UC Merced Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology

Title Vegetation Burning by the Chumash

Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/1rv936jq

Journal Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, 4(2)

ISSN 0191-3557

Authors Timbrook, Jan Johnson, John R Earle, David D

Publication Date 1982-12-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 163-186 (1982). Vegetation Burning by the Chumash

JAN TIMBROOK JOHN R. JOHNSON DAVID D. EARLE

HE question of whether aboriginal Actual documentation of burning of vege­ Thunting-gathering peoples of California tation by Indians has been confined primarily modified their environments by periodic to northem California (Lewis 1973; Sampson burning of vegetation has been widely dis­ 1944), and complaints have been voiced cussed, both by anthropologists and by geog­ regarding the lack of information available raphers. Several tribes used fire in hunting, about southem California Mission groups or with such techniques as rabbit drives; to about pre-European practices (Bean and Law- improve forage for game animals which would ton 1973: xxi-xxii; O'Connell 1974: 118). then be hunted; and to increase the avail­ Aschmann (1959) had assumed from plant ability of certain plants for direct use by distributions that these coastal groups did humans (Lewis 1973). Bean and Lawton burn the local vegetation, but he could (1973: xxxvi) proposed that burning was part produce no documentation from early Span­ of a sophisticated technological inventory of ish historical sources. Jonathan Sauer (1977: energy extraction processes which supported 383) also stated that there was no historical the high population density and cultural evidence of vegetation burning by the Chu­ complexity of aboriginal California. In their mash. view, true agriculture was not adopted by Historical accounts describing burning in most peoples in the state because it would early times by Indians on the southern Cah­ have been not only unnecessary but a step fornia coast are indeed extant, although they backward in efficiency. are not widely known. They suggest that Plant geographers have suggested that the purposeful burning of some types of native evolution and distribution of certain vegeta­ vegetation was a regular occurrence among tion types in southern California have been the Chumash Indians of the Santa Barbara greatly influenced by human activities, among Channel region during the late 18th century, which European introduction of plant species that the practice was suppressed in the Mis­ and grazing animals are only the most recent. sion Period, and that it had long faded from It is thought by some that frequent burning cultural memory by the late 19th and early by prehistoric Califomians sustained a park­ 20th centuries when ethnographic data were like landscape with grass and scattered oak collected from Chumash survivors. trees, and that chaparral has invaded these The early accounts of vegetation modifi­ areas since burning was suppressed after Span­ cation by the Chumash are significant because ish colonization in the 19th century (Asch­ they provide information useful in reconstruc­ mann 1959, 1976: 41). ting the pre-Hispanic landscape. This know­ ledge is valuable to foresters, botanists, geog­ Jan Timbrook, Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History, raphers, and ecologists, as well as to anthro­ 2559 Puesta del Sol Rd., Santa Barbara, CA 93105. John R. pologists and archaeologists. Johnson and David D. Earle, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106. The Chumash are of particular interest

[163] 164 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY because of their high population density, inches along the coast, more at the higher sedentary existence, and complexity of socio­ elevations. Marine air moderates temperatures political organization which was far closer to in this coastal area, so that prolonged freezing the chiefdom level than to the band (Ander­ is rare. Winter temperatures of 40° to 50° F. son 1978: 6). As a relatively complex nonagri- are typical. Early summer is characterized by cultural group, the Chumash example can fog; the hottest months are August and serve as a way of evaluating Bean and Law- September, when temperatures are commonly ton's hypotheses about environmental manip­ 75° to 90° F. (Smith 1976: 3-4). ulation and cultural complexity in aboriginal The vegetation in this area today has been California (1973: xxxv - xxxvh). It may also much altered by recent human activities provide important comparative evidence for (Smith 1976: 15; Heady 1977: 499). Outside discussions of similar human behavior in settled areas, the coastal plain is covered with different times and places on a worldwide a mixture of introduced grass species, particu­ basis. larly Avena, Bromus, and Hordeum, and It is therefore the purpose of this paper to broadleaved introduced weeds such as fUaree call attention to the ethnohistoric evidence (Erodium spp.), fennel (Foeniculum vulgare), which shows that the Chumash did deliber­ mustard (Brassica spp.) and milk thistle (Sily- ately use fire in ways which may have had bum marianum). In spots less heavily grazed pronounced long-term environmental effects, by cattle, coastal sage scrub vegetation— and to demonstrate that encouragement of particularly coyote brush (Baccharis pilularis), growth of certain plant resources was the sages (Salvia spp.) and Cahfomia sagebrush principal reason for the practice of burning. (Artemisia californica)—nov^ extends all the way to the coast and is thickest on hillsides THE COASTAL CHUMASH ENVIRONMENT (Mooney 1977: 476). This low, soft shrub The ethnohistoric accounts are concerned community intergrades on its upper edges v^th the coastal portion of Chumash terri­ with chaparral, a dense, stiff shrub cover more tory, roughly from the mouth of the Santa typical of steeper slopes and thin, rocky soils Clara River in Ventura County on the south, (Hanes 1977: 419). Liveoaks (Quercus agri- north to the Santa Maria River at the border folia) are now found in rocky soils on between Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo north-facing slopes and in canyons, but for­ counties. Much of this area is a low, flat plain merly were more widespread in grassland- a mile or so in width, lying between the savanna or in woodland relatively free of waters of the Santa Barbara Channel and the understory (Griffin 1977: 407-409). Most of steep slopes of the Santa Ynez Mountains, these oaks were cut for feed, firewood, and which rise to an elevation of over 4000 feet building material after European and Ameri­ within about five miles of the coast. To the can settlement in the 19th century (Chfton west, the landscape trends more toward Smith, personal communication 1983). Bar­ gently rolling hills dissected by small seasonal ring human interference, the distribution of watercourses. Turning northward from Point these broad vegetation types is most influ­ Conception, the terrain again flattens out into enced by elevation and topography, which broad plains with extensive sand dunes near affect temperature and precipitation, and by the soil type and character of the geological the shore. formation on which the plants grow (Smith The chmate of this area is Mediterranean, 1976: 21-25; Dibblee 1976; Minnich 1983: with warm dry summers and mild rainy 1289; Griffin 1977: 409). winters. Precipitation averages about 12 to 17 VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 165

The chaparral has been extensively sive Spanish contact in the 1770s, an esti­ studied by plant ecologists because of its mated 15,000 Chumash people inhabited the intimate relationship with the wildfires which Santa Barbara Channel coastline and offshore occur frequently during the dry months of islands. This population was largely sedentary, the year. It is often said that the chaparral and settlements of 500 to 1000 people were community evolved with fire and has adapted not unusual on the coastal plain (Brown to naturally occurring fires in several ways, 1967). The area north of Point Conception such as sprouting from basal burls and pro­ and the interior valleys were somewhat less ducing seeds which germinate best after fire thickly settled, but the population was still (Hanes 1977: 432-433). The interval between sizeable there as well. Chumash culture has fires in any one area depends on the amount been well described by several authors and and moisture content of fuel, source of need not be reiterated here (see Anderson ignition, and weather conditions. Two or 1978). Suffice it to say that the Santa Barbara three decades are required to build up enough Channel coast is regarded as a culture climax fuel for large, intense chaparral fires, but area and that a very large, sedentary popula­ smaller ones can occur more often (Minnich tion with complex social, political, economic, 1983: 1292). and rehgious organization and a high develop­ In general, abundant herbaceous cover ment of material culture and the arts was permits burning of grassland and coastal sage supported by a hunting, gathering, and fishing scrub more often than is possible in chaparral subsistence base (Blackburn 1975; Hudson (Minnich 1983: 1292). However, the effects etal. 1977, 1978; Hudson and Underhay and frequency of grass fires today are not 1978; Hudson and Blackburn 1982). necessarily comparable with those in aborigi­ With such a large population, it would be nal times before introduced weeds and heavy surprising indeed if human-caused fires did grazing destroyed the native grasslands (Stew­ not occur in grasslands along the coast (Heady art 1956: 318). Lightning strikes, which occur 1977: 499). Village campfires must have most often during late summer drought, are escaped and burned out of control with some the major cause of natural fires but tend to be frequency. The following ethnohistoric ac­ confined to the higher elevations (Burcham counts will show that grassland fires were not 1974: 104). Fires do not usually burn down always accidental and sporadic, however, but slope (Daubenmire 1968: 214), although they deliberately and regularly initiated by hu­ have been observed to do so in southem mans. CaHfornia when fanned by Santa Ana winds CRESPI'S ACCOUNT (Vogl 1968: 81; J. Sauer, personal communi­ cation 1983). Since just the right combination Fr. Juan Crespi' accompanied the Portola of wind, temperature, humidity, fuel, topog­ expedition in 1769-1770 and made detailed raphy, fire ignition and location must coin­ observations of the native culture and natural cide, it seems likely that extensive fires in environment of the Santa Barbara Channel grasslands along these low plains near the mainland coast (Brown 1965, 1967). The coast would seldom occur under natural most familiar pubhshed translation of Crespi"s conditions-that is, if no humans were diary, in Palou's Historical Memoirs of New present. California (Bolton 1926), is actually a com­ Humans were present, however, and had posite version of the Portola expedition. It is been in the area for at least 9000 years before only partly drawn from Crespfs original Europeans arrived. At the time of first inten­ diary, but with much incorporated from the 166 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

more succinct journal kept by the expedi­ the shore. We were soon stopped here, and tion's engineer, Miguel Costanso. There are went up to some low-roUing tablelands that two original holograph texts of Crespfs jour­ end in high bold cliffs near the sea, but are all very good dark friable soil, well covered with nals which have been translated by Alan K. very fine grasses that nearly everywhere had Brown (n.d.) but have not yet been pubhshed. been burnt off by the heathens. Excerpts from the translation of one of these texts which deals with vegetation burning by After reaching the Chumash village at the Chumash are reproduced here with Gaviota Canyon, Crespi'reported: Dr. Brown's permission, with emphases added The mountains that have been alongside us by the present authors. during the last two days' march are bold, August 20, 1769. After setting out from rough and steep; white-colored here and camp on what later became known as Arroyo there, as though from white earth or stone, Burro Creek, near Santa Barbara, Crespi and, where not whitish, well covered with wrote: dry grass. We went over land that was all of it level, As the Portold expedition continued its dark and friable, well covered with fine march toward Point Conception, Crespi'— grasses, and very large clumps of very tall, obviously interested in pastureland and feasi- broad grass, burnt in some spots and not in bihty of agriculture—repeatedly described others; the unburned grass was so tall that it treeless tablelands with good soil covered with topped us on horseback by a yard.^ All about are large tablelands with big tall fine, dry grasses. At one point he remarked: live-oaks (I have never seen larger), and many sycamores as weU. We have come . . . the place lacks nothing but wood, of across rose-patches in such great amounts which there is none. that the plains here were full of them in On August 27, 1769, after leaving Chu­ many spots. mash settlements near Point Conception, After camping the next night in the Crespi again mentioned that in some places populous Goleta area, where between five and the grassy tablelands had been burned. seven Chumash communities were found, the Continuing northward past Chumash vil­ expedition set out westward toward Point lages at Jalama Beach and Canada Agua Viva, Conception. the expedition rounded Point Arguello. On August 29, 1769: ... in sight of the shore, over some low- rolling tablelands with very good dark friable ... we set out from the San Juan Bautista soil and fine dry grasses; in many places it Village on a due northwest course, across had all been burnt off. It was all flat land, level ground near the shore. We soon passed excepting only some short descents into a the second point, and made out still another few dry creeks. If it can be dry-farmed, aU afar off, making a sort of large bight. We the soil could be cultivated. Shortly after we went almost all the way over salt-grass, all left this point, the great live-oaks at this spot very much burnt off by the heathens, with dropped behind us. some descents to dry creeks. On going about a league and a half, we reached a stream On August 24, 1769, after camping near a [Honda Canyon] with a good amount of fresh water emptying into the sea, but no large village in what may have been Tajiguas village nor soil of any worth upon it. The Canyon, Crespi' again commented on burned soldiers had scouted up to this point, and it vegetation: was not a full day's march, nor was there We set out from here at San Guide, taking a grass for the animals, as it had all been due westerly course, and again going down to burned off. ... On going about three hours. VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 167

in which we must have made about two most of all was the sight of all the different leagues and a half, we came to a hollow sorts of colors together. On going about a where the heathens had said there were some league and a half, we came down to a deep pools of water, and although it had been creek in a hoUow where there is a good deal burned off, there were spots that had not of grass and a good-sized stream of running been and where there was good grass for the water .... On this whole march, three animals; a halt was ordered here .... leagues from the point of San Juan Bautista de los Pedernales, we have seen not a bush After crossing the Santa Ynez River and nor a single heathen. continuing northward past San Antonio Creek but before reaching the plains of the Santa These spectacular wildflower displays were Maria Valley, the expedition came to a hollow seen in the very same area which Crespi' had in the hills. There Crespi once again noted: noted as having been burned the previous summer. . . . fine soil and dry grass almost all of Crespfs diaries provide both excellent which had been burned by the heathens. descriptions of the topography and vegetative This was the last time he mentioned grassland cover of the Santa Barbara coastal area at the burning within Chumash territory on this trip. beginning of the Spanish colonial period, and PortoM's return journey through the very specific evidence of grassland burning by Santa Barbara Channel area to San Diego took the Chumash, or "heathens." It is apparent place in January, 1770. He made a second trip from these descriptions that the shrub com­ northward in May, 1770. Crespfs journals munities of coastal sage scrub and chaparral cover both these trips and describe the ap­ were once considerably less extensive than pearance of "good" grasses and wildflowers they are today. For example, the mountains along the coastal tablelands in Chumash terri­ between Tajiguas and Gaviota-or at least tory. In the spring of 1770 along the coasthne their lower flanks— were described as covered north of Point Arguello, the expedition en­ with grasses in August 1769, whereas dense countered fields of wildflowers such as are chaparral is found there today. In addition, sometimes seen in the area today. On May 7, "not a bush" was seen in the South Vanden­ 1770: berg area north of Point Arguello in May, 1770; today the vegetation there is coastal ... we started from the San Juan Bautista de sage scrub (see Smith 1976: 21-24 for a los Pedernales village and point here, keeping general discussion of the occurrence of these on a northwesterly course over very grassy level land near the shore. We shortly passed communities today). Crespi's descriptions are the point here, and in the distance made out in fact quite consistent with the theoretical another that formed still another bight. At picture presented by Aschmann (1976: 41) of once after setting out, we commenced to a park-like landscape with scattered oak trees find the fields all abloom with different which was sustained by frequent burning in kinds of wildflowers of all colors, so that, as many as were the flowers we had been pre-European times. meeting all along the way and on the It is also clear that what Crespi' saw was Channel, it was not in such plenty as here, the result of fires which were set dehberately for it is all one mass of blossom, great in grasslands by the Indians, rather than quantities of white, yellow, red, purple, and escaped campfires or lightning-caused fires, blue ones; many yellow violets or gilly­ flowers of the sort that are planted in since he speaks of grass being "burnt off by gardens, a great deal of larkspur, poppy and the heathens." sage in bloom,^ and what graced the fields Leaving aside the reasons for setting fires 168 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY for the moment, a discussion of the effects of RIVERA Y MONCADA'S DIARY repeated burning is in order, to account for the discrepancy between what Crespi'reported Ferndndo Rivera y Moncada was the and what we see in the same places today. It military governor of Cahfornia from 1774 to seems hkely that the Santa Barbara coast in 1777. On his travels throughout the territory, pre-European times was dominated by grass­ he frequently had contact with Indian people land and oak savanna, with perennial bunch who had for the most part not yet been grasses interspersed with broad-leaved native missionized. His diary has been pubhshed in annuals (Heady 1977: 492-494). Seasonal Spanish (Burms 1967), but will be quoted wildflowers, such as described by Crespi', here in translation, with emphases added by often appear to be the dominant plant cover the present authors. in all natural grasslands (Burcham 1957: 27). On April 24, 1776, Rivera y Moncada Even where oaks are present and form a stayed the night near "Mezcaltitan" at the savanna or open woodland, the essential mouth of the present Goleta Slough, which he character of the community is stih that of a described as the most populous part of the prairie (Burcham 1957: 90). Santa Barbara Channel coast. The following Fires which burned in grassland would not day he journeyed eastward to just past what is be expected to stop at the shrub hne, and now Ventura. may have occasionally spread up-slope into coastal sage and chaparral. While these two I passed outside the Channel. It was already dark when we stopped at the Santa Clara plant communities are adapted to fire, that River. The gentiles [heathen Indians] des­ adaptation is not based on burning more troy and consume the pastures with their often than about ten-year intervals—more burnings [Burrus 1967: 253]. often for coastal sage scmb, less often for chaparral. Fires at one- to three-year intervals In a later journal entry, Rivera y Moncada could be expected to burn even new growth, summarized his travels between San Gabriel prevent shmb regeneration, and effectively and San Buenaventura in the south-eastern extend the area colonized by grasses at the part of Chumash territory as follows: expense of coastal sage scrub or chaparral communities. Indian burning may also have Having made beforehand in this Diary exten­ sive report of this road, [and] given informa­ been an important factor in maintaining the tion about the villages of the Santa Barbara openness of oak savanna in coastal areas; Channel, it has seemed to me [proper] not mature oaks are well adapted to survive to repeat [this], since I have not had the ground fires by sprouting (Griffin 1977: least novelty in my [most recent] journey. I 408-409; Sweeney 1968: 114). Some oak have experienced great drought [here], therefore some of the springs along the road species may produce more acoms as a result I have passed [are] dry; this is something of thinned understory after a fire (Lewis that has not happened to me since I entered 1973: 17). these lands, and in the countryside [there A second ethnohistoric account, a few has been] extreme need of pasture for the years after Crespi's visits, also mentions burn­ animals, which in some areas has caused me difficulty in staying overnight and even in ing in grasslands. It is even more explicit in stopping at midday, due to the horses and stating that fires were deliberately set by the mules not having grass, all occasioned by the indigenous peoples of the Santa Barbara great fires of the gentiles, who, not having to Channel, and offers some clues as to the care for more than their own bellies, bum reasons this was done. the fields as soon as they gather up the VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 169

seeds, and that [burning] is universal, al­ the midst of a severe drought. Lack of rain though on some occasions it happens that it the previous winter would have resulted in a may be greater or less, according to the failure of the usual growth of new graze, Windsor calm [Burrus 1967: 310]. which would have been particularly serious Rivera y Moncada's account, like Crespf s, for his horses and mules if the pastures had stresses the fact that vegetation burning by been burned the summer before. the Chumash was dehberate, widespread, and SmaU, hard seeds such as those of grasses affected large areas. He also indicates that and sage were important in the diet of many fires were not necessarily controlled, and California Indian groups and were hkely so therefore they could have spread from grass­ for the Chumash, as wiU be discussed below. land or savanna into shrublands in the foot­ There is also evidence that fresh, green shoots hills and mountains. Although the open park- were eagerly consumed, particularly after lands thus created would provide exceUent some months of living on stored food. This is forage for game animals, improved hunting is shown in the third ethnohistoric account. not given as the reason the Chumash set fire to pastures. THE LONGINOS JOURNAL In his descriptions of the Monterey area, Naturalist Jose Longinos Martinez tra­ Rivera y Moncada exphcitly stated that the veled through both Alta and Baja Cahfornia in heathens burned "so that new weeds may 1791 and 1792. He recorded information grow to produce more seeds" (Clar 1959: 5). about the flora, fauna, natural resources, and It may be inferred from the account pre­ native peoples of the area, under orders from sented here that the Chumash were also the Spanish King, Carlos 111. Longinos made burning to promote the growth of vegetable many valuable observations about the Chu­ foods for their own consumption. The phrase mash of the Santa Barbara Channel area, and "they burn the fields as soon as they gather also noted certain cultural features which up the seeds" indicates that seeds of grassland seemed to be widespread or universal through­ plants were sought-after and that burning was out the territory of New Spain (Simpson not done until these had been harvested. 1961: vu). In the fohowing passages, empha­ Seeds of most annual wildflowers ripen in late ses have again been added by the present spring or early summer; seeds of native grasses authors. are usually shed in June or July. This fits weh In this part of the Santa Barbara Channel. . . with Crespf s reports of burned grasslands on if a chief merely makes an attempt to pass his August visit, and with the usual burning of through another's jurisdiction, fighting and vegetation in summer or fall by other Indian quarreling result, so great is the distrust that groups elsewhere in California (Bean and these nations have of one another.... Their wars are frequent and always originate over Lawton 1973: xxi - xxu; Lewis 1973: 19; rights to seed-gathering grounds, or in dis­ Biswell 1967: 82). putes over concubines .... The gentiles Springtime burning would be unusual, living between San Diego and San Buena­ both because of low vegetation flammability ventura store up against the winter the - and in terms of harvesting desired food plants that bear the most seeds .... These nations [north of Santa Barbara] continu­ resources. It is not clear from Rivera y ally keep on hand small baskets of seeds and Moncada's accounts of the Santa Barbara other foodstuffs .... In all New California Channel whether he actually saw burning in from Fronteras northward the gentiles have progress or merely observed its effects. He the custom of burning the brush, this for passed through eastern Chumash territory in two purposes: one, for catching rabbits 170 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

(brush-burning being a form of hunting); proclaimed by Governor Jose Joaquin de two, so that with the first light rain or dew Arrillaga, who was in Santa Barbara at the the shoots will come up which they call time. ArriUaga's proclamation, the accom­ pelillo [little hair] and upon which they feed like cattle when the weather prevents panying letter to the Padre Presidente of the their seeking other food [Simpson 1961: Missions, Fermi'n Francisco de Lasuen, and 58-59]. Lasuen's reply are quoted in their entirety Thus the Longinos journal contains speci­ from Clar (1959: 8-10), with emphases added. fic evidence that burning was carried on by ArriUaga's letter to Lasuen, dated May 31, many California Indian groups, probably in­ 1793: cluding the Chumash, for two purposes: for Because of various complaints that have rabbit drives (as opposed to improving forage reached me about the serious damage that for animals to be hunted later), and for results from the fires that are set each year promoting the growth of green shoots to be in the pastures by Christian and Gentile eaten by humans. Longinos also stresses the Indians, and having been informed not only by various officials but also by different importance of seeds in the native diet, and mission fathers that the aforesaid damage is although the connection between burning and true, I have taken measures to publish the seed gathering is not exphcit in this account, enclosed proclamation which I am passing it was probably a third motive for setting into your hands with the entreaty and fires. It is unclear whether by "brush" Lon­ charge that you please inform all the mission ginos meant shrub vegetation, hence chaparral fathers that they are to contribute for their part to the observance of such a just or coastal sage scrub in the Chumash area, or proclamation not only by warning the Chris­ merely vegetation in general. The motive for tian Indians, and particularly the old burning in any particular area would depend women, not to become liable for such on several factors including vegetation type. offense, but also by threatening them with There are several species of native annual and the rigors of the law, trying in case of fire to perennial plants which have been called "fire clear the way for corporals of the guard to have Christian Indians help them to cut off fohowers," meaning they germinate and grow with all possible determination the fire that much more profusely after an area has been may threaten their vicinity, to which end / burned (Smith 1956). Many of these are authorize to the comandantes whatever may grassland species and produce seeds which be expedient in carrying out this order. Also were used by Cahfornia Indian peoples, a fact I should notify you that on my way here from San Diego, at the Missions of San Juan which wih be discussed in more detail below. Capistrano and San Gabriel, having called By the time of Longinos' visit in the late the natives together, I instructed them in the 18th century, Spanish colonization and mis- presence of the reverend mission fathers sionization of the California Indians were about this my proclamation and the penal­ already well under way. The Chumash and ties that would be incurred by infractions of others were increasingly denied the right to it. I shall do the same at the missions on the way to Monterey, for / should like to see my continue many of their traditional practices, wishes, which are directed toward the com­ including vegetation burning, under the new mon good, partly if not wholly carried out. administration. This is the subject of another historical document. May Our Lord Keep You, Most Reverend Father. ARRILLAGA'S PROCLAMATION The year after Longinos' visit, the first Mission Santa Barbara, May 31, 1793. fire control regulation in Alta Cahfornia was Jose Joaqui'n de Arrillaga VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 171

The proclamation: not to commit such transgression. And in DON JOSE JOAQUIN DE ARRILLAGA, order that it come to the attention of all and CAPTAIN OF CAVALRY, INTERIM GOV­ that nobody may allege igitorance, I order ERNOR AND INSPECTOR COMAND- that this decision of mine be published by ANTE OF UPPER AND LOWER CALI­ proclamation in the presidios as well as the FORNIA. missions and towns of this province which is With attention to the widespread damage in my charge, making it be known to all which results to the public from the burning classes of Indians, Christians as well as of the fields, customary up to now among Gentiles, and repeating its publication annu­ both Christian and Gentile Indians in this ally, with the full understanding that what­ country, whose childishness has been unduly ever lack of observance may be noticed in tolerated, and as a consequence of various this matter (which is) of such great interest complaints that I have had of such abuse, I will be worthy of the most severe punish­ see myself required to have the foresight to ment. prohibit for the future (availing myself if it Given in Santa Barbara, May 31,1793. be necessary, of the rigors of the law) all Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga kinds of burning, not only in the vicinity of the towns, but even at the most remote distances, which might cause some detri­ On June 2, 1973, Fr. Lasuen replied to ment, whether it be by Christian Indians or the Governor from Mission San Carlos: by Gentiles who have some relationship or communication with our establishments and My dear sir: I have received the proclama­ missions. Therefore I order and command all tion which you sent me dated the 31st of comandantes of the presidios in my charge last month, ordering the prevention by all to do their duty and watch with the greatest possible means of the horribly destructive earnestness to take whatever measures they fires which are experienced every year in this may consider requisite and necessary to country. Two days ago, after it was pub­ uproot this very harmful practice of setting lished here, I sent it to Mission Santa Cruz fire to pasture lands, not omitting any means with a little corollary of mine for the other that may lead to the achievement of the two missions of the north, advising that in purpose which I propose in this order, to all three a copy be made and put in the which effect they will pubUsh it in their archives and that its publication be repeated respective jurisdictions with particular annually as you direct. I will do the same charge to the corporals of the guard, com­ (with God's help) in the future with the rest missioners, and magistrates of the towns that of the missions. In all of them all possible they exercise equal vigilance in trying to efforts have been made with the greatest advise the Christian Indians and the Gentiles earnestness toward the remedy of this con­ of the neighboring rancherias about this spicuous damage, and from now on, by proclamation and impressing upon them that virtue of your opportune proclamation, they those who commit such an offense will be will be continued with greater hope for the punished, and in case some burning occurs, desired effect. The mission fathers of the they are to try immediately to take the most missions at which you have stopped must appropriate means to stop the fire, or faihng have been very grateful to you for having that, to direct it into another direction deigned to instruct the Indians yourself in which may result in less damage, apprehend­ the obligation of abstaining from such excess ing the violators, of whatever class or sex, and the punishment they will incur if they who would be punished in accordance with do not comply. That exhortation will no the degree of malice there may be on the doubt give great weight to our own and will part of the offenders; and in order that there perhaps make them effective. I wish to may be no obstacle to the observance of this thank you now for being of a mind to order, I beg and charge the Reverend extend the same favor to the remaining Fathers, priests of the missions, that they do missions. And with the mission fathers of all their part in instructing the Christian Indians (the missions) I repeat that I am at your 172 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

disposition. God keep you in his Holy Grace. meted out to the neophytes? Differentiate for the sexes. For what sort of transgressions Very sincerely yours are they punished? Do the fathers have Father Fermi'n Francisco de Lasuen shackles, chains, stocks, and lockups, or whether they only make use of the means of The Governor's letter and proclamation punishment available to the members of the were issued in Santa Barbara, indicating that guard. grassland fires were considered a major prob­ Answer [in part]. The misdeeds for which lem in coastal Chumash territory. It is further we fathers chastize the Indians thus are noteworthy that old women were particularly concubinage, theft, and running away. When the transgressions are against the common implicated in the setting of such fires; women good, like killing cattle, sheep, or firing were the principal gatherers of seeds. pastures, which has occurred sometimes, the Fire suppression was not merely confined corporal of the guard is notified [emphasis to proclamation, but was diligently put into added]. practice. This is ihustrated by another historic document of seven years later. Under the missions, the baptized Indians were permitted to continue gathering their MISSION QUESTIONNAIRE wild seeds but prevented from setting the fires In 1798 a questionnaire was sent out to that (as will be shown below) promoted a presidio comandantes inquiring about the more abundant harvest. The missionaries, treatment of Cahfornia Indians by the Span­ military, and settlers understandably wished ish padres, in response to accusations of to discourage the grassland fires that des­ cmelty which had been made by a former troyed grazing for their livestock and endan­ missionary at San Miguel (Bancroft 1886: gered settlements, although in some parts of 587-596; Engelhardt 1930: 566-600). The California these same interests set fires in replies by Fehpe de Coycoechea, comandante forests and chaparral to convert them to of the Santa Barbara Presidio, were especiahy grassland (Heady 1977: 509; Pyne 1982: irksome to the missionaries, so they in turn 416-418). Suppression of buming by the prepared their own responses to the question­ Spanish and their successors contributed to a naire. The replies made to two of the ques­ dechne in productivity of the native grassland tions by Fr. Gregorio Fernandez at Mission La and to encroachment of coastal sage scrub, Puri'sima are of interest (Fernandez 1800). and perhaps of chaparral, into grassland and This mission was near Lompoc, in the north­ savanna habitats (Aschmann 1976: 43-44). west portion of Chumash territory, not far Invasion of European grasses, broadleaved from the Point Arguello area visited by Crespi weeds, and large herbivores, and the practice in 1769 and 1700. of agricultural cultivation, completed the des­ truction of the native grassland in coastal Question 10. What types of diversions do the Chumash territory (Burcham 1957: 185-199; neophytes [baptized Indians] enjoy? What excursions are they allowed, so that they Heady 1977: 497-499). This drastic alteration may gather seeds? For what length of time? of the environment probably contributed to a Answer. The neophytes are permitted all gradual abandonment of traditional seed kinds of diversions which are popular among foods by the Chumash, although certainly them. Likewise, half the year, or almost other factors came into play as well (Cook one-half the year, is granted them for gather­ 1941). ing their wild seeds, in the various seasons. Many other aspects of Chumash culture Question 12. What sorts of punishments are were lost under the mission system, but VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 173 vegetation burning was surely one of the first mentioned by any of Harrington's Chumash to die out, given the stringency of military consultants. In fact, use of grass seeds was enforcement. Even though some Chumash barely discussed by most, at least in compari­ people attempted to go back to village hfe son with the details provided on acorns and after the secularization of the missions in wild cherry pits (Timbrook 1982: 166). This 1834, private ownership of their former lands may be an indication that native grasses had prevented them from reviving aU their old been substantially reduced in abundance by food-gathering practices. Thus, it is not sur­ the late 19th century (by Harrington's con­ prising that the use of fire as an important sultants' lifetimes), an idea confirmed by hunting and gathering technique had been other hnes of evidence (Burcham 1957: forgotten by the time ethnographers began 185-199). Plant specimens were cohected in interviewing Chumash survivors in the late the Santa Barbara area by Chumash consult­ 19th and early 20th centuries. ant Lucrecia Garcia and are now preserved in the National Anthropological Archives, THE HARRINGTON NOTES Smithsonian Institution. Of the 13 grass John P. Harrington, ethnographer and specimens, the only natives are three species linguist, was the most thorough of the several of Elymus (observation by the senior author). anthropologists who cohected data from hv­ Introduced grasses Avena and Bromus were ing Chumash people. He worked in the Santa said to have been pounded, leached and baked Barbara, Ventura, and Santa Ynez areas on into bread in earth ovens (Craig 1967: 126). several occasions from about 1912 until the It is not clear whether the Spanish word 1950s. In what must be over 100,000 pages of "avena" was used by Harrington's Chumash field notes on the Chumash, Harrington re­ consultants to refer to native grass species as corded only one mention of vegetation burn­ well as to Mediterranean wild oats (Avena ing and that was in an inland area. Mari'a spp.). Solares, an Ineseho woman of Yokuts- Smah seeds of flowering annuals were stih Chumash ancestry, said that: remembered by Chumash people after the . . some of the Indians were burning cham- turn of the century (Craig 1967: 124-126). iso^ one day near Mt. Finos to hunt cotton­ Chia (Salvia columbariae) is one of the best tails and jackrabbits, and the fire got beyond known of these, and it was frequently men­ their control [Harrington n.d., cited by tioned by Harrington's consultants as a staple Home 1981: 116-117]. food. The seeds were harvested in quantity It is uncertain whether this event involved and stored in baskets in the home. They were Chumash people, since Mt. Pinos was an area prepared by toasting and grinding into flour jointly used by several groups, including which was either eaten dry or mixed with Chumash, Kitanemuk, and Yokuts. Use of fire water to form a gmel (Harrington n.d.). The in this instance may have been instigated by question is often asked today where the one of these other groups, but elsewhere Chumash got the quantities of chia they were Harrington (1942: 6) did report that the reported to have eaten, because the plant is Emigdiano Chumash used fire in driving ante­ not common in the coastal area. Salvia species lopes into enclosures. are among those known to occur after fire No accounts were found of burning as a (see Table 1), and some California Indians hunting technique in the coastal Chumash burned chia gathering areas to improve pro­ area. Neither was burning of vegetation to ductivity (Bean and Lawton 1973: xxi). promote growth of plants for human food Overgrazing and suburban development, as 174 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY well as the cessation of burning, have prob­ and also as food (Harrington n.d.; Hudson ably contributed to the decline in abundance etal. 1977: 55, 65; Hudson et al. 1978: 138). of Salvia columbariae on the coastal side of Red maids was one of several kinds of seeds the Santa Ynez Mountains; the plant is stih (chia, acorns, and islay were the others) which found here in certain places under favorable were stored in large baskets in the home conditions, but is not common overah. (Luisa Ygnacio in Harrington n.d.). Its impor­ Another species of seed plant mentioned tance is further indicated by the fact that its by Harrington's consultants in Santa Barbara, Chumash name, khutash, was the same as that Ventura, and Santa Ynez was one of the of the Earth, which was regarded as the tarweeds, Hemizonia ramosissima, which was Indians' mother, "for she gave them their also prepared as pinole. Luisa Ygnacio told food" (Hudson etal. 1977: 37, 113). Coyote Harrington about 1912 that the Santa Barbara asked to be given khutash and ate it as he Chumash used to eat a great deal of these pounded it, according to one Chumash myth seeds, but by her day this food had gone out (Blackburn 1975: 204).^ Red maids, like of use. She had seen it prepared just once by chia, must have been much more common in her mother-in-law, Mari'a Ignacia, who had coastal grasslands than it is today; Calandrinia fixed it for Jose Venadero by toasting the breweri is much more abundant after burns seeds and then pounding them to flour. Luisa and is a definite "fire fohower" (Smith 1976: reported that the flour was black and dry, 131, and personal observation by the senior with a not disagreeable taste (Harrington author). It was a food plant widely used n.d.). This plant is still common in fields throughout Cahfornia (Heizer and Elsasser along the coast (Smith 1976: 295). 1980: 243). The seeds were parched, pulver­ ized, and pressed into cakes for eating (Bar­ Seeds of red maids (Calandrinia spp.) were rett and Gifford 1933: 152-153). formerly of great importance to the Chumash. Large quantities of these smah, black seeds Grassland plants were not only used for have been found in cemetery contexts in the seeds, however. As already noted by Lon­ coastal area. Excavations by Yarrow and ginos, many kinds of green sprouts were eaten Bowers for the 1876 Geographical Survey by the Chumash. Harrington's consultants expedition uncovered a child burial in an olla mentioned several species consumed in this fihed with Calandrinia seeds—misidentified by way. One of the most favored was clover a Mexican worker as chia—on Mescalitan (Trifolium spp.). Luisa Ygnacio said that the Island in the Goleta Slough (Yarrow 1879: Indians used to eat it raw, "like a cow; not 36-37; Benson 1982: 56, 307). Phh Orr found much—like we eat fruit now." When old Maria 12 quarts of red maid seeds associated with a Ignacia lay dying, she wanted to eat clover; burial on Santa Rosa Island; these were perhaps she craved the comfort offered by a radiocarbon dated to 600 ± 70 years B.P. (Orr food from her childhood. Simphcio Pico of 1968: 200). Similar finds have been made by Ventura said they ate clover raw, like lettuce, other archaeologists in cemeteries on the and Maria Solares of Santa Ynez said the mainland and channel islands (Ford 1887: Indians used to eat both the raw leaves and 11-19; Orr 1968: 210; King 1969: 37; Smith the seeds of clover (Harrington n.d.). Several 1976: 131; Abbott 1879: 78-80; Benson species of Trifolium are commonly found in 1982: 84,329). burns and in disturbed areas (Smith 1976: Harrington's Chumash consultants stres­ 177-180). sed the use of red maids seeds, called "pil" in Harrington's notes reflect the changing Spanish and khutash in Chumash, as offerings Chumash diet in recent times. By the time of VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 175 his interviews in the 1910s and 1920s, most needlegrasses (Stipa pulchra, S. lepida, and S. consultants were speaking of wild seeds and cernua), and perhaps others (Heady 1977: greens as things the old people used to eat, 495-496; Wayne Ferren, personal communica­ but which were no longer in common use. tion 1982). Several of these species have seed Burning as a food procurement technique was heads which shatter easily when ripe, so that apparently unknown. Today, over half a harvesting with a seedbeater, as the Chumash century later, the possibihty of completely did, would be quite efficient (Bean and understanding Chumash subsistence is even Lawton 1973: xxxiv; Craig 1967: 125). more remote. But when the ethnohistoric Bunch grasses produce more seeds if leaf evidence we have presented is combined with growth is sufficient to manufacture food botanical information, an interesting picture reserves which are stored in the roots of the emerges. plant (Burcham 1957: 226). Burning would remove dead thatch and enrich the soil, PLANTS THAT FOLLOW FIRE thereby promoting plant growth and seed A list of the most common herbaceous production (Daubenmire 1968: 211; Horton plants that occur today in the coastal grass­ and Kraebel 1955: 254). The optimal burning lands of the Chumash area was compiled with interval for bunch grasses varies between the help of knowledgeable local botanists.^ species and geographical locations (Dauben­ Plant species native to the area under consid­ mire 1968: 250-254). Indians in some parts of eration and that are known to have been California are said to have burned grasslands eaten by the Chumash or by other Cahfornia every year to improve the following year's Indian peoples comprise 70 genera, as shown seed harvest (Stewart 1951: 320). In the area in Table 1. Of these 70 genera, about 35 under consideration, it is thought that bunch occur after fire and an additional 15 reach grasses would thrive and produce a good seed their peak of abundance in areas that were crop if burned every 3 to 5 years (Wayne burned the previous year. The latter are Ferren, personal communication 1982). How­ sometimes cahed "fire fohowers" (Smith ever, an annually burned stand of Stipa 1956) or "pyrophytic endemics" (Hanes pulchra on Las Tunas Road in Santa Barbara 1977: 433). was reported to be one of the finest stands of Plants found after grassland fires, and bunch grass in the vicinity (Wehs 1962: 96). those that probably provided significant food Fire commonly favors forbs over grasses resources for the Chumash, included grasses— in both annual and perennial grasslands, so especially perennial bunch grasses—and her­ that herbs fill in the interstices between grass baceous plants in the sunflower, mustard, plants (Daubenmire 1968: 249). Broadleaved parsley, pea, buttercup, evening-primrose, annuals which were of greatest significance to sage, figwort, hly, and amarylhs families. the Chumash for theh seeds were chia (Salvia Plant parts consumed included seeds, green columbariae) and red maids (Calandrinia spp., leaves, shoots, and corms or bulbs. especially C. breweri). The probable abun­ Grasses that may have been of most dance of these plants in the coastal grasslands importance before the introduction of weedy of Chumash territory was discussed above, species include California brome (Bromus and both occur most abundantly after fires. carinatus), ryegrasses (Elymus condensatus, Seeds of several members of the sunflower E. glaucus, and E. triticoides), meadow barley family, particularly tarweeds (Hemizonia and (Hordeum californicum), coast range mehc Madia spp.), were also a significant resource. (Melica imperfecta), bluegrass (Poa scabrella), Many other seed plants were probably used to 176 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 1

COMMON HERBACEOUS PLANTS OF COASTAL GRASSLANDS IN CHUMASH TERRITORY, WITH THEIR USES BY CALIFORNIA INDIANS

Plant Parts Used by Plant Genus Family Chumash California Indians Achillea Asteraceae roots, leaves roots, leaves Agoseris Asteraceae (SEEDS, LEAVES) Agropyron Poaceae SEEDS Allium Amaryllidaceae BULBS SEEDS, BULBS, LEAVES Amaranthus (some 1) Amaranthaceae (SEEDS, LEAVES) SEEDS Ambrosia Asteraceae leaves leaves Amsinckia Boraginaceae (SEEDS) SEEDS AnagalUs (I)+ CaryophyUaceae (leaves) Anthem is (I) Asteraceae leaves Apiastrum +* Apiaceae STALKS Apium (I) Apiaceae STALKS Aster Asteraceae (SEEDS) Astragalus Fabaceae FRUIT Atriplex (some I) Chenopodiaceae SEEDS Avena (I)-^ Poaceae SEEDS SEEDS Bloomeria -i- Amaryllidaceae (BULBS) BULBS Brassica (I) Brassicaceae LEAVES SEEDS, LEAVES Bromus (some I)-i- Poaceae SEEDS SEEDS Calamagrostis Poaceae SEEDS Calandrinia +* Portulacaceae SEEDS SEEDS, LEAVES Calochortus +* Lihaceae BULBS BULBS Calystegia +* Convolvulaceae stalks, leaves Camissonia +* Onagraceae SEEDS Carex + Cyperaceae roots, leaves Castilleja Scrophulariaceae (SEEDS) SEEDS CaucaUs Apiaceae roots Chaenactis +* Asteraceae SEEDS, leaves Chenopodium (some I) Chenopodiaceae SEEDS, LEAVES, roots SEEDS, LEAVES, roots Chlorogalum + Liliaceae LEAVES, roots, leaves ROOTS, LEAVES, roots, leaves Chorizanthe + Polygonaceae (whole plant) Cirsium Asteraceae STALKS, LEAVES STALKS, LEAVES Clarkia + Onagraceae SEEDS CoUinsia -i- Scrophulariaceae Conyza (I)-i- Asteraceae leaves leaves Croton Euphorbiaceae stems, leaves stems, leaves Cryptantha +* Boraginaceae (SEEDS) Cucurbita Cucurbitaceae fruit SEEDS, fruit Cyperus Cyperaceae SEEDS Datura Solanaceae roots, seeds, leaves roots, seeds, leaves Daucus -I-* Apiaceae (roots) ROOTS Delphinium + Ranunculaceae LEAVES, FLOWERS Dichelostemma -i- Amaryllidaceae BULBS BULBS Dodecatheon + Primulaceae ROOTS, LEAVES Elymus +* Poaceae stems SEEDS, stems Epilobium + Onagraceae (SEEDS) Eremocarpus Euphorbiaceae leaves VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 177

Table 1 (cont'd.)

Plant Parts Used by Plant Genus Family Chumash California Indians

Erigeron -i- Asteraceae roots Eriogonum + Polygonaceae stems STEMS, leaves, roots, stems Erodium (I) Geraniaceae (SEEDS, LEAVES) Erysimum + Brassicaceae Eschscholzia Papaveraceae LEAVES, FLOWERS, roots Festuca -i-* Poaceae Foeniculum (I) Apiaceae (STEMS) Fritillaria Lihaceae BULBS Galium + Rubiaceae seeds Gilia +* Polemoniaceae SEEDS Gnaphalium -i- Asteraceae leaves leaves GrindeUa Asteraceae whole plant LEAVES, STEMS Haplopappus + Asteraceae SEEDS, STEMS Helenium Asteraceae whole plant whole plant Helianthus Asteraceae SEEDS Hemizonia + Asteraceae SEEDS SEEDS Hesperocnide + Urticaceae Heterotheca Asteraceae (SEEDS) stems Hordeum (some I)+ Poaceae (SEEDS) SEEDS Hypochoeris (I)"*" Asteraceae LEAVES Juncus + Juncaceae stems SHOOTS, SEEDS, stems, leaves Lasthenia Asteraceae SEEDS, LEAVES Layia + Asteraceae SEEDS SEEDS Lepidium + Brassicaceae SEEDS SEEDS Linanthus -i- Polemoniaceae whole plant Linaria (some I)+ Scrophulariaceae Lomatium -i- Apiaceae ROOTS, roots LEAVES, STEMS, ROOTS, roots Lotus+* Fabaceae stems LEAVES Lupinus +* Fabaceae FRUIT, SEEDS LEAVES, FLOWERS, whole plant Madia + Asteraceae SEEDS Malacothrix -i-* Asteraceae Malva (I) Malvaceae SEEDS, LEAVES leaves Marah + Cucurbitaceae (LEAVES), seeds SEEDS, roots, seeds Marrubium (I) Labiatae leaves leaves Matricaria Asteraceae leaves leaves Melica Poaceae Mimulus-1- Scrophulariaceae LEAVES, whole plant Mirabilis Nyctaginaceae leaves Monardella Labiatae LEAVES, STEMS, leaves, flowers Montia + Portulacaceae LEAVES, SEEDS STEMS, LEAVES, flowers Muhlenbergia +* Poaceae stalks stalks Navarretia + Polemoniaceae whole plant Nicotiana + Solanaceae leaves leaves Oenothera + Onagraceae LEAVES Opuntia^ (+) Cactaceae STEMS, FRUIT STEMS, FRUIT Orthocarpus Scrophulariaceae Oryzopsis (I) Poaceae SEEDS Oxalis (some I) Oxahdaceae leaves 178 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 1 (cont'd.)

Plant Parts Used by Plant Genus Family Chumash California Indians Paeonia +* Paeoniaceae roots roots, seeds Penstemon -i- Scrophulariaceae roots, stems, leaves Perezia +* Asteraceae leaves leaves Phacelia +* Hydrophyllaceae (LEAVES)^ leaves Plagiobothrys + Boraginaceae SHOOTS, FLOWERS Plantago (some 1) Plantaginaceae leaves Platystemon -i- Ranunculaceae LEAVES Poa + Poaceae SEEDS Polypogon (some I) Poaceae Pteridium Pteridiaceae whole plant SHOOTS, roots Ranunculus + Ranunculaceae SEEDS Raphanus (I) Brassicaceae (SEEDS, LEAVES) Rumex (some I) Polygonaceae LEAVES, SEEDS, STEMS, roots LEAVES, SEEDS, roots Salvia + Labiatae SEEDS, (SHOOTS), leaves SEEDS, leaves Sanicula + Apiaceae LEAVES, roots Scrophularia Scrophulariaceae leaves leaves Senecio + Asteraceae (SEEDS) Sidalcea + Malvaceae PART UNSPECIFIED Silene -i-* CaryophyUaceae part unspecified Sisymbrium (I) Brassicaceae LEAVES Sisyrinchium Iridaceae Sohdago Asteraceae leaves leaves Sonchus (I) Asteraceae LEAVES Stellaria + CaryophyUaceae (LEAVES) Stipa + Poaceae (SEEDS) Thysanocarpus + Brassicaceae SEEDS Trifolium + Fabaceae LEAVES, SEEDS LEAVES, SEEDS Urtica Urticaceae stems LEAVES, stems Xanthium Asteraceae LEAVES, leaves Zigadenus -i- LUiaceae leaves leaves

(I) introduced (non-native) plant + plants that occur after fire (one or more species) * plants that are most abundant after fire (one or more species) Food uses of plants are listed in capital letters, non-food uses in lowercase letters. Information that is not certain is enclosed in parentheses

Sources: Smith 1976; Heizer and Elsasser 1980; Sweeney 1956; Clifton Smith, personal communication 1983; Mary Junak, personal communication 1982; Harrington n.d.

^Opuntia is thought to regenerate after fire (L. Benson 1969:168-170). Phacelia leaves reported by Curtis (1959:141) as having been eaten raw, but this seems unlikely as they cause severe dermatitis in some persons.

a lesser degree. cies as weh, were eaten by the Chumash in Green shoots and leaves of clover (Trifoli­ historic times. It is questionable whether um spp.), miner's lettuce (Montia perfoliata), these ever formed a significant portion of the pigweed (Amaranthus spp.), and goosefoot diet, and as a seasonal food consumed in smaU (Chenopodium spp.), and probably other spe­ amounts, greens were probably more import- VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 79 ant for enjoyment than for actual calories or It has been stated that hghtning was a far vitamin content. more important cause of fire in prehistoric Another plant type of great importance to Cahfornia than humans were; that Cahfornia the Chumash, although not mentioned specifi­ Indians lacked both the labor force and the cahy in the ethnohistoric accounts of grass­ technological skihs necessary to do the physi­ land burning, is that which forms under­ cal job of burning large tracts of vegetation in ground bulbs or corms. Several members of a systematic or purposeful manner; and that the lily and amarylhs families produce such like ah early peoples they regarded fire with a bulbs and are often seen in great profusion in mixture of fear, reverence, and awe (Burcham savanna and chaparral the spring after a fire. 1974: 106, 111). The evidence presented in This is in part a matter of increased sahence this paper clearly shows that these statements when surrounding vegetative cover has been do not apply to the Chumash Indians and burned off, but the bulbs also sprout more coastal grasslands within their territory. The vigorously and more of them flower the first documents quoted also answer questions year after a fire (Keeley etal. 1981: 1615). about the reasons fires were set, address Because seedlings of these plants thrive in the criticisms that insufficient use has been made more open post-fire vegetation, regular burn­ of pre-20th-century accounts to assess the ing over a period of time would probably impact of aboriginal burning in California, favor bulb-forming species (J. Sauer, personal and counter statements that fire suppression communication 1983). Two such species, is exclusively a 20th-century pohcy. brodiaea (Dichelostemma pulchellum) and Some have argued that the Chumash did mariposa hly (Calochortus spp., especiahy C not deliberately burn chaparral (e.g.. Home catalinae), were harvested in huge quantities 1981: 111-123). The ethnohistoric docu­ by the Chumash and many other California ments quoted here should not be interpreted Indian groups (Harrington n.d.). Increased as conflicting with Home's argument. We bulb production would be a beneficial side beheve that grass fires could have readily effect of fires set for other purposes rather spread into chaparral and had significant than an immediate goal in itself, since it effects on the density and boundaries of that would be a gradual, long-term development. community, at least on the coastal side of the Certain other plants used for purposes Santa Ynez Mountains. However, no evidence other than food are also encouraged by fire. has been found to indicate that the Indians Some are medicinal; others are basketmaking actually set fires in the chaparral itself. We or constmction material. Since the ethnohis­ cannot say for certain whether anthropogenic toric accounts emphasize burning in connec­ fires affected chaparral in interior Chumash tion with food species, these other plants wiU territory; this may have been the case if not be discussed in this paper, but they are inland valley grasslands and savannas were included in the hst of grassland plants in also burned, and ArriUaga's proclamation indi­ Table 1. cates they might have been. But regular burning may have had more significant effects DISCUSSION on the distribution of coastal sage scrub than Contrasting views of the effects and fre­ on chaparral (Richard Minnich, personal com­ quency of fires before and after European munication 1983). arrival have been put forth in the hterature. Charcoal deposits in the Santa Barbara Some of the major points merit discussion Channel have been interpreted to show that here. fires were less frequent prehistorically, or at 180 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY least that there was less net buming per unit after fires, if they were burned often enough area, per unit time (Byrne et al. 1977: 366). they might be thinned out and eventuahy These data are stih being analyzed. We suggest killed. While destructiveness of any one fire that even if precipitation and wind deposited would depend on temperature and humidity burned material in the sea in a regular, conditions, a long regime of regular burnmg predictable pattern after every fire, grassland could increase the spacings between shmbs- burning would not produce enough ash and areas that are normally occupied by herbs and charcoal to be visible in the varved cores from grasses (Sweeney 1968: 118; Hanes 1977: the Santa Barbara Channel floor. Other recent 433; Heady 1977: 501). Eventually, then, the research has shown that fhes were probably shrubs would die out and the vegetation type more frequent but smaller before suppression in any one spot would be completely modi­ pohcies were enacted in the last century fied. Fire is widely used as a means of (Minnich 1983). That grassland fires were maintaining grass dominance in environments frequent and widespread in early historic where in its absence woody vegetation would times is indicated by the explorers' comments overwhelm grass; woody species that do not about burned fields and by the necessity of a sprout from their roots can be either elimi­ proclamation by the governor and military nated or reduced to a thin stand of smah enforcement to stop the Indians from "firing individuals by repeated burning (Sampson the pastures." We suspect that the practice 1944; Daubenmire 1968: 248; Heady 1977: was one of some antiquity, but further 501). This process would be more likely to archaeological investigation is needed to dem­ occur in coastal sage scrub than in chaparral onstrate this. Close observation of the effects (Richard Minnich, personal communication of escaped campfires may have led the Chu­ 1983). mash to experiment with dehberate burning Decreased fire frequency should ahow of grasslands. seeds normahy brought in from adjacent The increase in extent and density of shrub communities by animals or by natural chaparral since European colonization of dispersal mechanisms a chance to grow and southern California has been noted by many shade out grasses and herbs (Sauer 1952: 17; authors, and two contradictory sorts of expla­ Sweeney 1956: 171). The result should then nations of this observed phenomenon have be recolonization, or "secondary succession" been offered. On the one hand it is said to be (Burcham 1957: 220), of areas that had been the result of more frequent fires in recent maintained as grassland by burning, but that times (Burcham 1974: 219-220), and on the were actuahy better suited to chaparral or other as the result of fhe suppression (C. coastal sage scmb in terms of their soils and Sauer 1952: 17; Lewis 1973; Aschmann topography. 1976: 41; Stewart 1951: 318; Minnich 1983). Perhaps future analysis of charcoal and In the botanical hterature, the debate still pohen deposits in sloughs and marshes along rages over the successional status of chaparral the Santa Barbara coast will provide more and its relation to coastal sage scrub and information about the relative abundance of grassland after fire (Hanes 1977: 447; Moon­ plant species and communities in prehistoric ey 1977: 476-478; Axelrod 1978: 1119, times. 1127). The ethnohistoric evidence shows that The evidence presented here strongly sug­ fires were more frequent in Mission and gests that the Chumash understood the con­ pre-Mission times, at least in grasslands. It can nection between fire and the growth of be argued that although some shmbs sprout certain useful plants, and that their principal VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 181

reason for setting fires was to encourage the land-chaparral ecotones where shrubs and growth of seed plants, bulbs, and green shoots herbs sprouting after fires provide succulent for human consumprion. Of these food re­ browse for the animals (Wu-tz 1974: 17; Beh sources, seeds were most important in Chu­ 1974; Lewis 1973: 28), and also provide both mash diet because of the quantities that could camouflage and ease of movement for the be obtained and because they could be stored hunter. for long periods of time. It is our opinion that the Chumash could have obtained the large CONCLUSIONS quantities of chia and red maids seeds found Increased plant food yield and improved as burial accompaniments and reported in the hunting were probably both seen by the ethnographic hterature only by burning the Chumash as good reasons for buming vegeta­ coastal grassland and savanna. tion. Both involve the significant process of Fires were set m late summer after seeds performing an activity at one point in time in were collected, but probably no attempt was order to obtain desired results at another made to burn the entire coastal plain every point in the future, some months or a year year. In fact, it might not be possible to burn away. That the Chumash regularly engaged in such a large area so often. Fires require a long-term time reckoning and advance plan­ certam amount of fuel for their spread; plant ning is shown by their development of a growth, and therefore fuel build-up, is related calendar system based on astronomical obser­ to rainfall. Fires in grassland and coastal sage vations keyed to cycles of earth and sky scrub are at present larger after wet winters, (Hudson and Underhay 1978). As mentioned but are more hkely to spread mto chaparral above, the Chumash could have developed the after dry winters (Minnich 1983: 1291). idea of burning to increase plant and animal Crespf s description of grass bumed in some resources from observing the effects of es­ places and not in others supports the idea that caped fires near their settlements. It is argu­ some patches were burned one year, others able that, for the Chumash at least. Bean and the next. This would ahow enough time for Lawton's hypotheses about the rise of cultur­ dry fuel to accumulate and support a fire, so al complexity in aboriginal California can be that the optimal burning of each patch every taken one step farther: burning was not an few years was probably achieved. "energy extraction process" in the sense of The ethnohistoric evidence is less clear on exploiting something that already existed, but the acquisition of animal foods as a motive truly a food production technique more for setting fires among the Chumash. If the efficient than agriculture in this ecological coastal Chumash were using fire in game setting. Indians were allowed to continue drives—and it is not certain that they were—it gathering wild seeds in Mission times because was most likely for hunting small animals agriculture could not support the neophyte such as rabbits or rodents, which are abun­ population (Coombs and Plog 1974). dant in grassland (Burcham 1957: 189). Deer The probable effects of regular burning on do not aggregate in herds suitable for hunting the vegetation of coastal Chumash territory with fire, but the Chumash would surely have over a long period of time have significant taken advantage of any opportunity to hunt imphcations for attempts at reconstmction of deer and smaher game attracted by increased the aboriginal envhonment, both here and green forage resulting from fires. The usual elsewhere. The grassland and savanna which methods of bow hunting with the aid of deer dominated the landscape of the Santa Barbara disguises would be most appropriate in grass­ plains and foothills when the Spanish explor- 182 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

ers first arrived have now been replaced by "natural" vegetation (Stewart 1951: 319;Day coastal sage scrub as weh as much non-native 1953; Sauer 1952: 12; Daubenmire 1968: vegetation, and chaparral has apparently 211), and that the general effect of their use mcreased its density and extent, since grass­ of fhe was to replace forests with grasslands land burning has been suppressed for nearly (Pyne 1982: 69; Sauer 1950). The practice of 200 years. A similar situation may have vegetation burning by the Chumash should be prevailed in the Santa Maria and Santa Ynez added to the hst of important ecological valleys as well, although specific data are factors in southern California. lacking for these interior grasslands. On the other hand, in some places—for example the ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS San Gabriel River to the south—very thick We thank the following people for provid­ vegetation was described by Crespi in the ing information and for commenting on the same areas where chaparral is found today manuscript (and hope that they wih not be (Burcham 1957: 94). Pollen records indicate held responsible for any errors in interpreta­ that chaparral and coastal sage scmb have tion we may have made): Fr. Virgiho Biasiol, only dominated the local landscape for the David Brokensha, Alan K. Brown, Frank last 2300 years, having succeeded coniferous Davis, Wayne R. Ferren, