, p. 9) The term associated with, in Swedish förknippas, which also figures in many other statements, functions here to distinguish between the reality and the perceived reality, highlighting the fact that these do not necessarily align. This idea, of stressing that our understanding of the world is socially constructed, ultimately comes down to the hermeneutic research tradition, which constitutes the foundation for several forms of text analysis carried out in several of the analysis. In this sense, the distinction itself is not so surprising. However, as I will come back to in the next section, discussing the media, these representations are not merely described as representations, but ultimately as false ones, in contrast to others which are considered more accurate.

5.3.2 The media: a powerful actor from outside When describing how these stigmas are reproduced, one actor is mainly identified and blamed: in nearly all theses, even those which do not explicitly use the theory of territorial stigma, the media possesses a central position. This term is often presented as one of the research interests and thus I understand it as a nodal point within the stigmatization discourse. Although having a central position, the meaning of the term is rarely elaborated, indicating that the media as a concept is so well established that defining it would be simply unnecessary. Further, the media is described as a powerful actor which enhances and perhaps even causes the problem of stigmatization: The rumours and discourses people reproduce either comes from or are enhanced by the media. (A2, 2010, p. 4) Media and the surrounding world have the power to associate places and individuals with stigma (A7, 2018, p. 2) Daily, one come across prejudices and negative comments concerning [...] segregated areas in the media” (A5, 2018, Abstract) In these statements, concepts such as images, rumours and discourses serve, similar to associate, to further illustrate the socially constructed nature of these allegations. Through these choices of words, these are separated from an objective truth, but the question of whether they represent reality or not is left unanswered. In contrast, I understand the terms prejudice as indicating a claim which is likely to be false: a preconception, not anchored in empirics, which stems from potentially inadequate rumours. Media communicates an “Us” versus “Them” perspective. There are issues in all areas, but it is mainly in the suburbs the focus is to report about problems. (A3, 2014, p. 8) or [T]he youths [living in the area] positive achievements should be highlighted, that is to say not only negative aspects” (A12, 2010, p. 30) While it is usually the participants in the study, mainly people living in the area of interest, who argue that the media image is “exaggerated and false” (A11, 2011, p. 20) and thus “does not reflect the reality” (A7, 2018, Abstract) the authors often joins in on the critique, as in the statements above. Further, the media is not described as being completely clueless about the consequences but is actually said to “operate to verify the image of [...] the suburb which is already well established” (A3, 2014, p. 19), implying that the media has an agenda of its own, trying to enhance the demonization of the suburbs. Hence, the media is given the importance of a political actor, which functions to fulfil different goals: They [the media] have the power to highlight what should be considered news. Even though one might argue that the role of the media is to give a broad and general view […], crime is something which receives more attention than many other things, despite the fact that this does not necessarily reflect the reality, but rather the most unusual and striking/spectacular events.

(A2, 2010, p. 15) By first emphasising the importance of the media as a powerful actor, and then stating what one might argue is the role of this institution, which it apparently fails to live up to, a distinction is being made. The word one (in Swedish man) has a generalizing claim to it, which serves to distance the subject position of the writer from what has been written, and thus gives off the impression that this is a widely shared, uncontroversial and perhaps even objective opinion. In contrast to this common-sense notion, the fact that crimes receive more attention although not reflecting the reality is presented, which does not seem to need any further explanation, suggesting this too being almost intuitive knowledge. Thus, within this discourse there is a conflict emerging between what the media should be doing (give a broad and general view) and what is being done (crimes are highlighted although not being very representative). Through this, the media is constructed as not only powerful, but as the main actor responsible for turning, what is considered a negative development, around. In addition, besides being powerful, within the stigmatization discourse, the media is often described as a unit, rarely defined in terms of individual members and without any internal disagreements or major nuances. Nevertheless, one of the authors raises the question of who the media really is: One might wonder, who is the media? Well, the media are people who view processes from different point of views, and more or less affect the reader’s opinions. (A5, 2018, p. 25) In the above quote, the mythical position of the media is questioned, and the author conclude that it consists of people with different points of view, whose writings are more or less influential on the reader. However, the fact that the media are people does not necessarily mean that it just anyone and as an actor, the media seems to be clearly separated from the rest – not least from the people living in the investigated areas. This is evident since the residents in interviews are asked about the role of the media coverage and representations (A1, 2017, p. 24, A2, 2010, p. 5, A8, 2013, p. 14). Through these polar positions, the dichotomy between the media and the rest of us seem to be maintained. This relation seems to be closely tied to what a refer to as the democratic theme, which is discussed in the next section.

5.3.3 Self-representation as a way forward Another theme which I identify within the critical meta discourse, is that which I refer to as the theme of representation. This is manifested through statements which highlights representation, and autonomy in relation to the areas and their residents. These values are often stressed in relation to the stigmatization and emphasised as a way of counteracting the negative representations produced by the anonymous media or by the remaining society. In these framings, the individual resident’s ability to share their own stories is central: I cannot think of any better representatives of the suburb than those actually living their lives there. I am convinced that these young people will find a platform to channel their message through. When that is done, all that is left for the remaining society is to listen. (A1, 2017, p. 60) We believe that it is important that the individuals from Area X themselves are heard and find it interesting to take part of their experiences of the area and its residents. (A3, 2014, p. 1) Important here is to listen to what the youth consider important themselves to increase the attitudes

(A12, 2010, p. 30) These idea of recognizing local perspectives is contrasted by the gloomier images presented earlier, in relation to stigmatization and misrepresentation which is said to be the case of today: it is awful to witness how certain minority groups are not heard and treated bad and unfairly by the rest of the society (A7, 2018, p. 36) The representation theme is thus highly influenced by, and impossible to separate from, the demonization by the media and the remaining society, which these statements are intended to counteract. This is sometimes done in reference to the authors own experiences, which is discussed below.

