HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION: CONTEXT AND CONTRASTS FROM THE NORTHERN SOUTHWEST

Catherine M. Cameron and Andrew I. Duff

Two processes characterize the later precontact history (twelfth-fourteenth centuries) of the northern part of theAmerican Southwest: aggregation of people into large towns and depopulation of large regions. These processes have been explained as the result of environmental, economic, and social factors, including drought and warfare. Using a theoretical perspec tive based on Pauketat's "historical processualism," we argue that aggregation and depopulation are partly the result of historical developments surrounding the expansion and collapse of theChaco regional system. We present our understanding of the Chaco regional system from theperspective of historical processualism; then, historical developments in the north ern San Juan and Cibola regions?northern and southern frontiers of the Chaco world?are compared. The northern San Juan's historically close ties with Chaco Canyon, the post-Chaco regional center at Aztec, and other factors ultimately resulted in the region's depopulation. In the Cibola region, ties with Chaco were more tenuous and use of Chacoan ideol ogy appears to have been strongest in the post-Chaco era, though no post-Chaco regional center emerged. Instead, large towns developed. Built on novel combinations of independent histories, ritual, and experience with Chaco, large towns enhanced stability. They were encountered by early Spanish explorers and some persist to thepresent day.

Dos procesos caracterizan la historia del precontacto tardio (siglos 12-14) de la region norte del Suroeste Americano: la con gregacion de personas en grandes pueblos y la despoblacion de grandes regiones. Estos procesos han sido explicados como el resultado de una gama de factores ambientales, economicos, y sociales, incluidos sequias y guerras. Utilizando unaper " spectiva teorica basada en el "procesualismo historico de Pauketat, nosotros argumentamos que la congregacion y despoblacion son parcialmente el resultado de desarrollos historicos alrededor de la expansion y colapso del sistema regional Chaco. Pre sentamos nuestro entendimiento de la naturaleza y operacion del sistema regional Chaco dentro de una perspectiva procesu alista historica. Luego son comparados los desarrollos historicos de las regiones norte de San Juan y Cibola, que representan las fronteras norte y sur del mundo Chaco. Las estrechas relaciones historicas entre la region nortena de San Juan y la Bar ranca del Chaco, el establecimiento del centro regional Azteca post-Chaco, y otros factores resultaron en el abandono de esta region. En la region de Cibola, las relaciones con Chaco fueron menos cercanas, y el uso de la ideologia Chaco parece tener su apogeo en la era post-Chaco. Sin embargo no surgieron centros regionalespost-Chaco. En cambio se habilito un escenario para la creacion de grandes pueblos, que incluia novedosos desarrollos basados en una combinacion de historia y rituales con independientes, y experiencia Chaco. Los grandes pueblos promovieron la estabilidad, yfueron los tipos de asentamien tos encontrados por los primeros exploradores espaholes; algunas de estos pueblos persisten hoy en dia.

Two processes have long intrigued scholars most notably the northernRio Grande. In regions who study the ancient American Southwest. with post-A.D. 1280 occupations, large towns as The first is population aggregation, the thrived active and dynamic settlements? social and settlement transition that saw house remaining thedominant settlementtype throughthe move holds fromdispersed residential locations to contact period and into recent times.Our objective consolidated townsbeginning in the thirteenthcen here is to explore in greater detail historical factors tury.The second is the depopulation of the north that lie behind these processes. ern San Juan region and adjacent areas late in the Pauketat (2000, 2001a, 2001b, 2003), among same a century, diaspora that resulted in the relo others, has sought to reemphasize the importance cation of thousands of to people adjacent areas, of history in archaeological interpretationthrough

M. Catherine Cameron Department of Anthropology, 233 UCB, University of Colorado, Boulder, CO 80309-0233 ([email protected]) Andrew I. Duff Department of Anthropology, Washington State University, Pullman, WA 99164-4910 ([email protected])

American Antiquity, 73(1), 2008, pp. 29-57 Copyright ?2008 by the Society forAmerican Archaeology

29 30 AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

I-.-^I-1 it' RlanHinn I Bluff Northern 9\f >/^^T^^ * ^y \ \ A Juan ; % Housed,9maA\//l ; \ l| ?s.San"*\ ? /Region

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Figure 1. The northern Southwest showing the locations of Chaco Canyon, the Aztec Complex, other Chacoan great houses, the northern San Juan region, including the Totah, and the Cibola region.

an on we we emphasis practice and tradition. Here, Duff), argue thatbeginning at least by the late combine threads of Pauketat's approach with our ninth century,broad historical patterns of devel a own, and that of others, into conceptual frame opment in these regions differed significantly, work to examine and better understand aggrega resulting in distinct historical outcomes for popu tion and depopulation as historical processes that lations residing in each area. Key among these his affecteddevelopments in twohistory-rich and well torical experiences were the strength of group studied regions of theAmerican Southwest?the connections to Chaco Canyon and their involve northern San Juan and Cibola. During the period ment in theChacoan regional system, something fromabout A.D. 1000-1150, these regions formed we argue resonated in regional histories long after thenorthern and southernportions of the"Chacoan Chaco Canyon's time as a regional capital had regional system" which represented the apex of passed. social and political complexity in the northern We begin by examining established explana Southwest (Figure 1). As scholars who work in tions fordepopulation and aggregation in thenorth these areas (northernSan Juan,Cameron; Cibola, ern Southwest. We then outline the theoretical Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 31

framework thatused in this analysis, drawing on of archaeological investigationof aggregation and the approach Pauketat (2001a, 2003) terms "his depopulation, emphasizing interplay of environ torical processualism." We describe theChacoan mental and social causes thathave characterized regional system,current arguments forhow itoper various explanations.While the search for"causes" ated, and the nature of the post-Chaco world. We of depopulation and aggregation has been at the present our own arguments for developments in forefrontof such investigations,recent trendshave theChaco and post-Chaco eras within the frame focused on recovering how changes occurred, work of practice theory.We provide overviews of incorporating history as an importantvariable in historic developments inboth thenorthern San Juan understanding ancient patterns. Here, we briefly and Cibola regions beginning before theChaco era consider studies of depopulation and aggregation, and continuing well into the post-Chaco era. including thesemore recent approaches towhich Finally, we compare these two developmental tra thispaper attempts to contribute. jectories focusing especially on connections The depopulation of the northern San Juan between these two regions and Chaco Canyon. region caught the interestof early archaeologists We show that thenorthern San Juan had a long (Kidder1924:340; Nordenskiold 1979[1893]:170) traditionof thehousehold as a key social and sym who found what seemed to be hastily abandoned bolic element thathad especially close ties to the cliff-dwellings. Explanations for this apparent founding of Chaco Canyon in the lateA.D. 800s depopulation?proposed over the past century? (Judge 1989; Lekson 1999; Lipe 2006; Wilshusen have included drought, changing rainfallpatterns, and Ortman 1999;Wilshusen and Van Dyke 2006; the arrival of aggressive nomads, inter-Pueblo war mas move Windes 2004; Windes and Ford 1992). The fare, and the attraction of novel religious sive Aztec Ruins complex immediately north of ments in other parts of the Southwest (Adler et al. Chaco Canyon was a significanthistorical factor in 1996;Ahlstrometal. 1995; Cameron 1995;Cordell the trajectoryof social systems in thenorthern San 1997:365-398; Lipe 1995; see also Cordell et al. Juan region (Lekson 1999) and in the ultimate 2007; Hill et al. 2004; Nelson 2000 for abandon depopulation of the area. In contrast, Cibola ment as social theory).Although drought has been regional ties toChaco Canyon were lesswell devel a leading contender,Van West (1994, 1996) and oped as theChaco regional pattern emerged and Varien and colleagues (2007) argue thateven dur strengthened; but Chacoan ideas or symbols ing the "Great Drought" of 1276-1299, thenorth increased in prominence in the post-Chaco era ern San Juan could have still supported a where these concepts were used to consolidate considerable population. Dean andVan West (2002) power locally (Duff and Lekson 2006; Duff and contend,however, thatdepopulation was caused by a Schachner 2007; Kintigh 1994, 1996; Kintigh et combination of factors, including poor environ a al. 1996). The lack of singular Chaco and post mental conditions, a landscape degraded by cen Chaco regional center in Cibola permitted local turies of human use, and high population levels. communities greater autonomy and facilitated (These ideas are echoed and elaborated by Varien social experimentation that resulted in effective and colleagues [2007].) strategies for large group cohesion. One result, we The aggregation into large townsduring the late was the argue, continued occupation of large, well thirteenthand fourteenth centuries has been the integrated,collectively built towns that the early subject of considerable research interest for the Spanish explorers encountered. past quarter century.Explanations have included responses toenvironmental stress (Longacre 1966), alliances created to offset variable environmental Explaining Depopulation and Aggregation conditions (Plog 1989; Upham 1982), and For over a century, archaeologists have been aware decreases in residential mobility that resulted in of thevast scale of movements population thatchar competition over agricultural land. In an intrigu acterized the northernSouthwest prior to theSpan ing effort tomodel prehistoric behavior at the ish entrada, although interest in this topic waxed household level, Kohler and Van West (1996) and waned during the twentiethcentury. Adler and develop a model of self-interestedbehavior on the an colleagues (1996) provide excellent summary part of households thatpredicts when populations AMERICAN32 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

should aggregate and share resources and when future developments in the northern Southwest these cooperative behaviors would notbe in thebest even after it ended. In the following sections, we interestsof thehousehold. They find that in situa describe theChacoan regional system and devel tionsof high spatial and temporal variability,coop opments related to Chaco, and the periods after erative behaviors are most valuable when Chaco, and show how thehistorical trajectories in production is high and least valuable when pro each area differed in both the northern San Juan duction is low.They show thattheir rational-choice and Cibola areas. The result of these different tra model generally corresponds with changes in set jectories was depopulation in the north and aggre tlement patterns in theNorthern San Juan from gation in the south. A.D. 900-1300, and Kohler (personal communi cation, 2007) believes themodel may be evenmore History Matters promising ifapplied to theA.D. 800s aggregations. a Inter-pueblo warfare is currently much-cited Theoretical frameworksof the twenty-firstcentury explanation forboth thedepopulation of theNorth have moved away frombroad generalizing expla ern San Juan region and the aggregation of popula nations of culture process; instead, they are work tions into large towns throughout the Southwest. ing to encompass the role of individuals operating LeBlanc's (1999) comprehensive study of South imperfectlywithin historically derived social con western warfare argues that conflict became pro texts.Timothy Pauketat has been a prominent voice nounced in theSouthwest afterA.D. 1250, and that in these discussions, terming his approach to it resulted in themassive depopulation and aggre archaeological reconstruction "historical proces gation that is evident in the Pueblo IV period sualism" (2001a, 2003). We findhis approach con (1999:283; see also Haas and Creamer 1993; Kuck sistentwith our aims and interests, and, in this elman et al. 2000; Lekson 2002). He linkswarfare section, we summarize some of his ideas that we partly to environmental deterioration (LeBlanc apply later in thepaper. 1999:198) and argues thatthe most compelling evi "History is theprocess of cultural construction dence for conflict is the large, inward-facingsettle through practice" (Pauketat 2001a:87). Individu ments placed indefensible locations.Lipe andVarien als, in the course of theirdaily lives,make deci (1999b:341) note,however, thatwhile warfaremight sions, choose among alternatives, and ultimately have resulted in some displacement of population in act?the behavioral embodiment of daily life.The theNorthern San Juan, theydo not feel that itwould regular actions of human agents both perpetuate have resulted in the complete depopulation of the and alter theway things are done and how they are a entire region in the absence of other factors. perceived within social whole. Of particular While environmental and social explanations importance toPauketat is thatindividual actions are for depopulation and aggregation continue to be generative; they are both themedium of tradition com developed, in the past few years Southwestern and themedium of social change. Tradition mean more termed archaeologists have also begun to construct bines what might well be familiarly ingfulhistorical accounts of theprecolumbian past. "structure"?created and re-created through human One such account is Lekson's (1999) historical actions and reactions?with history. Structure it to constrain study of shiftingpolitical powers in the ancient exists only if individuals perceive Southwest. Other examples involve studies of the action and is, in essence, illusory (Pauketat are came aggregated villages of the Pueblo IV period 2003:44). Actions shaped bywhat before, (Bernardini 2005; Duff 2002,2004). In the remain and the future is shaped by action in thepresent in a der of thepaper we present a theoretical framework a process that is never complete, but is always in for such historical approaches and then look stateof "becoming." This process,Giddens's (1979, "the continuous broadly at thehistory of theChacoan regional sys 1984) structuration,encompasses tem and its influence on developments along its creation of the conditions that govern practice" northern and southern territories.The Chacoan while acknowledging that "all people enact, or in that regional system had widespread influence during embody, re-present traditions many ways thedecades of itsoperation and there is littledoubt continuously alter those traditions" (Pauketat the existence of this system continued to constrain 2001a:79). To differentdegrees, Bourdieu (1977, Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 33

1990) and Giddens (1979, 1984) stress this recur inmodern diplomatic parlance, thatcould not later sive interactionbetween human agents and struc be undone, though theirmeanings remain the sub ture,and theyview this interplayas an appropriate ject of perception, politicization, and contestation domain for study and analysis. This interplaycan (Pauketat 2000; Pauketat andAlt 2003). For Pauke or more can result in either ever-changing stable social tat, short-term actions have long-term, unin worlds and it is this interplay that is Pauketat's tended consequences, such as the participation of we as are "practice," something that archaeologists themany inepisodic mound constructions thatulti to reconstruct. a well positioned mately served to replicate system of division Practice is both the routinized activity of indi between commoners and privileged at viduals and the "continuous and historically con (Pauketat 2000; Pauketat and Alt 2003; see also tingent enactments or embodiments of people's Clark and Blake 1994). We argue that a similar ethos, attitudes, agendas, and dispositions" (Pauke process developed among themany who partici tat2000:115). Dispositions guide people's choices: pated in actions and rituals at Chaco Canyon, or some purposeful, conscious, and conspicuously who emulated Chacoan patterning.Over time, these or agenda-driven, others unreflective enacted with practices resulted in the elevation of theCanyon's out understanding of ultimate consequences importance, and its leaders used this to local and (Pauketat 2001a:79-80, 87). Practice has spatial, regional advantage. This fact was not lost on mem temporal, and material consequences, which, "if bers ofmore distant communities,many of whom practiced enough," results in archaeological visi encountered actions in theCanyon throughvisits bility (Lightfoot2001; Shennan 1993). Though we and participation themselves. We concentrate cannot find material correlates of on always structure, specifically theactions of "themany" and atten we can find the "materialityand spatiality" of prac dant "social negotiations" of Pauketat's applica tice and use this tomake inferences about thehis tion of practice inwhat follows. toricalprocess thatproduced them.This is perhaps best evidenced in tradition?practices from thepast The Chaco Regional System and to the to and brought present, subject politicization the Nature of the Post-Chaco Era actively negotiated, simultaneously dynamic and contingent (Pauketat 2001b:2-3). More thana centuryof research inChaco Canyon, All action is thus a form of negotiation. How located innorthwest New Mexico, has documented are ever, not all actions equivalent. Scale is criti monumental great houses and abundant utilitarian cal. Negotiations between the few have limited and high-value trade items?some from as far away impact; but individual actions inhistorical context asMesoamerica?in thisremote and aridplace (for that or to a recent see affect, have the potential affect, large summary Lekson 2006, ed.). During numbers of people can become archaeologically the tenththrough twelfthcenturies, Chaco Canyon detectable and are the realm of interest (Pauketat became the center of a complex social system that concern 2000:116-117). "So, the real of practice somehow controlled or significantlyimpacted pop theory is not an individual's actions but the prac ulations throughoutthe Colorado Plateau, an infer ticeof many people in social negotiations" (Pauke ence predicated on thefact thatnumerous buildings tat 2000:117, emphasis in original). Material thatreproduce some of thefeatures of Canyon great constructions literallyembody practice in themak houses in reduced form appear within communi ing of tradition through the act of participation? ties throughoutthe northern Southwest (Figure 1). the built embodiment of tradition (Pauketat A system of prehistoric roads centered on the 2001b: 11). This is especially importantfor under Canyon (Roney 1992; Till 2001; Vivian 1983, standingChaco Canyon and related communal con 1997a, 1997b) also constitutemonumental con both era structions, during theChacoan and after. structions,although the function and meaning of Acts of construction?at various scales, locations, these roads remains uncertain. The Chacoan and with of varied groups composition and regional system ended aboutA.D. 1150, but oddly, "moments of or purpose?are interaction" negoti greathouses continued tobe built or remodeled and ations of action thatunited in reused for at individuals practice; least another century inmany parts of theycreated built constraints,"facts on theground" the old Chacoan world. AMERICAN34 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

The Chaco world isbounded on thenorth by the Rather than a diffuse ritual system,Lekson con Northern San Juan region and on the south by the cludes that "Chaco was the center of a complex Cibola region (Figure 1). The Northern San Juan polity, suffusedwith ritual and ceremony, but fun region includes the area northof theSan JuanRiver, damentally political and hierarchical: a chiefdom, east of theColorado River, and west of thePiedra a petty kingdom, a cacicazgo" (2006:37). River (Lipe 1995). The Cibola region is bounded The nature of the Chaco regional system is on thenorth by theRio Puerco of theWest and Lobo importantto thepresent argument and Southwest ern we our Mesa, and extends south to approximately the precontact history, and offer perspec Mogollon Rim or transition to themountain areas tiveon thesequestions. Following Pauketat (2000), (Duff and Lekson 2006:317; Duff and Schachner we see local leaders at outlying great houses and 2007:Figure 11.1). Because itwas an early focus the families in their communities as imperfectly of archaeological interest,the Northern San Juan adhering to a set of architectural and ideological region has seen considerable investigationof Cha canons based in a widely shared cosmology most coan great houses. Of 44 identified in this region stronglyelaborated at the center at Chaco Canyon. (Kantner 2005), 12 have been subject to excava Chaco's "Big Idea," firstproposed by Stein and tion,while others have been briefly investigatedor Lekson (1992), was a cosmology thatrepresented mapped. For theCibola area, between 40-45 Chaco social, political, and ideational relationshipswithin era great house sites are reported (Mahoney and Chacoan society and was expressed througharchi Kantner 2000:Figure 1.2), a total that can vary tecture and landscape modification. This widely depending on how thenorthern boundary of region shared conception, similar to and connected with isdefined. Ten of thesehave been excavated, though Lipe's (2006) "San JuanPattern" (see below), was the extent varies fromminor tests to large-scale almost certainlydifferentially seized upon and used excavation. by local groups,with political and economic impli There has been much debate about the connec cations thatvaried for differentparts of the north tion of great houses outside Chaco Canyon to the ern Southwest. The result was that the Chaco Canyon itself.Were great houses outside Chaco regional system was a constantly shifting and Canyon economic or political outposts or simply dynamic "structure"within which individuals built local leaders using a distant but powerful ideology on historical events and traditions to furthertheir to consolidate theirown social and political posi own goals and, in the aggregate, transform society. tions? Divergent views abound, but poles of the In terms of practice and action, Chaco Canyon debate are expressed in recent papers by Kantner appears to have an early history as an important resources? and Kintigh (2006) and Lekson (2006). Both papers regional locus linked to above-average summarize an enormous literature, but come to dif characteristics thatonly increased over time.By the on a ferent conclusions. Based comprehensive A.D. 500s, periodic aggregations occurred at sites review of thenature of sociopolitical and symbolic with some of the earliest evidence for communal across a unity the "Chaco World," Kantner and ceremonial architecture in the formof great Kintigh (2006) conclude thatChaco Canyon was (Wills andWindes 1989). By the lateA.D. 800s and an importantreligious centerbut did not have strong early 900s, larger masonry settlements within political or economic connectionswith greathouses Chaco Canyon began to be constructed. Three of in the larger region, except possibly those within the earliest major buildings?, arc the area immediately surroundingChaco Canyon Penasco Blanco, and ?are large, (the San Juan Basin and adjacent highlands; see shaped buildings built adjacent to themost favor also Kantner [ed., 2003]; Kantner and Mahoney able agricultural lands (Judge et al. 1981) whose [2000];Mills [2002:65]). locations ensured residents a greater ability to gen con Alternatively, Lekson (2006; see also 1999, erate surplus. Sebastian (1992a: 115) links 2000) emphasizes thatChaco Canyon was a cen struction events at these great houses with tral place in a large, well-defined region; while environmental downturns, arguing that prosperous great houses outside the canyon are architecturally families used surpluses to enlist the labor of their a mean a variable, they provide strong, obvious, and neighbors. These acts of construction created dis ingful pattern indicative of strong integration. tinctivearchitectural signaturewithin theCanyon, Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 35