5.3.4 Subject positioning of the author: the legitimacy of being from the neighbourhood As stressed earlier, not all authors share personal details about themselves, but among those who do, a high proportion have chosen somewhat similar subject positions. For example, many of them have a personal connection to the area they have decided to investigate: one of us live in the suburb and although we come from two different areas, we share an understanding of the suburb and its residents. (A7, 2018, p. 16) In the second statement, there is a measure of confusion due to the fact that the suburb can both be said to refer to the particular suburb or to any suburb, as the term is often used in a more general meaning. While this confusion is impossible to set straighten without consulting the authors themselves, the dubious nature of the statement is symptomatic for the discourse. The fact that this question is left unanswered can thus be understood as the distinction being insignificant in this context: the positioning of the author seems to provide legitimacy and trustworthiness to the study, which is guaranteed by having a personal connection to the suburb, as an individual area as well as a type of area. Since I am living in the area of interest myself, I have the possibility to give a more nuanced view/perspective. (A11, 2011, p. 5) Before starting writing this thesis, I had a pretty clear image concerning the [area X], due to the fact that I have been living in the area during most of my life. (A11, 2011, p. 7) The idea to do a study of [area X] emerged due to the fact that we both have been living in the adjacent area. […] Thus, we have our own experiences and thoughts regarding the area. (A3, 2014, p. 1) In all these quotes, the underlining message is that having a personal connection to the research object in this case adds a positive dimension to the process and thus is considered of benefit in conducting the study. This personal connection can either be a direct relation to the area of interest or, as perhaps in the case of A7 (2018), a relation to the suburb in general. While some of the authors discuss their subject positions from a more critical perspective, by reflecting upon whether this make them biased (A11, 2011, p. 7) or the risk of them knowing the participants

personally (A12 p. 10), this identity position seems to primarily be seen as an advantage. This is interesting, since it could also have been seen as contradicting the ideal of the researcher being neutral and keeping a distant relation to the material. On the other hand, it seems to be closely linked to the idea previously described as a critical meta discourse, arguing that the mainstream representations of the suburb might be exaggerated, demonizing or even false. From this perspective, the position of actually knowing the area, or a similar area, guarantees a certain neutrality, since the public perceptions are already considered biased. For example, A1 (2017) states that: I first started to take an interest in the suburb [area X] during a study visit in 2014. This interest led to [...] me working at the local youth centre. During the short time working in the area, I noticed what expressions of the public opinion might look like. Friends and acquaintances who never sat their foot in the neighbourhood were concerned and appalled when I told them where I worked. Nearly every day, I had to answer questions such as “How dare you work there?”, ”Isn’t that dangerous?”. (A1, 2017, p. 8) Stereotyped images of the suburb and its residents can have a negative impact since the reader [of news media] who might never have been to the suburb themselves eventually could develop a negative image of these areas. (A3, 2014, p. 8) In these quotes, the prejudices of the public are displayed, and in addition, a clear distinction is being made between those who have never sat a foot in the area and those who, just as the authors, has a personal connection to it. The underlining assumption, in line with the democratic ideal, is that the lived experiences of the residents triumphs the rumours spread by the media and the remaining society the since these are already dismissed as false. However, through this dichotomic relation and the requirement of personal experiences and connections rejects the notions of these areas as any areas, and thus enhances the idea of the suburb as a unified space which is essentially different from whatever lies outside of it

5.3.5 The positive antitype: areas of gemenskap Closely linked to the subject positioning and the idea of alternative representations, which are prominent themes within the critical meta discourse, is what I refer to as the positive antitype. These are often presented along with the positioning of the author and represent positive images of the interest area, or of the suburb in general, which functions to compensate for, and thus neutralize, the negative stereotypes said to be associated with the suburb: Our perception of [area X] is the same as our perception of all suburbs: a place which is characterised by different cultural identities, where people have a strong sense of belonging and everyone knows each other - in other words, an area filled with love. There are certainly problems in [area X] and in all suburbs, but the same can be said about all areas. (A7, 2018, p. 16) Our positive perception of [area X] was enhanced through conducting this study and spending a lot of time in the area. The atmosphere, the people, the nature, the multiculturalism and the gemenskap makes one feel welcome to [area X]. (A3, 41)

These statements either occur early on in the theses, along with framing the topic, or later on, concluding the results. Within these, the negative images allegedly presented in the media are counteracted by the authors personal impressions of the areas, as nice, warm and welcoming spaces with a strong sense of belonging, or gemenskap. In this context, the term is best translated into a sense of community, and this notion of the areas is frequently reoccurring among the statements, both in terms of there being a lack there of in relation to the remaining society (A8, 2013, p. 8) but also when invoking positive attributes within the area, such as in the statements above. Similarly to when the society is discussed, a distinction is being made between a sense of belonging (gemenskap) to the external community, i.e. what is referred to as the society, or to an internal community, within the areas themselves. The former is often said to be missing (A6, 2018, p. 11; A11, 2011, p. 12) while the latter is described as strong (A8, 2013, p. 30; A2, 2010, p. 26; A11, 2011, p. 14) and sometimes this fact is understood as a causal relation: They describe a strong sense of community and an [area X]-spirit. [...] Could this strong community be due to the let downs of the remaining society and the fact that this does not seem to seem to care for the needs of the residents of the area? (A3, 2014, p. 30) Thus, although the strong sense of community seems to be recognized as a positive trait, in statements such as the ones above, this attribute is somehow defined in relation to a negative one, which is the lack of belonging to the dominant community, i.e. living in alienation, or utanförskap. In addition, although the positive antitype theme, just as the critical meta discourse in general, often strives towards recognizing and highlighting good, or normal, aspects of the areas, these statements often have underlining implications, being characterized by a certain degree of surprise from the authors side: This study shows that despite everything, the sense of community within the area is relatively strong (A8, 2013, p. 30) As a student […] I have come to understand that things are often not as bad as they might seem. [...] Throughout several visits to the area, the positive image which I initially had was confirmed and for each time I felt safer. (A2, 2010, p. 30) Although the youth emphasise the high unemployment and scares economic resources within the area, they are optimistic about their future outlooks and dream about carriers in different trades and countries. (A1, 2017, p. 57) While all these statements stress positive dimensions of their interest areas, through phrases such as despite everything, although or not as bad as they might seem, the overall negative description is somehow maintained. By first emphasising the problems present in the area, in terms of crime or poverty, and then adding what can be described as positive notions in contrast, the implication is that although not being as bad as it seems, as expressed by A2 (2010), the situation might still be pretty bad. This, however, of course has to be understood though the lenses of the critical meta discourse, arguing that the mainstream perceptions of the areas are much worse than they actually are.

5.3.6 Concluding the critical meta discourse: a responsive perspective In conclusion, the critical meta discourse strives towards counteracting the negative images of the study area, which are framed both as being harmful to the residents and as being unjust and biased, and thus exaggerating the problems which might in fact exist. These bad reputations are largely said to be produced by the media, but also by the remaining society, which seems to refer to people on the outside, either of the particular area or the suburb as such, whom thereby lack important knowledge of how the situation really is. Through this argumentation, the subject positions of the researchers as having a personal connection to the area or similar areas is used to provide the author with legitimacy.

6. Discourse analysis part two: discourses in relation to the discursive field In this chapter, constituting the second step of the discourse analysis, the wider implications of the discourses and the discursive field are analysed and discussed.

6.1 The suburban discourse: the suburb as a global entity with an inner hierarchy Starting with the suburban discourse, this functions to structure the areas as a spatial unit, the suburb, consisting of geographically scattered areas which are said to share certain attributes. According to the discourse, these suburban areas can be found all over Sweden, and are associated with characteristics such as million-program housing architecture, high crime rates, segregation, utanförskap (alienation) and a high proportion of residents with a foreign background. As seen in the analysis, by the example of an inner-city area being assigned suburban status, these criteria seem to have replaced the more traditional and literal understanding of the term suburb as an area located outside of the city centre. Instead, the concept of the suburb, within the suburban discourse, usually refers to a socio-economic, cultural and ethnic entity, rather than a strict geographical one. Thus, I understand the suburb as functioning as a myth, which inner essence is further highlighted through the use of concepts such as suburban identity, community and culture. This suburban essence is also discussed by Backvall (2019) who argues that the term suburb in Swedish, along with the term million-program housing area, currently functions to describe areas “which suffers from problems caused by segregation”, regardless of whether these actually fit the spatial and architectural description or not (p. 72). In other studies, such as that of Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi (2000) and Dahlstedt (2004) and Bunar and Kallstenius (2008), the suburb is frequently used as a concept which is closely linked to social stigma, similar to how this category is constructed within the student theses. Thus, I conclude that the suburban discourse is present within a wider extended academic discourse as well as in the student theses. Even though this is sometimes discussed critically, the suburb as a category assigned with certain traits, by which it is clearly distinguished from other urban areas, is ultimately reproduced and preserved. When looking at how and why these areas were chosen as research objects, nearly all authors have chosen their area out of interest either for the problems or the alleged problems which the area suffers from, and the aim is often closely related to their identity as suburban areas. Thus, the discursive field, i.e. the meanings of the signs which are currently excluded from the discourse, includes the ability of the areas being seen as individual entities, worthy of investigation in their own right. As for now, this perspective is missing within the suburban discourse. Instead, they are understood as representatives of the suburb, which can only be understood through this particular framework, dismissing the possibility of them being seen as representatives of other characteristics than the suburban-ness. In addition, by contrasting the suburb to what lies outside of it, which is frequently referred to as the remaining society, the Swedish society or simply the society, these two categories are understood as mutually exclusive dichotomies, which means that whatever the suburb is, the rest of the society is not. Since many of the phenomena associated with the suburb are considered unambiguously negative within the discourse, the dichotomic relationship of the problematic suburb versus the unproblematic society is maintained. Thus, although often stressing the structural nature of these issues, and while society is encouraged to interfere and tackle the problems, these are understood as clearly deriving from, and isolated to, the suburb.

Furthermore, through the constructing of the areas as representatives of a much wider network, their peculiar nature and given separation from the remaining society is further enhanced. The understanding of suburban areas as globally interconnected occurs through associating the situation of the Swedish suburbs with that of suburbs in other parts of the world, mainly the French, sometimes referred to as banlieues. These particular settings seem to enjoy a central position also within the work of other scholars, both functioning as a case for investigation (Kirkness, 2014) and as a refence to situate other areas into a wider context (for example Castro and Lindbladh, 2004, p. 259; Sernhede 2009, p. 6; Verga, 2016, p. 1091). I understand the central position played by the French banlieues as a consequence of Wacquant himself using this term referring to areas of stigmatization (2007a, 2007b). However, among the student theses, the French suburbs are often used in a way similar to the example of the Bronx is used as a metaphor for the urban ghetto: to describe the phenomena of riots and social unrest occurring within urban outskirts in general. In this sense, these comparisons have two different functions: by stating that the Swedish suburbs are moving towards the French ones, the seriousness of the situation is stressed, while simultaneously contrasted from cases which are considered worse. Thus, through this parallel storytelling, the Swedish areas are placed within an extended European context, understanding their situations as expressions of a global trend, rather than individual cases driven by their own logic and stemming from a set of unique pre-conditions. In addition, the function of the French banlieues within the discourse is fixed as a metaphor for urban chaos, reducing their possibility to incorporate other meanings. Through this process of association, the hierarchy between different areas is maintained, also within the stigmatization discourse, and thus, while the theory of territorial stigmatization aims at questioning the perception of stigmatized areas by recognizing the processes maintaining them, the framework can also be said to further enhance this stigma. Although there is definitely a difference between stating that an area is problematic and is considered problematic, the problem-focus, which is often criticised within the critical meta discourse, is persevered. By frequently using the same areas as cases, although focusing on stigma itself, the areas are contiguously associated with certain characteristics. Through the use of toponyms as references or metaphors which stuck within our common conscience, the meanings of the areas are detached from the people living there and their everyday experiences.

6.2 The Swedish society discourse: spaces of abnormality and un-Swedishness While the suburban discourse declares that the suburb ought to be seen and treated as one unit, the Swedish society discourse prevents it from being truly included within the Swedish society. The concepts of Swede and Swedish are central within the discourse and these positions are often used in contrast to terms such as immigrant or person with a foreign background, implying that these identities contradict each other. Furthermore, the foreignness ascribed to certain people, by which the residents of the suburb are said to make up a great proportion, emphasises the distance between these areas, their residents and the Swedish society, and also serves as an explanation for this distant relation. The correlation between being a migrant and being less integrated within the Swedish society is seen as given within the discourse, and thus in no need for elaboration. Although the concept of foreign background is usually not defined, which implies that the term is seen as fixed and objective within the discourse, the term immigrant is often, although not always, discussed from a critical perspective. Thus, it seems likely that this term has gone from being a sign which meaning is considered given (a moment) to disputed (an element) within the

discourse. This emphasises the fact that the process of fixating the meanings of the signs and their relational positions is constantly ongoing, and that these positions are never definite. Furthermore, albeit the concepts of immigrant and foreign background sometimes being used as synonyms, the implications of the concepts are slightly different, with the former emphasising the process of migrating, referring to an act, while the latter indicates national belonging, constituting something of a personal essence. Thus, while the term immigrant is being problematized within the discourse, the foreign background sign seems to have replaced it as the dominant measure of categorizing individual on basis of ethnicity, stressing that these are not Swedish. However, also the foreign background concept and the way it is used within the discourse, raises questions of when one ceases to be of foreign background and is considered truly Swedish, although the term does not seem to be used as a contrast to Swede to the same extent as immigrant. While the support of the remaining society is often described as crucial, particularly within the critical meta discourse, through the isolation of the suburbs and their problems, I argue that these are ultimately understood as consequences of living outside of the Swedish society. The implication is thus that the problems are caused by the alienation (utanförskapet), and thus, these problems cannot be ascribed to Sweden as such. In addition, framings such as Sweden today or in today’s society, in relation to questions of migration and social unrest, stresses the recency of these phenomenon, constructing them as contemporary issues lacking historical equivalents. The discursive field of the Swedish society discourse thus consist of the possibility for these areas to be seen as entirely included within Sweden and the society and their residents to be seen as undisputedly Swedish. Through the understanding of phenomena such as migration, social uprisings and poverty as modern/recent within a Swedish context, current challenges are framed as a consequence of modern-day politics, causing the alarming emergence of parallel societal structures, while in the past, Sweden is said to be characterized by a greater conformity. Thus, the solid focus on ethnicity and migrant status as roots of the problem, refuses other aspects to be recognized as equally, or more, important. For example, Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi (2000) argues that many million-program suburbs suffered from stigmatization due to the low social status of the residents short after having been build, but that the focus of the ethnic composition did not occur up until the 1980s (p. 18-19). The history of the suburb is indeed mentioned briefly in some of the theses but in general, historical parallels have a rather peripheral position and instead the cases used as references are mainly contemporary ones, nationally and globally. Thus, by framing the alienation of the suburbs mainly as a consequence of extensive immigration, ethnic identity and migrant status are given central positions, and are favoured in relation to other identities, such as e.g. socio-economic status, which is seen not least whenever segregation is discussed, since the term is often used synonymously with ethnic segregation. Given the fact that immigrants are seen as less included, or integrated, within the Swedish society by default, their position as outsiders appears to be given. Thus, the Swedish society discourse, which clearly dictates what the Swedish society is and who is included within the concept, also functions to preserve this relationship. While the term society is quite vague, emphasising the Swedishness of the society, as often done within the discourse, serves to further alienate those who fail to fulfil this criterium. Although the focus of ethnicity and migrant status is sometimes criticised within the discourse, it is still utterly present, and the focus of foreign background, which normally implies having migrant parents, or at least looking like you do, stresses the rigidi of these categories. This indicates that the process of being considered truly integrated in the Swedish society can possibly be going on for generations.

But what does this alienation (utanförskap) actually refer to? The fact that this sign functions as a nodal point which structures the whole discourse, while it is not entirely clear what is meant by it implies that its meaning is considered given, and the same can be said about the notions of either being or not being integrated in the Swedish society or feeling Swedish. I understand these terms as manifesting the idea of a Swedish essence, preferably shared by all members of the one Swedish society, which ultimately excludes those who either refuses or are refused be a take part of this. In this sense, the term utanförskap or utanförsskapsområde, has rather harsh implications: it is preaching that there is only one society, the Swedish society, which you either belong to or stand outside of. In addition, the framing of immigration as a recent phenomenon ignores the existence of Swedish migrants in previous times. Although it might be true that Sweden was for long mainly a country of emigration, the country has always had a certain influx of people from outside the national borders, but such parallels are absent within the discourse. In addition, the privilege enjoyed by signs referring to ethnicity or migrant status within the Swedish society discourse, also dismisses the importance of socio-economic factors as the main explanation of this non- belonging. Finally, by assigning the problems to the immigration, which can be considered an external factor in relation to Sweden, structural changes which might have occurred within the Swedish system, are neglected. Examples of these are sometimes given within the work of other scholars, such as Sernhede (2009), who argues that Sweden, as well as large parts of western Europe, experienced an economic and social shift during the 1980- and 1990s, which meant that the welfare contract was weakened, and the vulnerability of certain groups increased (p. 3). However, although socio-economic factors are definitely not ignored within the theses, low incomes and high unemployment is often mentioned as the areas are introduced, neither are they discussed as consistently and thoroughly as ethnical factors.

6.3 The critical meta discourse: maintaining the abnormality Finally, the critical meta discourse often aligns with the theory of territorial stigmatization and these share the argument that largely negative representations of certain areas does not contribute to the wellbeing of the population, but might in fact worsen their situation, and therefore needs to be changed. Thus, this discourse is constantly positioning itself in relation to what is viewed as a stigmatizing discourse, assigning the suburb and its residents with negative attributes. Such attributes can be found within the suburban discourse and the Swedish society discourse, with the focus often being on aspects that are considered problematic, such as segregation, crime, poverty or social unrest. Similarly, expressions of the critical meta discourse can be noted in the work of other studies, explicitly set out to investigate representations which are considered stigmatizing, in Sweden (Backvall, 2019; Dahlstedt, 2004; Elsrud and Lalander, 2007; Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi, 2000; van der Burgt, 2008), as well as internationally (August, 2014; Kallin and Slater, 2014; Kirkness, 2014; Pereira and Queirós, 2014; Schultz Larsen, 2014; Wacquant, 2007a, 2007b) potentially functioning as a source of inspiration for the students. Being a critical perspective, the critical meta discourse has a strive and a clear direction: hoping to challenge mainstream perceptions and perhaps even establishing a new discourse. In addition, it seems to be closely connected to ideas of representation, equality and autonomy, arguing that the residents themselves needs to be heard and given the chance to say what constitutes the problem and how this should be solved. In this sense, the subjects positions of the authors, as being from or living in the suburb themselves, functions to provide the authors with the ability to represent the residents and advocate alternative perspectives, different from those constantly repeated within news media or policy documents.

Within the critical meta discourse, there is also a central notion of a current power imbalance, with the residents, constituting a vulnerable group within the discourse, standing against the elite, represented by the media and the society. Although not explicitly using Marxist theory as a framework, many of the analysis seems to be inspired by this tradition, arguing that the structures maintained by the dominant groups of society has to be challenged in order to reveal the actual truth. These truths can for example be the fact that the suburb is no different than other spaces and that the reputation earned by the areas does not reflect reality. In contrast, they are described with positive adjectives, such as nice, social and with a great sense of community (gemenskap). However, since the same positive antitypes, often figuring within the discourse, constantly are reoccurring, these becomes quite predictable in themselves. In addition, although striving towards providing a different image, they usually sticks within the framework set up by the other two discourses, dictating that these areas are to be understood as a unit, clearly separated from the rest of society. Thus, they do not necessarily contradict social problems of different sorts, such as high unemployment and crime rate, but rather functions to complement these dominant notions. In this sense, as the critical meta discourse functions as a response to what is considered the common perception of the areas, the discursive field, not included in the discourse, would contain the possibility for the areas to be treated as if these previous notions did not exist. This would mean that instead of counteracting these negative representations, and thus providing them with importance, the positive notions would be presented without being framed as alternative. Furthermore, the stigmatization theme, being very present in relation to the areas of interest throughout the data, seem to have added to the dominant representations of the areas as problematic, and stigmatization have reached a powerful position as one of the nodal points, being seen as an undisputed an objective fact within the discourse. As discussed previously, although the whole point of the territorial stigmatization theory is to strive towards critically address negative notions of these areas, the focus on stigmatization does not necessarily challenge the problem-focus, characterizes nearly all representations, and instead the understanding of the areas as troublesome is maintained. Concerns of this risk are mainly absent within the data, but in one statement, the risk of certain areas being the object of a disproportionate number of research projects is touched upon: During one of the opening interviews with [respondent X], who have researched the area, we were informed of the fact that many of the residents are tired of being studied and that it therefore could be challenging to get hold of informants. (A9, 2015, p. 22) This statement was not included in the first analysis, due to the fact that it was merely mentioned once, briefly, and since statements expressing similar concerns were absent within the remaining data. Despite this, I consider this an interesting point of view, raising the concern of how not only the news media coverage but research as well, might affect the residents of these areas, regardless of the intention. On the other hand, the subject position of the authors, as being from or living in the study-areas, serves to mitigate this risk according to the self-representation argument. This argument, also stressed by previous scholars such as Sernhede (2009), views the influence of voices having a personal connection to the area as a matter of representation and justice (p. 21-22). In the report by Bunar and Kallstenius (2008), Bourdieu is cited, as the authors declare to be inspired by his ambition to deduce the truth from those living it (p. 46), which in the case of investigating particular urban areas translates into the need of talking to the local population. Similarly to

many of the thesis writers, this stresses that current power relations might not benefit the residents of the areas, but that these are to be challenged by them being given a voice and a chance to communicate their own perspective. However, as seen through the subject positioning within the student theses, this does not only appear to be the case of the research objects, but for the authors as well: by emphasising their positions as being residents of the area themselves, or sharing the minority background of their respondents, they can be said to represent these marginalized voices themselves. This positioning is not found among studies conducted by higher scholars, which might be explained by the fact that this type of personal information is less common. Nonetheless, it constitutes an interesting finding: possibly, this identity is seen as more important among students than higher scholars. Another conceivable explanation is that the position of the researcher is only stressed if it can enhance the legitimacy of the work, and that the background of the students is different from that of more advanced academics. Furthermore, while the critical meta discourse often rely on, for example territorial stigmatization as a theoretical framework, critical discourses figuring within the representations of the areas are more absent. However, as also stated in the literature chapter, the studies researching strategies of the local population often bring up critical voices opposing mainstream narratives (August, 2014, p. 1317; Bunar and Kallstenius 2008, p. 13-14; Castro and Lindbladh, 2004, p. 265-266; Kirkness, 2014, p. 249; van der Burgt, 2008, p. 257), but in line with the distinction between the suburb and the remaining society, these usually comes from within the stigmatized areas themselves. In contrast, while Backvall (2019) concludes that there are also critical notions of stigmatizing discourses within the media, which is considered far more influential and powerful than the residents themselves, these are dismissed as peripheral in relation to dominant ones (Abstract), and thus not part of the analysis, with the aim of studying stigmatizing discourses (p. 63).

7. Concluding discussion: In this chapter, wider implication of the results of my analysis, in relation to theory and previous research, are discussed. On this follows a discussion of the choice of method and material and finally, suggestions for future research are presented.

7.1 Discussing the results: strengthening the results of previous findings while stressing the need for further research of academic discourses As stressed earlier in the method chapter, while I understand the student theses as expressions of contemporary knowledge production within higher education, I do not consider them as merely influenced by the educational process they have gone through. In contrast, just as I had a previous understanding of my research topic when starting to write this thesis, which influenced and shaped my interest and findings, so have the students. The discourses identified here can thus not only be said to reflect discourses within academia, but might also be influenced by other sources of socially situated knowledge, such as friends, family, public debates etc. Thus, it is impossible to conclude exactly which themes and understandings results from the authors’ university education and what derives from other experiences. However, as I do not distinguish between the students and the academic context to which they contribute, it is as producers of knowledge the theses are meaningful to analyse. According to this argument, the discourses identified within the data represent academic discourses of the areas considered particularly vulnerable by the police authority. In addition, as such, they all seem to reflect those of higher scholars. Although not having analysed other studies as thoroughly, I conclude that most of the themes occurring within my data are central within the work of other researchers as well. For example, the emphasis on the media as an influential and powerful actor, the highlighting of the importance of local perspectives and the criticism towards what is considered tedious and negative representations of disadvantaged areas which, as often expressed within the critical meta discourse, are present both within the student theses and in published scientific articles. This indicates that this is a perspective shared among many scholars across disciplines and which perhaps even has a prominent position in the teaching regarding these areas. Besides what I understand as expressions of the critical meta discourse, the understanding of the suburb as a unit, and the areas as representatives of this particular research object, as well as the distinction of the suburb and its inhabitants as essentially different from others, is present both within the student theses and in the works of higher scholars. These distinctions function to discursively separate the suburb from that which lies outside of it, the Swedish society, and thus this dichotomy is reproduced. Furthermore, these ideas are mainly, although not always, presented without further reflections, and thus seem to be considered objective, meaning that they are ultimately not up for discussion, providing them with a strong sense of authority within the discourse. Contrasting these objective perceptions, of the areas as representatives of the suburb and of suburban identity, others, such as what this essence ultimately consists of, are disputed both within and among the discourses. However, while the critical meta discourse strives towards recognizing negative representations rather than negative realities in relation to the areas, it can be understood as a responsive perspective, which means that these bad reputations, although seen as socially constructed, still are utterly present within this discourse. In this sense, even with the ambition of functioning as a counterforce to the dominant images, by also relying on them, they are inevitably reproduced. This is for example the case of the problem-oriented focus of the areas, indeed questioning the severity of the problem but rarely the fact that there are 38

problems. In relation to the critical aim of the discourse, this seem to be a dilemma: on one hand, the ideas of the suburb as deviant and inferior are criticized, while simultaneously the essential abnormality of the areas ultimately remains. Although the suburban discourse, framing areas considered suffering from particular problems as part of the suburb, and the Swedish society discourse, positioning the areas outside of the Swedish society and perhaps even Sweden as such, have previously been noted by other researchers, investigating for example news media content (Backvall, 2019; Dahlstedt, 2004; Elsrud and Lalander, 2007; Eriksson, Molina and Ristilammi, 2000) the strong presence of these within student theses, and also within other types of academic material, has not previously been discussed. While it might not be very surprising that medial and public discourses partly align with those of the academic sphere, it is interesting to note that the critical meta discourse, being so central within my analysis, has previously barely gained any attention within the extensive literature concerning representations of stigmatized areas. I understand this as a consequence of the stigmatization regime, also before being constructed as a theory by Wacquant, being so dominant in the studies that the aim is simply to identify stigmatizing images, and through that aim alternative discourses are dismissed as peripheral and thus not interesting to analyse. Thus, I conclude that this discourse constitutes a new finding. However, in studies set out to investigate perspectives from within these areas there is more room for nuances, and voices reproducing the dominant negative representations as well as criticising them are heard. This local focus aligns with the argument of self-representation – those primarily concerned shall be heard, which in a spatial context equals the residents, rather than experts coming from outside, lacking the necessary knowledge. However, this division, between those coming from the suburb and those who do not also perserves the idea of suburban areas as a unit, essentially different from others. It also further enhances the dichotomic relation between the suburb, where people live in alienation (utanförskap) segregated from the rest and the society, represented by the remaining population and by actors such as the media. These tendencies are found both among the student theses analysed in this study, and within other research projects, and thus seem to be constituting an influential, perhaps even dominant, discourse within the academic knowledge production of particularly vulnerable areas in Sweden. Although the data analysed in this study makes up a relatively small sample and mainly includes student work, I consider this an interesting finding, indicating that the discourses within academic writing both align and deviate from what have previously been considered dominant notions of these areas, mainly produced by the media. Furthermore, the fact that there are clear similarities among the discourses figuring in student theses and those present in the work of higher scholars, in itself illustrates that these might in fact be closely related. While more research is needed, this result implies that student work can actually be used successfully to identify broader tendencies within academic fields. Although this can also be done by looking at for example scientific articles, which reaches a wider audience and enjoys stronger knowledge claims, student theses can be used in order to understand the ideas of students, both reflecting the course of their education, contemporary societal concerns and perhaps even the direction of future research. Additionally, due to the magnitude of theses written, mainly by authors who never continues their academic carrier, this can be said to represent a huge and rarely explored source of data.

7.2 Methodological discussion: considering the choice of method and material As mentioned in the methodology chapter, there are complications of conducting a discourse analysis when the researcher is partly positioned within the very same discourse as the one 39

being analysed. Since one of the primary aims of this method is to identify underlying assumptions and connections, which are normally seen as given, for the researcher to be able to distance them self from the research object is required. On the other hand, while my previous knowledge, gained both through researching the academic field and through my own lived experience, may, 2019 have stood in the way of identifying themes which would have been obvious for another researcher, it also facilitated my ability to better understand the context of the statements. It also helped me situate the discourses within their wider extended discursive fields, since I was able to compare and contrast the data to other sources, which I imagine would have been hard to do with no previous understanding of the themes. However, one dilemma I had structuring this thesis was the question of to how address work by previous researchers: as unquestionable sources of knowledge or as cultural products, reflecting a discourse of their own. With the aim of the study being to investigate the discourses reproduced within contemporary research regarding the topic of particularly vulnerable areas, and with the ambition to not distinguish between student work and other academic work, it would have made sense to include these studies as well in the discourse analysis, which also could have answered the question of whether the content differs on basis of academic level. On the other hand, this would have seriously expanded the scope of the data to an extent no longer making it feasible, while the issue of where to draw the line between my study and the surrounding discourse would have remained. Instead, the previous research is included in the discussion section, where it functions both as a background, to situate my results in relation to previous findings, and as additional data to situate the discourses and the discursive fields. The interest for investigating student work in particular emerged from the insight that this might actually constitute an interesting, extensive and diverse material, which additionally rarely has been studied from this point of view. In retrospect, this turned out to be true: while many themes reoccur, and thus are understood as wider discourses, the material represents a great diversity of perspectives and has indeed made me reflect on the way we talk about these areas. Although I was initially concerned about whether or not I would be able to identify underlining assumptions, due to the strict requirement of transparency within academic writing, once conducting the analysis, I found that many themes appeared to be quite evident. In comparison to work of higher scholars, which I am more familiar with reading, I consider the material less rigid, leaving more room for personal opinions, which made the statements particularly interesting to analyse discursively. However, the only master thesis among the material stood out to me as particularly hard to analyse, due to the fact that the author was more prone to define and problematize concepts that others saw as given. Although this single case cannot be used to draw any major conclusions, it further indicates the usefulness of bachelor thesis, which is a particularly unutilized material, as interesting, for many students constituting their first experience of substantial and independent academic writing. With the aim being to identify broad and far extending discourses, I have mainly treated the data as one unit of investigating and thus did not distinguish between the authors on basis of discipline, university or year. This is due to the small sample, in fact many variables are only represented once, which means that I was unable to draw any major conclusions from it. To go deeper into the differences among these would have been interesting but this requires more extensive data, as well as perhaps a different methodological approach, since discourse analysis is a rather time-consuming method which is hard to combine with quantitative methods and is hence left for future researchers to investigate.

7.3 Concluding remarks: my result and its implication for further research The main purpose of this thesis has been to identify and analyse the discourse of particularly vulnerable areas in Sweden, a categorization made by the police authority, as these areas appear within student theses. The aim of using this material along with theoretical discourse analysis was to gain a deeper understanding of academic as well as non-academic perspectives of these areas, in relation to the ongoing discussion of territorial stigmatization. In addition, student theses are rarely studied from a scientific viewpoint, especially not by investigating how particular themes are understood and framed across disciplines, and thus, the thesis can be considered filling an interesting knowledge gap. Analysing the student theses, I identified three main discourses: the suburban discourse, which organizes the areas into the shared category the suburb, the Swedish society discourse, which clearly distinguishes between the areas and the remaining society, and the critical meta discourse, which is set out to criticize mainstream notions of the areas, considered largely negative, and instead present an alternative image. In addition, I found that many of the discourses identified within the student theses also are present in other studies concerning these spaces, or others seen as similar. Thus, I conclude that, although further research is needed, student theses can actually serve as a source through which wider academic knowledge production can be identified and understood. Parts of my results, such as the tendency to understand the suburb as a socio-economic and ethnic unit rather than a spatial one, has also been found within previous studies, analysing e.g. news media coverage. Nevertheless, I argue that the critical meta discourse, although being central within the literature as a theoretical approach, has often been dismissed as marginal when looking at representations of the areas while I conclude its role to be prominent within academic writing. Thus, this perspective can be said having added to previous, unambiguously problem-oriented, perspectives, possibly due to the large quantity of studies concluding these to have stigmatizing effects for the areas and their residents. However, although the critical meta discourse serves to nuance the predominantly gloomy discourse of the suburb, I argue that this narrative in itself might further enhance the stigma, and therefore should be used with some caution. Due to the magnitude of studies set out to “challenge the bad reputation” of these areas, the solidity and importance of these reputations are seen as given and thus potentially fuelled. In addition, if this constantly being framed as the only issue worthy of investigation in relation to these areas, their potential to be seen as individual spaces with a unique composition and set of preconditions, which are constantly changing, is somehow dismissed. Thus, from both an academic and a societal perspective, one might question to what extent the territorial stigmatization theory is helpful in challenging current representations of stigmatized areas, and when it turns into an additional undisputed truth, dictating what is worth investigating in these areas, and perhaps even reinforcing negative images. However, this is of course partly a consequence of applying a scientific theory: to generalize and categorize and thus, inevitably, reduce individual spaces or people to cases, functioning to represent something beyond themselves. Finally, my hope is that this study can offer additional insights of how representations of areas considered disadvantaged, in this case the particularly vulnerable areas in Sweden, can be reproduced through academic writing, often enjoying a high position as undisputed facts. In addition, by demonstrating how student theses can be used for identifying wider academic discourses, it can serve as an inspiration for other researchers who wish to take an interest in current knowledge regimes within academia. I find that student theses represent an interesting, rich and under-utilized resource, providing useful insights of what contemporary research fields

looks like, both in terms of interest and underlying assumptions, and perhaps even towards where they are heading.

8. References:

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9. Appendix - list of theses in numerical order:

A1: Billevik, J. (2018). Ung i (för)orten - En studie om identitetsskapandet hos ungdomar som växer upp i ett socialt utsatt område. Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete. Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (masterexamen) 10 poäng / 15hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1205801/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A2: Norberg, P. (2010). Bilbränder, naturnära och skönt ställe: en studie av Gottsunda ur ett trygghetsperspektiv. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Kulturgeografiska institutionen. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:327543/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A3: Jonsson, F. and Walter, M. (2014). Husbys låga brinner: En kvalitativ studie om unga vuxna som är uppväxta i Husby och deras tankar kring bostadsområdet, invånarna och framtiden. Högskolan i Gävle, Akademin för hälsa och arbetsliv, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:722941/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A4: Hamrefors, J. and Stadler, S. (2014). Ombyggnationen av Rinkebystråket: Mot ett socialt hållbart Rinkeby? Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Kulturgeografiska institutionen. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:730042/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A5: Tan, B. (2018). Etnisk boendesegregation: - En kvalitativ forskningsstudie om unga vuxnas erfarenheter och upplevelser av att bo i förorten Fittja. Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier, Etnologi. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1281628/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A6: Zejnullahu, A. (2018). Arena Online - En mötesplats i ett socialt utsatt område. Umeå universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för socialt arbete. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (högskoleexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1210137/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A7: Maaroof, S. and Ahmed Ali, H. (2018). Att växa upp i förorten: En kvalitativ studie om unga killars livsvillkor och tillhörighet i Hjällbo. Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för hälsa och välfärd. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1221705/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A8: Lindblom, J. (2013). Den sociala bakgården: En kvalitativ studie om hur yrkesverksamma och boende i Järvaområdet uppfattar social oro. Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Sociologiska institutionen. Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:634133/FULLTEXT02.pdf

A9: Ågren, S and Garay, A. (2015). Vad händer med åsikterna? Järvadialogen som kommunikationsinsats. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Institutionen för informatik och media. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:785423/FULLTEXT02.pdf

A10: Maasoglu, G. (2018). Kan den fysiska miljön underlätta brott?: Lärdomar från en systematisk analys i Bergsjön, Rinkeby och Vivalla. KTH, Skolan för arkitektur och samhällsbyggnad (ABE), Samhällsplanering och miljö. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:1237241/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A11: Issajanian, T. (2011). Gottsunda i fokus: En kvalitativ studie av ungdomars upplevelser till det egna bostadsområdet. Uppsala universitet, Humanistisk-samhällsvetenskapliga vetenskapsområdet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Kulturgeografiska institutionen. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:439896/FULLTEXT01.pdf

A12: Beigi Masihi, S. (2010). Attityder till polisen hos pojkar i Rinkeby: En kvalitativ studie om hur attityderna kan förstås. Stockholms universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga fakulteten, Kriminologiska institutionen. Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 15 poäng / 22,5 hp (Accessed: 31 May, 2019) http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:448614/FULLTEXT01.pdf