one was that perpetuated for another two centuries. of coercive force during the Chaco and (as dis What may have begun as a local process increased cussed below) especially post-Chaco eras, but show substantially in scale with the early-to-mid 1000s that thisview is not at odds with models that sug expansion of Pueblo Bonito and major construc gest Chacoan power was based in ritual. Thus, tions of Pueblo Alto and (Lekson directly for some, and indirectly for others, the 1991 :Figure 3.2). reach and power of Chaco was something that The scale of thesebuilding episodes required the demanded attention and simply could not be concentratedefforts of themany togather and trans ignored. as port materials such timbers, to shape the stone, The geographic scale of the Chacoan region and to assemble the structures.It also required the ensures thatgreat house communities had variable actions of thefew to conceive theplans, to coordi levels of interactionwith Chaco Canyon thatmust nate the labor, and to consecrate these actions in have decreased with distance from thecenter. Lead theeyes of the supernaturaland themany attendees. ers at great houses closest to Chaco?within the These constructions involved labor from a much Chaco "halo" (Doyel et al. 1984:Figure 7), an larger region, providing people fromdiverse loca ellipse extending some 30 km east and west from tions direct participatory experience in Chacoan theCanyon?almost certainlyparticipated directly construction, ritual, and ideology. Chacoan orga inCanyon ceremonies, brought tributeto Canyon nization utilized ritual as a key arena for thenego elite (perhaps voluntarily,perhaps under duress), tiationof structuresof power (seeMills 2002 fora and organized theirfollowers into labor parties for see also Lekson work on summary; 2005,2006 forcritique), great houses, roads, and other projects. emphasizing cooperative avenues of achieving They may have been rewarded with food or pres social as control, such feasting, trade, and/or pil tige items.Although littledirect evidence of this While these well grimage. may have been attrac exists, excavations at the "scion" community of to was as an tions what developing importantsource Bis sa'ani within Chaco's halo produced several a of power with clearly regional reputation and unusual artifacts including a copper bell (Breter reach, theyalso served to differentiateand elevate nitz and Marshall 1982:440-443). Halo commu the actions of as Canyon leaders and theCanyon nities may also have received protection?the central place (sensu Pauketat 2000, 2001b). The ability to call on Chacoan enforcers when their of leaders to was ability Canyon-based mobilize sig power questioned, and power through associ or nificantsocial actionwas a demonstrated fact toany ation ancestry. who visited the It was a Canyon. also variously Beyond thehalo, two areas had especially close source of concern, gossip, curiosity, plans, and strat relationships with Chaco Canyon: the Chuska no egy. It is coincidence that themajority of the Mountains and the Totah portion of the northern houses con great outside of the Canyon were San Juan region (Figure 1;McKenna and Toll structed in this era we (A.D. 1050-1130)?a fact 1992). Enormous quantities of goods (pottery,stone link to directed practices largely by leaderswithin tool-makingmaterial, timbers) thatoriginated in the the Canyon. Chuska Mountains were later brought to Chaco We envision Canyon leaders employing both Canyon (Toll 1991, 2001). The coordination of cooperative and coercive strategies. As LeBlanc Canyon-directed timber harvesting (Windes and and Lekson (1999) (2002) note, there is contem McKenna 2001), combined with ceramic produc evidence of isolated of extreme poraneous incidents tion and lithicprocurement (Toll 2006), implicates violence at great distances fromChaco (see also leaders within Chuskan communities as collabo Kuckelman et al. Turner 2000; and Turner 1999). rators in the Chacoan enterprise and extends the Lekson events (2002:618) suggests representedby range of practices linked to Canyon communal mutilated human are heavily remains evidence of activities. In fact, it is likely thatthe Chuska Moun the use of coercive force emanating first from tains and Chaco Canyon shared populations. Chaco and when more extreme war Canyon later, The strengthof theChaco Canyon/Totah rela fare is fromAztec Ruins. evident, Furthermore, tionship developed over time and by the late Kohler and Turner use the skewed sex ratios eleventh a shift was (2006) century, power developing: of human remains as additional for theuse support firstwith theconstruction of Salmon Ruins (begin AMERICAN36 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

ning about A.D. 1088; Reed 2006a) and Chimney Chaco rulers, it is also likely thatoutlying com Rock (A.D. 1090s, Eddy 1977), followed byAztec munities occasionally contributed food, prestige West (aboutA.D. 1110, Brown et al. 2008). These goods, labor,women, and pledges of support to the power shifts signal either a colonizing attemptby Chaco enterprise.Evidence that theChaco regime Chaco leadership aimed at territorialconquest, a was episodically repressive (LeBlanc 1999; Lek factional break-up within theCanyon with some son 2002) suggests thatdistant communities were or or enor seeking greater autonomy authority, not beyond thebounds of punitive raids by Chaco mous success by local northern San Juan leaders Canyon warriors. Trade networksmight have been in capitalizing on their relationship with Chaco appropriated or co-opted by Chaco leaders with Canyon. As developed furtherbelow, constructions southernand western great house leaders forced to in theTotah atAztec in theearly A.D. 1100s rivaled give up some large portion of their shell or cotton or in scale contemporaneous construction practices cloth eastern leaders their turquoise and Jemez within the Canyon at Pueblo Bonito (Lekson obsidian. 1991 :Figure2), clearly signaling a historical change Building inChaco Canyon ceased about A.D. in the locus of communal action. 1130 and the end of theChacoan regional system areas Our respective research (for Cameron, the is generally set atA.D. 1150. Reasons for the col Bluff area in the northern San Juan; forDuff, the lapse of the Chacoan regional system typically Cox Ranch Pueblo area in the southern Cibola invoke theextensive drought fromA.D. 1130-1180 region) are each more than 100miles fromChaco (Dean 1992) and its resulting sociopolitical impli Canyon and represent the frontiersof theChacoan cations (Judge 1989:248-9; Lekson and Cameron regional system (Figure 1). Here there is very lit 1995; Sebastian 1992a, 1992b, 2006; Tainter 1988; tle portable evidence (pots, chipped stonemater Van Dyke 2004). The end of theChaco regional ial, etc.) of close connections to Chaco, though system initiateda period of population dislocation architectural and landscape evidence (the "Big thateventually resulted in the depopulation of the Idea") remains strong. In terms of daily practice, San JuanBasin (where Chaco Canyon is located) littlewithin the communitywould have reinforced and aggregation in the Northern San Juan and Chacoan actions or presence, yet central to each Cibola regions.While the center at Chaco Canyon were visually and architecturally prominent seems to have ceased to function, throughout the constructions?great houses. While these areas old Chaco region, great houses continued to be may not have been directly provisioning Chaco used, remodeled, and new great houses were built Canyon, residential great houses indicate thatlocal (Fowler and Stein 1992; Kintigh 1994; Kintigh et leaders consciously drew on widely understood al. 1996; Lipe and Varien 1999a). The key ques and meaningful canons to structurerelationships tion for thepost-Chaco era is:why did great houses within theircommunities and with theirneighbors. continue to be built after the center at Chaco Most distant great houses were probably builtwith Canyon failed?An answer to thisquestion can tell thecombined effortof residents'kin and other com us much about how great houses were originally a manner munity members, perhaps in analogous integrated into theChacoan regional system. on to thatnoted by Sebastian (1992a). Great houses One thing almost all scholars agree is that were loci for communal ritual, ceremony and feasts. thedecline inpower inChaco Canyon was accom Northern San Juan Outlying great house constructionmay have been panied by theemergence of the as a new cen sanctified by Chacoan leaders through theirpres region, and especially Aztec Ruins, ence or via tokens, such as the copper bell recov terof power. Brown and colleagues (2008) found at Aztec was built ered from Edge of the Cedars, a great house in that themassive West Ruin southeastern Utah (Hurst 2000). In southeastern between about A.D. 1110 and 1120, and work same Utah, a remarkably preserved macaw feather sash began on theEast Ruin at this time (nearby a has been argued to be a badge of office bestowed Salmon Ruins had been constructed about gen are on a northernSan Juangreat house headman by the eration earlier; Reed 2006a). There significant on the role that Chaco Canyon leaders (Lekson 1999). differences of opinion, however, in the world. Some Depending on theirdistance from theCanyon, Aztec played post-Chaco the ambition of their leaders, and thewhims of the archaeologists argue post-Chaco greathouses in the Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 37

Areas. Table 1. Comparing Population Dynamics and Settlement Patterns in theNorthern San Juan and the Cibola

Time Periods* Northern San JuanCibola

Pueblo I Large, short-lived villages. Development of Low population density; mobile popu (A.D. 700-920) "San Juan Pattern;" after A.D. 880, abrupt popu- lation. Few large sites. Some popula lation decline in southwestern Colorado and tionmovement within the area after

population increase in southeastern Utah. A.D. 900.

Early and middle Pueblo II After A.D. 950, slow population increase in Demonstrable population increases (A.D. 920-1050/75) southwest Colorado; low population in southeast throughout region, with sites clustered Utah; into communities. Great houses in northern part of region.

Late Pueblo II Marked population increase and construction of Stable population, widespread con - (A.D. 1050/75 1150) great houses struction of great houses

Early Pueblo III Population decline and disruption in both south- Marked population increase. After (A.D. 1150-1225) western Colorado and southeastern Utah. A.D. 1175, construction of post-Chaco Hiatus in great house use? After 1180, popula- great houses, more , unroofed tion increase to peak, likely in early 1200s; great kivas; greater variability in site small sites cluster and great houses still used; layout afterA.D. 1175. new regional center at Aztec?

Late Pueblo III Large, aggregated sites cluster at canyon heads; Continuation of trends in previous - (A.D. 1225/40 1280/1300) variety of associated architecture. Evidence of period. Initial planned towns ca. 1225 lack of social integration at large communities? 1250, afterA.D. 1275, all regional resi After A.D. 1280, population begins rapid dents in large, planned towns decline as entire region is abandoned.

PuebloRegionIV abandoned. Occupation of large towns. Throughout - (A.D. 1275/1300 1600) 1300s, subregions depopulated, with increasing concentration near modern Zuni, post 1400 towns large * Note thatCibola area archaeologists avoid the use of the (Kintigh 1996:133), so the appropriate range of calendar years approximately contemporary with northern San Juan Pecos Phase stages is used in the Cibola col umn.

northernSan Juan looked toAztec as the center of Wilshusen and Van Dyke 2006) provides us with a a new regional system (Lekson 1999). Others detailed understandingof population dynamics and believe thatwhile Aztec was important,it did not social processes in this area. From the Pueblo I hold the same strong,central power position that period on, there is evidence of a connection Chaco Canyon had previously held (Lipe 2006). between theNorthern San Juan region and the matters are more in next move These explored in detail the Chaco Canyon area, including population section. ments between these two areas (Wilshusen and Ort man 1999;Wilshusen andVan Dyke 2006; Windes 2004). In this section, we examine Northern San Juan Cultural Developments: developments in A.D. 800-1300 theNorthern San Juan region beginning in the latePueblo I period, including thegenesis ofLipe's The Northern San Juan region, especially south "San Juan Pattern" and trace connections between western Colorado, has been studied by archaeolo this region and Chaco Canyon (Table 1).We then over a gists for century.Recent work (especially describe post-Chaco patterns inpopulation and set thatby Crow Canyon Archaeological Center and tlement in the northernSan Juan. In the following affiliates; see Duff andWilshusen 2000; Kohler et section,we explore the role ofAztec Ruins in the al. 2007; Lipe 2002, 2006; Lipe et al. 1999; Varien post-Chaco world. 1999; Varien et al. 1996, 2007; Wilshusen 2002; The late (the late eighth and AMERICAN38 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

ninth centuries) perhaps saw the initiation of the "Chaco prototype" sites contained horseshoe social developments that resulted in the Chaco shaped roomblocks with abundant evidence for regional system (Table 1). During this period a feasting (Blinman 1989; Potter 1997), ritual, and number of very large villages have been identified political authority suggesting parallels with the in the northern San Juan region (Breternitz et al. early Bonito phase great houses inChaco Canyon. 1986; Wilshusen 1995; Wilshusen and Blinman The "Mesa Verde prototype" siteshad long, straight 1992; Wilshusen and Ortman 1999). Wilshusen roomblocks without defined plaza space and great andVan Dyke (2006) show thatthese villages aver kivas, but lacked mid-level integrative structures. aged about 48 households and, like similar villages These sites seemed more similar to laterMesa elsewhere in theworld, were short-lived (lasting Verde communities. Like Lipe (2006), Wilshusen only 30^0 years). Residents apparently lacked and Ortman (1999) implied that some patternswe mechanisms for social integration thatwould per later associate with Chaco Canyon (great houses, mit longer settlement spans.Wilshusen and Van feasting, strong political authority) have Dyke (2006) demonstrate thatduring thePueblo I antecedents in the northernSan Juan.More to the period, population in the Northern San Juan point,Windes (2004:21) has stated that"the ances increased significantly?both naturally and through tralPueblo people of theFour Corners region built immigrationfrom the south?establishing an early theirfirst great houses in theDolores River area of connection between theNorthern San Juan and the southwesternColorado and elsewhere in the800s." area surroundingChaco Canyon. Schachner (2001), describing practice within area some Lipe's (2002,2006) "San Juanpattern," first evi Dolores communities, argued that dent in Pueblo I, is a complex of architecture and groups exerted increasing control over communal settlement layout characteristics centered on the ritualwithin these communities, but they failed to household. The San Juan pattern includes "unit institutionalizetheir power, inpart, due to resistance pueblos" with a strongnorth-south orientation (Fig of those being disenfranchised. ure 2; firstdefined by Prudden 1903,1914,1918), The late Pueblo I and early Pueblo II period the symbolic importance of kivas (which also use (A.D. 880-950) in thenorthern San Juan saw a dra a north-south axis and bilateral symmetry), and matic drop in population (Table 1; Schlanger and great kivas as supra-household public architecture. Wilshusen 1993;Wilshusen 1999,2002; Wilshusen Lipe sees the San Juan pattern as a set of powerful andOrtman 1999).Wilshusen andVan Dyke (2006) symbols related to emergence/creationbeliefs and use data from the area around Chaco Canyon, as he is able to track thispattern to theend of theoccu well as from theNavajo Reservoir area, to show pation of theNorthern San Juan inA.D. 1300. This that emigrants from the northern San Juan ulti pattern is evident throughout the drainage of the mately increased population in theChaco area dur San JuanRiver, including theChaco Canyon area ing the late ninth and tenthcenturies. Immigrants and theNorthern San Juan region (Figure 1). In from the northern San Juan almost certainly other words, the Chaco and northern San Juan brought with them ideas about the importance of regions exhibited strong cultural similarities as living in large social groups, and these ideas must early as thePueblo I period thatwere presumably have been a major influence in the ongoing devel based on the same dominant ideology (see opment of the Chacoan regional system. Immi Cameron 2005 for a discussion of Chaco and the grants likely also brought thememory of thepower northernSan Juan as linked culture areas). achieved through control of communal ritual in The close connections between thenorthern San Pueblo I villages, as well as ways communitymem Juan and Chaco regions are demonstrated by bers might use these ideas and symbols to appro Wilshusen and Oilman's (1999:391) identification priate power or to resist its increase. of divergentarchitectural patterns at Pueblo I period The tenthcentury was a time of low population sites located on either side of theDolores River in levels in thenorthern San Juan region, but popula southwest Colorado. They believe that these pat tion increased afterA.D. 1000 (Duff andWilshusen terns indicate the presence of two differentsocial 2000:180; Lipe andVarien 1999a:253-256; Varien groups thatare precursors ofChaco andMesa Verde 1999:Figure 7.17; Varien et al. 2007). The begin populations (see alsoWindes and Ford 1992). The ning of theChaco era in the northern San Juan is Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 39

0 2 4 6 m ^l^^/^ J>

Midden

Figure 2. San Juan pattern unit pueblo showing roomblock, pit structure and midden (redrawn and annotated, from Prudden 1903:Figure 6). often placed at A.D. 1050, but Varien and col for this period as small homesteads and hamlets leagues recentlyhighlighted immigration into the clustered intocommunities (see also Lekson 1991 region between 1060 and 1100?something they for the general Chacoan pattern).Great houses in link to the "construction of Bonito-style great the northern San Juanmore thanmimicked Cha coan houses in thecentral Mesa Verde region [that]began architecture?some great houses used high in earnest around A.D. 1080" (2007:289). Varien elevation timber (Ponderosa pine) in construction (1999:146-147) describes the settlement pattern (Varien et al. 2007:287, Figure 6; see alsoWindes AMERICAN40 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

and Bacha 2006), mirroring the pattern of long et al. 2007) in the northernSan Juan region, coin distance procurement of beams witnessed inChaco ciding with a 50-year extended drought fromA.D. Canyon constructions.Most (but not all) of these 1130-1180 (Dean and Van West 2002). In south clusters were grouped around a much larger site, western Colorado during the lateA.D. 1100s, lim generally a great house (Varien 1999:147, 226). ited cutting dates suggest a cessation of This pattern also applies to theChaco period set construction,while ceramics indicate continuityof tlements throughout thenorthern Southwest (Lek occupation (Lipe and Varien 1999b: 292-299). son 1991). Lipe (2006:274-275) points to the SoutheasternUtah and adjacent areas also show sig constructionof themassive Salmon andAztec great nificantpopulation disruptions (Hurst 1992:63-64; houses between about A.D. 1090 and 1125 as a Lipe 1970:113-114; Mahoney et al. 2000:70-80). likely catalyst for the surge of great house build In the lateA.D. 1100s and early 1200s, we have ing throughoutthe northern San Juan region.Varien relativelywidespread evidence for continued resi (1999:173) found thatduring theChaco era, com dential use of great houses. While some new great munity centerswere relativelyevenly spaced across houses were built, others consisted of heavily the region,with exceptions including great house remodeled Chaco-era buildings (Baker 2006; clusters. Bradley 1988,1993,1996; Cameron 2008; Martin Great house architecture allows archaeologists 1936), usually with the largerChacoan rooms sub to see connections between the symbol systems divided. One thing that appears not to have been developed during thePueblo I period in the north altered, even if thebuildings were modified, is the ern San Juan region and Chacoan architectural prominent exterior appearance of great houses on developments (Table 1). Lipe (2006) sees Pueblo the landscape. Population rebounded through the II great house architectureas an elaboration of the earlyA.D. 1200s (Lipe andVarien 1999b:292-299; basic San Juan pattern, similar to Lekson (1986) Varien 1999:Figure 7-17; see also Duff and who saw Pueblo II great house architecture in Wilshusen 2000:181-182). Clustering of small Chaco Canyon as Pueblo I unit pueblos thathad sites became more pronounced and great houses been massively increased in size (see also Morris continued tobe found at thecenter of some of these 1939:115). In other words, the same north-south communities, often with additional unit pueblos orientation, bilateral orientation of kivas, and use constructed in close proximity to great houses. of great kivas continues to be found inChaco-era During the Late Pueblo III period (A.D. are great houses, but scale and formality dramati 1225-1300), people constructed and lived in tightly cally increased (Lekson 1986; Lipe 2006). Stein aggregated villages located at canyon heads or in and Lekson (1992) firstargued that these architec cliff dwellings, many of which are divided into a a a or a tural patterns constituted design canon, shared halves by natural drainage masonry wall ideational bond with the capacity to unite cultur (Lipe and Varien 1999b). A suite of new architec over a ally diverse populations large area, repre tural forms are found, including towers; low walls senting the symbolic expression of an overarching that enclose the settlement; informally bounded or structures cosmology. Although archaeologists see ideas plazas; and D-shaped, bi-wall, tri-wall expressed in architecturalpatterns, in thispaper we (Lipe and Ortman 2000; Lipe and Varien argue that this extends to both leaders and com 1999b:319; Varien et al. 1996:99). By the early munity members throughout the Chacoan region 1280s, population was declining dramatically and soon who were drawing on these ideas in theirnegotia thearea seems tohave been depopulated there tions of power and social place. after (Varien et al. 2007:289). The power ofChacoan ideas extends beyond the Interestingly,in spiteof theappearance of aggre an timewhen Chaco Canyon's central role ended. The gated villages, the unit pueblo remains impor post-Chaco or Pueblo III period is typicallydivided tant organizational element in the northern San intoearly (A.D. 1150-1225) and late (1225-1300) Juan region throughoutthe Pueblo III period, both as phases (Table 1; Lipe and Varien 1999b; Varien as hamlets surrounding a great house and ele 1999:148-9). During the early PHI period, popu ments evident in aggregated pueblos. In other lation declined (Duff andWilshusen 2000:181-2; words, the foundational social element?the Varien 1999:Figure 7-17) or grewmodestly (Varien household?continued to be a powerful place for Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 41

social negotiation. Households can be discerned The Role ofAztec Ruins in differently in differentparts of the northern San the Post-Chaco World Juan region. In southeastern Utah, the post-Chaco In thenorthern San Juan the late Pueblo II era Comb Wash great house (both early and late region, saw the construction of Salmon Ruins (late PHI use) was surrounded by a dispersed commu period eleventh century) and theAztec Complex (early nityof small unit pueblos, a settlementpattern akin twelfth century). Both Salmon and Aztec are to that of the Chaco era, even though the great located in the theSan Juan Ani house itself had few features reminiscent of the "Totah," along and mas Rivers, about 85 km north of Chaco Chaco era (Hurst et al. 2004). At theBass site com Canyon 1) and are the great houses outside plex, an early PHI site in southwesternColorado, (Figure largest Chaco Salmon Ruins, with between a post-Chaco great house had residential room Canyon. was a blocks thatabutted itand also formed the center of 275-325 rooms, builtwithin period of about 25 years about A.D. 1090 (Reed 2002, a dispersed community of unit pueblos (Lipe and beginning 2006b, 2006, ed., 2008, The Aztec Varien 1999b:345-346). At the same time, the ed.). Complex consists of asmany as 7 houses (most nearbyChacoan greathouse ofAlbert PorterPueblo perhaps great unexcavated), the ofwhich is theenormous saw continued occupation and remodeling, and the largest West Ruin with 476 rooms (Stein and McKenna construction and occupation of new unit pueblos 1988). Evidence of roads, earthenmounds, tri-wall in the immediate vicinity (Ryan 2004). Ortman and structures,and careful of the Bradley (2002) report that at Sand Canyon alignment buildings characterize theAztec complex (Figure 3; Stein Pueblo?a very large, late PHI, aggregated, canyon 1987a; Stein andMcKenna head settlementwith asmany as 400 rooms and 90 1988). Scholars have the kivas?structures were clustered into discrete archi long recognized importance of theAztec to the tecturalblocks thatduplicated the long-lived unit Complex developments during laterdecades of theChacoan and pueblo. As Lipe (2006:264) notes, San Juan style regional system the era 1989; Lekson 1999; unit pueblos continue tobe evident until theend of post-Chaco (Judge McKenna and Toll 1992; see also Stein 1987a; the occupation of the northernSan Juan region. Stein andMcKenna 1988), but its role in the The foregoing has identifieda close connection post Chaco world is the of debate. In a between Chaco Canyon and thenorthern San Juan subject greater broad-scale examination of thenorthern San Juan region beginning as early as the Pueblo I period. Lekson (1999) that as Chaco fell Building on thework of Lipe and others (Lekson region, argues around themiddle of the twelfth the lead 1986, 1999; Wilshusen and Ortman 1999; century, of theChacoan relocated to Wilshusen andVan Dyke 2006), we believe thattra ership regional system Aztec and established a new, but much smaller, ditions and practices developed during thePueblo regional centerwith Aztec as its Aztec then I period in the northern San Juan became a pow capital. became the center of a that encom erful framework for social negotiation during the regional system era the northernSan Juan cut off Chaco throughout the northern Southwest. passed only region, were from therest of theold Chaco world. Lekson (1999) Because they "practiced enough," the social sees this until the and political ideas firstevident as theSan JuanPat regional systemoperating depop ulation of the northern San Juan. ternbecame theChaco "Big Idea" defined by Stein believes that the at Aztec and Lekson (1992). As discussed above, theframe Lipe great complex Ruins (and also Salmon a shift work for social and political negotiation embedded Ruins) "represents in themain seat of Chacoan ceremonial and in theChaco "Big Idea" was powerful farbeyond polit ical from Chaco to the Totah" Chaco Canyon and extended in time into the era power Canyon thinks that construc afterChaco Canyon ceased itscentral role (Fowler (2006:272). Lipe large-scale tion atAztec ended A.D. 1135 and does not see and Stein 1992). As we argue below for thenorth by a centered on ern San Juan, connections between thisregion and newly developing regional system Aztec. instead for a break in Chaco Canyon, as well as the prominence of the Lipe (2006) argues architecturaland atAztec household in community organization, played a organizational continuity after theChacaon thatAztec was role in the ultimate depopulation of the northern period, believing no other construction in the San Juan region. longer influencing AMERICAN42 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

Aztec H^^H North ^ ^m

\ \e

\ \'

''Z 7 \ \ \ ' \ Mound Ax/,-x z, Tri-wall^jg^

/ EarlMorris ^Y% \^ Hubbard ^*' z\\ / ruin Tri-wall ^' %\*> \/

Mound ^7?-- ---... (($) F^^V ^^A ~~~~~~~-^.}C^ Tri-wall ^^^BN HP^R

\ ^fl^^^ 1^ \ :::.^~ Aztec ^k/ /W ^-''' East ^^^T

rf^\ West ^

Figure 3. The Aztec Ruins complex showing Aztec West, Aztec East, the Earl Morris Ruin, and associated features and alignments. Not shown is another great house, Aztec North. The original figure was by John R. Stein and shows the sym metry of building and feature placement. Note the centrality of tri-wall structures to the urban design at the Aztec Complex (illustration by John Stein 1987; as redrawn from Lekson 1999:figure 3.6; Courtesy Altamira Press). northernSan Juan, and that thisdemonstrates that dition continued tohave an importantrole in social as it was not serving a regional center. He points negotiations there. Stein and McKenna out that many northern San Juan communities con (1988:68-69) showed that tri-wall structureswere structedtypes of community architectureother than central to theurban design atAztec Ruins, linking great houses, suggesting thatcompeting (orperhaps theWest and East great houses and theirgreat kivas supplementary) modes of communal action were into a symmetrical alignment (Figure 3). Lekson in play. notes that tri-wall structuresare found throughout Architecture and ceramics provide evidence that the northern San Juan region (Lipe 2002:Table Aztec did have a central role in the post-Chaco 10.2; Lipe and Ortman 2000; Lipe and Varien northern San Juan region and that the Chacoan tra 1999b:Table 9-2) and suggests that"tri-walled and Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 43 multiwalled structuresmay be thearchitectural sig Community leaders clearly emphasized historic nature of theAztec region, comparable toChaco's ties toChacoan power through the continued use Great Houses" (1999:94). He argues that theyare ofChacoan architecturalsymbols andmay have felt evidence ofAztec's enduring influence over ritual that itwas to their advantage to respond to calls and community architecture. fromAztec to supply labor or tribute. Additional support forAztec as an important We believe thatAztec maintained enough peo post-Chaco regional center includes ceramic evi ple and sufficientstrength to directly demonstrate dence of communal ritual practice centered at the theirinfluence against thosewho resisted theirover Aztec complex. In the thirteenthcentury, Mesa tures.Kohler and Turner's (2006) studyof human Verde Black-on-white bowls occur in two size remains from Aztec and surrounding northern modes (Mills 1999) and bowl exteriors are fre regions shows that thirteenth-centuryAztec had a quently decorated?trends associated with prepa female-biased sex ratio at the same time thatsmaller ration of food for communal feasts by many communities furthernorth had male-biased sex researchers (e.g., Van Keuren 2004). Larger ves ratios.Acknowledging problems with sample size sels with exterior designs were probably used in and alternative explanations for these skewed sex public settings,where exterior panels would have ratios,Kohler and Turner (2006) suggest thatAztec been especially visible, but the frequency of exte engaged in raiding forwomen from smaller and across rior designs varies the northern San Juan. less-powerful communities elsewhere in the north ern are The Totah appears to have the greatest proportion San Juan. As they note, their conclusions of vessels with exterior decoration and as one supportedby other evidence forviolence during this moves north andwest within thenorthern San Juan timeperiod (Kuckelman et al. 2000; LeBlanc 1999; region, the proportion of bowls with exterior Lekson 2002), including evidence fora "sub-class" designs declines (Robinson 2005:Figure 5.7). of persistentlymistreated women at settlements Within the region, vessels with exteriordesigns are along theAnimas River (Martin 1997). Although more common also at community centers (Robin most recentmodels of Southwestern developmen son 2005:Figure 5.6). tal history emphasize the role of ritual in the Glowacki's recent studyof ceramic production achievement of power and control, Kohler and and exchange indicates thatTotah and CentralMesa Turner (2006) argue thatthese explanations are not Verde region residents regularly exchanged corru at odds with theuse of repression and violent coer gated and decorated vessels (2006:114, Tables cion, and thatthe excess ofwomen atAztec is likely 5.2-5.3, Figures 5.2-5.4). Communal ritual involv evidence thatAztec engaged in such activities (see ingbowls with exteriordesign seems tohave been also Plog and Solometo 1997). Not all ritual is associated with theTotah region and the center at benign; Aztec's repressive power may have been and the demonstrable connections of resi as as as a Aztec, important its role regional center, perhaps dents in these regions throughvessel exchange indi even more so as its influence waned over time. cate persistent ties. The reach of leaders atAztec Most importantfor our arguments,however, is that appears to have been on the wane as the demo Aztec maintained sufficientstrength to prevent any center graphic of the region increasingly shifted to other settlementfrom gaining equivalent regional the Central Mesa Verde region in the 1200s power. (Glowacki 2006:Figure 6.1), suggesting the con tinuing, ifattenuated, role of theTotah. Cultural Developments in the Cibola Area The at Aztec dwarfs all other large complex A.D. 850-1500 northern San Juan settlements and the ability of local leaders at Aztec to complete an apparently The Cibola region has a long and storied research ideal Chacoan construction several generations history, beginning with the oral-history inspired after the fall of Chaco for argues both the contin archaeological work of Cushing and the pioneer ued of a importance historied Chaco and contin ing works of Kroeber (1916) and Spier (1917). ued power at Aztec. Such a power, even if Much of thiswork has been centered on theZuni diminished from Chacoan times, could not have Reservation, though theCibola area extends well been residents of thenorthern ignoredby San Juan. outside of itsbounds and isbest considered equally AMERICAN44 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

ancestral to both Acoma and Zuni. Research by ground stone and other indications that seasonal Keith Kintigh and colleagues (Kintigh 1985,1994, residentialmobility with intentto return(Schlanger 1996,2007; Kintigh et al. 1996; Kintigh et al. 2004; andWilshusen 1993; Stevenson 1982;Wilshusen Huntley and Kintigh 2004), Andrew Duff (Duff 1986) remained a central component of thePueblo 2000, 2002, 2004, 2005; Duff and Lekson 2006; I adaptive strategy. Duff and Schachner 2007), Andrew Fowler and Population density increased and residential John Stein (Fowler et al. 1987; Fowler and Stein mobility decreased throughout theCibola region 1992; Stein 1987b; Stein and Fowler 1996; Stein during theA.D. 900s and early 1000s, a marked and Lekson 1992), the Zuni Cultural Resource contrast to the depopulation and low settlement Enterprise (e.g., Fletcher 1994), John Kantner densities evident in the northern San Juan. The (1996; Kantner et al. 2000), Ruth Van Dyke (1997, environmental regime of theA.D. 900s and early 2000), Gwinn Vivian (1990, 2005), and others 1000s was quite favorable for dry farming (Dean (Danson 1957; McGimsey 1980; Roberts 1931, 1992) and settlements expanded into zones that were con 1932 1939; Stone 1994, 1999) provide data rele previously unoccupied. Residential sites vant to reconstructing population and settlement sistof smaller roomblocks with kivas, thoughkivas are as dynamics for theperiods prior to,during, and after infrequently evident surface depressions. the Chaco era. Representative examples drawn from theWhite Especially important is the "Manuelito Model" water district of east-central Arizona (Roberts proposed by Stein (1987b; Fowler and Stein 1992; 1939), Mariana Mesa (McGimsey 1980), and Stein and Lekson 1992), a pioneering study thatrec southeast of the Zuni Reservation (Doyel and ognized the historical and symbolic connections Debowski 1980) are presented inFigure 4.While among temporally sequent great houses and towns these small sites are similar to thenorthern San Juan of theCibola region. This insighthas proved to be unitpueblos, theyare much less standardized, espe a productive source of research leading to thebet cially in terms of kiva form (Duff and Lekson ter understanding of community histories in the 2006:324). They lack the consistent north-south region. Recent key studies document both local orientation thatLipe argues is a strongcomponent (Kintigh 2007; Kintigh et al. 2004) and regional of the "San Juan pattern" unit pueblos, and mid (Duff and Lekson 2006; Duff and Schachner 2007; den location and structure orientation is variable. Kintigh 1996) community settlementhistories. This suggests tous that thehousehold, thebasis of Differences between the northern San Juan and Chaco's "Big Idea," as expressed in unit pueblo Cibola regions are evident fromearly in theAnces architecture,did not have the same history andwas tral Pueblo sequence (Table 1).While large vil not as strong or consistent a symbolic element of was lages were forming in thenorthern San Juanduring Cibola society as Lipe suggests it in thenorth theA.D. 800s, including those thatwere eventu ern San Juan region. Phrased another way, houses as as ally translated toChaco Canyon, Cibola area pop in theCibola area may have been just potent was are ones a context more dis ulation sparse and patchy. Few large sites symbols, but setwithin of more known, population density was low, and mobility parate social groups with diverse regional was a largerpart of the adaptation (Duff and Lek histories when contrasted with the seemingly San son 2006). Regionally, a few extensive pithouse homogeneous social groups of the northern occupations dating to theA.D. 800s or early 900s Juan. occu have been recorded?at least two of which have The emergence of persistent communities over an great kivas (Kintigh 2007; Mahoney et al. 1995). pying the same locale time is importantpat areas Both of these instances are located adjacent to later tern in theCibola region (Stein 1987b). In 1000 Chaco period great houses: one next toH-Spear with indications of sizable pre-A.D. occupa of settle (Kintigh 2007; Mahoney 2000), theother atBosson tions, there is usually spatial continuity recent theChaco Wash. More commonly, sites include relatively ment. Vivian's (2005) overview of iden small groups of pitstructures (e.g., Roberts Phenomenon in the southernCibola Region 1931:19), occasionally with surface granaries and tified 44 sites with Chacoan characteristics. He of these sites have been excavated jacal rooms (e.g., Roberts 1939:Figures 1 and 25). reports thatnine the the the However, assemblages frequently contain cached or partly excavated. By mid-1000s, Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 45

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Figure 4. Small Pueblo II and III sites in the Zuni region, a. Developmental Village, Units 1 and 2 (from Roberts 1939:Figure 44). b. Site 494, Mariana Mesa, New Mexico (fromMcGimsey 1980:Figure 85, Courtesy Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard), c. Dead Valley Pueblo in the St. Johns Arizona area (AZ:Q:12:16, from Doyel and Debowski 1980:Figure 70, Courtesy Arizona State Museum)

Cibola area saw the construction of a number of munities, but several appear in areas with limited great houses that formed a focus for surrounding previous occupation. Examples of the former communities (Duff and Lekson 2006; Kintigh et include H-Spear (Kintigh 2007; Mahoney et al. al. 2004). 1995), Bosson Wash, Sanders (Fletcher 1994:622), While Chaco Canyon's strongrole in thenorth and several along thenorthern reaches of theregion. ern San Juan has long been acknowledged (Judge Great houses and communities on the northern 1989; Lekson 1999; Lipe 2006; Sebastian 2006), reaches of the region?that part closest toChaco area see Cibola archaeologists a weaker role for Canyon along the Puerco and San Jose Rivers? Chaco Canyon during theChaco era, although evi appear to have the strongestmaterial tieswith the dence is variable and tieswith Chaco seem stronger Canyon, but these are nevertheless quite limited in some parts of the region than others (Duff and (Duff and Schachner 2007; Toll 2006:120, 121). Lekson 2006; Fowler et al. 1987; Fowler and Stein Here, Kantner (1996) has suggested thatprosper 1992; Kantner 2003; Kantner et al. 2000; Kantner ous and ambitious familieswithin thedensely set and Kintigh 2006; Kintigh 1996:135, 2003; see tled region vied for prestige by sponsoring also Kintigh et al. 2004; Van Dyke 2000, 2003). construction of great houses within their commu were Great houses constructed within existing com nities, using these as loci for periodic rituals and AMERICAN46 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

feasts. In the same area, Kantner and colleagues gatherings featuringritual and feasts linked to great (2000) found localized production and exchange houses and the public space theyprovided. They of ceramics among great house communities and differfrom theirnorthern counterparts in their ini littleevidence forany wider, regionallybased econ tialallegiance to the"Big Idea" and apparently lack even omy. Thus, among those great houses physi strong,direct historical connections toChaco. Yet, cally closest to theCanyon, material connections populations in theCibola region clearly adopted with Chaco were quite limited.Similarly, Van Dyke central tenetsof the"Big Idea" ingreat house archi (2000) indicates that leaders within local commu tecture (Van Dyke 2003; Vivian 2005) and land nities elected to emulate construction styles char scape modification as exemplified by Kin Hoch'oi a acteristic of Canyon great houses, in part, as inManelito Canyon (Stein 1987b). Chaco-era great strategyof local leadership legitimation. houses throughout theCibola regionmore clearly In the southern Cibola region, along Carrizo adopted the pattern of constructing berms around Creek, several great house communities appear in great houses, cut by visibly distinct footpaths, and themid-to-late 1000s in areas lacking substantive occasionally with additional features such as great to or previous occupation. Undoubtedly related envi kivas possible shrines (Fowler and Stein 1992; ronmental amelioration, these communities are, Stein and Fowler 1996). however, quite interesting.Great houses employ Following Chaco's collapse, many of theCha canons are coan centers ing Chacoan architectural constructed population along the region's north by people with every indication of histories in the ernperiphery declined, with concurrentpopulation Mountain areas traditionallyconsidered Mogollon increases centeredmore stronglynear and south of (Duff 2005; Duff and Schachner 2007). Here, all modern Zuni and along Cebolleta Mesa (Table 1). con communal residences, including great houses, Believing thatlimited recent recordinghas resulted tain undecorated ceramic assemblages dominated inmisidentification of the temporal association of byMogollon Brown Ware, suggesting thatgroups some great houses, Duff and Lekson (Duff and from around theMogollon Rim were key con Lekson 2006:320-321) have suggested that the stituents and the dominant occupants. Gray undec total number of great houses in theCibola region orated ceramics characteristic of Pueblo groups are dated to theChaco period probably overestimates com a persistent presence, likely indicating heteroge the true total. This suggests that post-Chacoan were neous populations. What ismost apparent is that munity and regional populations substantially leaders within these communities were clearly higher thanduring theChaco era. In theHeshot ula aware of and drew upon Chacoan canons for the area, for example, the number of sites and average constructionof great houses, though these often do site size increased at least 50 percent (Kintigh et new not contain one key feature?the great kiva. Instead, al. 2004:445), with evidence for architectural unroofed or open great kiva-size structures appear formsdeveloped to increase social integration.Duff tobe common (Duff 2006) (something also known and Schachner (2007:193) argue thatpost-Chacoan for Chaco-era communities located further west communities grew through the combination of for along theRim in theSilver Creek area [Herr2001 ]). merly distinct communities and/orby incorporat Instead of the largely cardinal directionality and ing residents from northern areas. Kintigh and structures with "a scalar symmetryseen inChacoan greatkivas (Vivian and colleagues associate these Reiter 1960), theseunroofed structuresoften appear shift in social organization" (2004:444). to be placed and oriented to facilitate observation Working with sites inManuelito Canyon, John of solsticial sunrise or sunset, something thathas Stein andAndrew Fowler recognized two key pat as for their a strong history in mountain region communal terns linked to this period the basis architecture (Duff 2006). "Manuelito Model": first, that therewere great What appears clear in theCibola region is the houses constructed using many Chacoan architec canons ceased appropriation of the powerful traditions thatdom tural in theperiod after theCanyon inated social interaction in the northern San Juan to be densely occupied; and second, that these were to each other and Chaco Canyon areas by local leaders. Several sequential constructions linked or actions associated with Chaco also appear common through landscape modification where roads within these communities, such as community pathways clearly connected sequent great houses Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 47

Roads .

/ * r H Great Kiva " | \ " 'N x/ meters N\j?-----fV 0 Vo.20

Figure 5. The Hinkson site, a post-Chaco era site showing the great house, great kiva, berm, and prehistoric roads (from Kintigh et al. 1996:Figure 3, Courtesy Altamira Press).

to each other, acting as "bridges through time" Chaco era (not theChaco era) thatwas a time of (Fowler and Stein 1992; Stein 1987b; Stein and population aggregation. Located southwest of the Fowler 1996). They argue that later constructions Zuni Reservation, Hinkson consists of a great house are "in actuality ritual landscapes, and contend that surrounded by 32 residential roomblocks (Kintigh these buildings are the apogee of the same tradi et al. 1996:Figure 2). The larger community tionof sacred technology ofwhich Chaco Era great includes an estimated total of 900 rooms in 70 are an an area houses earlier manifestation" (Fowler and roomblocks, encompassing within about 9 Stein 1992:101). Thus, we have localized histori km of the great house (Kintigh et al. 1996:270). cal legitimationwhere sequent leaders drew on the Kintigh and colleagues (1996; also Duff 1994; power and history of local tradition in an explicit, Kintigh 1994) show that theHinkson site clearly tangible, and visible way. dates between about A.D. 1200-1275. Perhaps our best illustrationof post-Chacoan In setting and architecture, theHinkson great community pattern in the region comes from the house exhibits almost all of Stein and Fowler's archaeologically investigated post-Chaco great Chaco great house attributes (Figure 5). It consists house at theHinkson site (Figure 5) and its asso of a 3-m-high rubblemound, with a blocked-in kiva, ciated community described by Kintigh and col tall rooms (at least 1.8m high), and the spine of the leagues (1996). Using Stein's "Manuelito Model," structure was of well-built, chinked core-and-veneer they argue that theHinkson great house provides masonry. It is surrounded by an earthen berm that evidence that in theCibola region, itwas thepost creates a depressed plaza-like area in frontof the AMERICAN48 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

site (Kintigh et al. 1996:267). Breaks in the berm The relevance of Stein's (1987b) Manuelito admit several roads or paths. Berms and prehistoric Model continues into the subsequent period,where roads are both characteristics of Chaco-era great the continuity in architectural symbolism and the houses (Cameron 2002; Roney 1992; Fowler and shared societal values thatit expressed existed prior Steinl992; Vivian, 1997a, 1997b, 2005). to theChaco era and can be traced into the era of Especially interestingis the large,unroofed great large, aggregated towns. Between A.D. 1225 and kiva at theHinkson site that is differentthan Cha 1250, a second dramatic increase in the level of coan great kivas (Kintigh et al. 1996:264-267, Fig social integrationbegan in theCibola region.Res ure 5). This structurewas 34 m in diameter, far identsof clusters of pueblos thatapparently formed bigger thanChacoan great kivas thatare typically integrated social groups began to construct less than 25 m, and farmore shallow (only about extremely large towns (Duff and Lekson 2006; 1m deep; in contrast toChaco era great kivas that Kintigh et al. 2004). These highly planned towns are often 3 ormore m deep). Kintigh and colleagues took on differentgeometrical shapes (Potter2002). (1996:272) argue that thisopen and oversized fea They came tobe organized around and focused on turewas part of a growth in size of interactingcom a central plaza, but the earliest had architecture munities and signals a shift in public integrative within theplazas (Duff and Schachner 2007). Duff ritualand social organization. These may have been and Schachner (2007:193-195) argue that these were con used to integratelarger numbers of people than the earliest, nucleated, plaza-oriented forms old, Chaco-style, roofed great kivas (Kintigh temporaneous with post-Chacaon communities 1994:137), butDuff and Lekson (2006:323) argue (organized along the lines described forHinkson that their openness may well have been a reaction above), but that this occurred only within theEl to Chaco-era enclosed structures, where actions Morro Valley?east of the modern Zuni Reserva would only have been visible to those within the tion.One element of tradition carried forward to structure.Though not present at all post-Chacoan several of these early nucleated settlements is the great house sites, large apparently unroofed great unroofed greatkiva, found associated withmassive kivas occur in several locations within the region, sites likeKluckhohn and Box S, with an estimated such as nearMariana Mesa (McGimsey 1980) and 1200 and 880 rooms respectively (Kintigh 1985). was these new com at Los Gigantes (Schachner and Kintigh 2004). Although the form clearly new, several Similar, though smaller, open great kiva structures munities included residents from perhaps a new set occur at Late Pueblo III sites in theNorthern San previous site clusters, consolidated in Juan, such as Sand Canyon and Goodman Point tlementform, requiring social practice comparable A.D. Pueblos (Lipe and Ortman 2000:112). in scale to previous communities. By the later came to During the post-Chacoan era, leaders within 1200s, nucleated, plaza-oriented pueblos on many communities continued to draw the ide be the exclusive settlement form in the Cibola cease to ology and symbols of Chaco, but thesewere recast region. Great house-focused settlements in a social setting that included larger co-residing be occupied. Plaza pueblos are founded in their groups.While Hinkson may be among the larger vicinity (occasionally connected to earlier centers it that via Stein's "roads post-Chacoan communities, appears many through time"). and and post-Chacoan communities in the Cibola region Both Duff and Lekson (2006) Kintigh a dif developed successful mechanisms for integrating colleagues (2004:452) recognize significant For exam ference between these Cibola towns and the large numbers of community residents. large of the northern San Juan ple, the Hinkson community included approxi aggregated settlements and Lekson in theCibola mately 900 rooms, while contemporaneous region. As Duff put it, as northern San Juan communities, such as that cen area "the signature of individual houses visible con teredon Sand Canyon Pueblo (Varien 1999), were entities is lost, submerged in themassive of demographically smaller. Socially, a moderately structionsemblematic community" (2006:324). novel form of communal architecture was devel Duff (2002) argues that in communities of this in architecture oped spatially linked to great houses, representing scale, the submersion of households of a combination of tradition?the great house, and is an accurate reflection of the scale social the entities innovation?the unroofed great kivas. actions. Larger social groups become Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 49 within which individuals strove for power; com (see Kantner 1996 for a similar argument applied munities allocate resources, obligations, and to theChaco era). A process of peer polity inter responsibilities to the larger social entity. In other action resulted in an increase in complexity and in words, Cibolan communities of the late thirteenth population aggregation throughout the area. and fourteenth centuries created an even "bigger Kintigh suggests thatChacoan ideas and symbols idea" than thatwhich Stein and Lekson (1992) may have been more powerful in the post-Chaco argued was the basis for theChacoan pattern.As era than theywere in theChaco era and resulted in Kintigh and his colleagues suggest, the residents development of the numerous tight-knitcommu of these large townswere able to "conceive of them nities thatwe can follow archaeologically through selves and theirneighbors as a single social unit" to the fourteenthand fifteenthcenturies. In other (2004:452), something thatcarried this settlement words, in theCibola region, theChacoan tradition seems to an on and organizational form into theprotohistoric, his have been overlay existing practices toric, and contemporary periods. thatmay have involved a diverse setof social groups and a long traditionof successful community for mation, thatappears tied to Depopulation and Aggregation in something specifically social groups. theNorthern San Juan and Cibola Regions suprahousehold A differenthistory can be traced in thenorthern Our comparison of the northern San Juan and San Juan. Here, households had a long-standing Cibola regions takes a dramatic turnin the late thir role as important, identifiable social units. Lipe teenthcentury when the entire northernSan Juan (2006) shows that themodular San Juan pattern regionwas depopulated, a process that,although it habitation units were persistent ideological and may have begun as much as 50 years earlier (Duff symbolic elements between A.D. 700 and 1300. andWilshusen 2000), involved and impacted sev Although thePueblo I villages of thenorthern San eral thousand people (Varien et al. 2007). In the Juan display early evidence of the organization of Cibola area, large towns continued to be the pri largenumbers of people within a single settlement, mary form of settlementuntil the historic period, San Juan pattern unit pueblos were still evident although the fourteenth-centurytowns were often afterPueblo I villages dissipated. The social and short-lived.After A.D. 1400,much of the region's political developments in the northern San Juan population established large towns in the vicinity formed the basis for the complex political devel of modern Zuni (Kintigh 1996:136) and Acoma opments in Chaco Canyon (Wilshusen and Van (Adams andDuff 2004:13; Roney 1996).We argue Dyke 2006), and these same San Juan pattern the outcomes in two are that different these regions household dwellings became the building blocks the result of theirdifferent historical trajectories. of theChacoan regional system, especially in the core Key elements in these differenthistories are: (1) Chaco areas. The northern San Juan area gave differential historical ties to, and embracing of, birth to the ideological system thatanimated the Chacoan ideological traditions in the two regions Chaco regional system. Northern San Juan resi during the Chaco and post-Chaco eras; (2) the dents helped populate theChaco Canyon area and importance through time of the household as a historical ties between the northernSan Juan and social unit in the areas northernSan Juan region; (3) the Chaco Canyon were always close. as a role of Aztec post-Chaco center of power and After Chaco Canyon failed, thesehistorical pat the lack of a similar powerful place in theCibola terns insured a differentoutcome fornorthern San region; and (4) the development of effective sys Juan communities than thatevident in theCibola temsof integrationcapable of durably binding large region. In the northernSan Juan, the continuation co-residing groups together. (Lekson 1999; or revitalization, see Bradley 1996) In theCibola region,Kintigh (1994) argues that of thepowerful Chaco symbolism during thepost after the collapse of theChacoan regional system, Chaco era seems to have animated at least some of therewas competition among coalitions of villages theaggregation thatcharacterizes Pueblo III period and that symbols of the old Chaco system? settlement.Great houses are the focus for settle the house?were as including great appropriated ment of aggregated communities, although some an ideological format for these emerging groups communities lack great houses and new settlement AMERICAN50 ANTIQUITY [Vol. 73, No. 1, 2008

types (including cliff dwellings and large aggre pie into large settlements in others, define the lat gated villages at the head of canyons; Lipe and est centuries of the precolumbian history in the Varien 1999b:303-12) emerge. northern Southwest. A variety of environmental To what extent the activities at great houses can and social explanations have been proposed to be attributed to direction fromAztec remains an account for thesedevelopments, includingdrought, open question, butAztec almost certainly formed environmental degradation, changing patterns of an enormous ceremonial and political center dur rainfall,household self-interest,and warfare (Adler ing thepost-Chaco era (Brown et al. 2008; Lekson et al. 1996; Cordell et al. 1994; Kohler andVan West 1999). Local leaders of aggregated communities 1996; Dean and Van West 2002). Previous studies likely had divided loyalties. Bow to leadership at have contributed enormously to our understanding Aztec or rally settlementsalong local lines?As dis of the parameters that conditioned the extensive cussed above, we argue thatAztec leaderswere able population movements of the thirteenthto fifteenth to express sufficientcooperative and coercive polit centuries in the northern Southwest. New ical power to dampen the ambitions of leaders at approaches thatfocus on the reconstructionof his other, potentially competing great houses. We do torical accounts of past human practices also hold not suggest thatAztec necessarily formed as strong promise forunderstanding the complex processes a regional center as Chaco Canyon, nor that this that resulted in the depopulation of some parts of large complex necessarily structured economic the northernSouthwest and aggregation in others relationships throughout the northern San Juan (Bernardini 2005; Duff 2002,2004; Lekson 1999). region.We do suggest, however, that the presence The present study contributes to these new of Aztec, as well as the long tradition of semi approaches but is framed within the historical autonomy of individual households, likelymuted processualism defined by Pauketat (2000, 2001a, the sort of peer polity interaction thatKintigh 2003). Pauketat shows that the cumulative actions (1994) suggests for theCibola area. The resultwas of individuals in social negotiations not only cre aggregated settlements thatwere much less well ate, but transform, tradition. History matters or and integratedthan those in theCibola area. During the because prior actions negotiations shape last quarter of the thirteenthcentury, climatic con constrain lateroptions, somethingwe have tried to more war ditions became challenging, evidence for illustratehere. In thenorthern Southwest between fare increases (e.g., Kuckleman et al. 2000; aboutA.D. 1000-1300, individuals negotiated their LeBlanc 1999), and Aztec leaders' uncertain hold place within thedynamic Chacoan tradition,using but trans on power apparently unraveled, as did the bonds symbols and structures from the past, use. thatheld togetherother largecommunities through forming them for contemporary Like Pauke out the northern San Juan region. The regional tat (2001 a) we seematerial culture?in thepresent depopulation was influencedby each of these fac case, great houses, great kivas, constructed land tors as community leaders and individual house scapes, potterydesigns, unique prestige items,and of the holds were forced to reassess theirplace in both desired trade goods?as elements complex not Chaco geographical and ideological worlds. The fact that social negotiations engaged only by social and political developments in other areas Canyon elite and theirimmediate followers, but by in the looked much more appealing than those in the leaders in outlier communities, competitors northernSan Juanmust also have influenced deci hinterlands, and most importantly,by commoners Chacoan and sions to immigrate.At thispoint, the loosely aggre at all levels of the system. buildings, gated settlements of the northern San Juan elaborately constructed landscapes especially, disbanded for the final time and leaders and indi united individuals at all social levels inmoments viduals buried old Chaco ideas and embraced new of practice. These historical moments defined and of individuals and the and more powerful social traditions. constrained future actions structureand symbols available to them. individuals in thenorthern Southwest Conclusions Although used a common set of ideas, traditions, and sym used and Vast population movements, characterized by bols during theChaco era, they experi them Different of what depopulation of some areas and aggregation of peo enced differently. parts Cameron and Duff] HISTORY AND PROCESS INVILLAGE FORMATION 51

became theChacoan regional system had unique took time?at least several generations?and that environmental and social histories, and their differenthistories of involvement in theChacoan engagement with Chacoan structureand symbols regional system and differentuse of its structure, was unique. As a result,history unfolded differently tradition,and symbols produced differentresults in differentparts of theChacoan regional system, in thenorthern and southernparts of theold Chaco both during the height of Chaco Canyon's power World, results thatwere stillevident when theSpan and after it had waned. We have charted a first ish conquistadors arrived several centuries later. exploration and comparison of the histories of the Acknowledgments: Cameron's work on the paper was northern and southern parts of Chaco's region. We inspired by the Bluff/Comb Wash Project, which has been argue thatindividuals in thenorthern San Juanwere funded by the Southwest Heritage Foundation, the Division more connected with the and intimately symbolic of State History/Utah State Historical society, the State of ideological components of the Chacoan regional Utah Recreation Division, the 's National Center for and system and were more vested in their use. Because Preservation, Technology, Training, the National Society, the National Science of this, the collapse of the Chaco system had a Geographic Foundation (BSC-0355415), the Bureau of Land much more severe impact here, with the coupled Management, and theUniversity of Colorado. Duff's contri on the of thehouse long-termemphasis importance butions to the paper must acknowledge his recent work on hold (evident in theubiquitous, symbol-laden "San Chaco-era sites on Bureau of Land Management (BLM) even lands in New Mexico and his association with Keith Juan pattern" unit pueblo, in aggregated set long his ideas and work in theZuni Essential tlements). These historical facts ultimately con Kintigh, region. grant support for Duff's field research has been received from the tributed to the abandonment of the entire region. National Geographic Society (#7427-03, #7822-05) and the In in theCibola involvement in the contrast, region, National Science Foundation (BCS-0514595), with addi seems to Chacoan regional system have been some tional support from Washington State University and the what weaker. BLM. drafts of the have benefited from the com After the Chaco collapse, however, Early paper ments and insights of Tim Kohler, Steve Lekson (who first leaders in this region appropriated the powerful suggested a north/south comparison and provided comments Chaco symbols and used them to create well on multiple drafts), Bill Lipe, Steve Plog, and two anonymous towns.The absence of an integrated,large, planned reviewers. Figures 1, 2, and 3 were expertly drafted by Phil Aztec-like ceremonial center likely allowed lead Geib; David Underwood assisted in the drafting of Figure 1. Ricardo Moreno ers the opportunity to develop power locally and Contro provided the Spanish abstract. use thatpower to create tightersocial ties among larger groups of people. As Lekson characteristi References Cited cally notes: Adams, E. Charles, and Andrew I. Duff Pueblos did not develop from Chaco; rather 2004 Settlement Clusters and thePueblo IV Period. 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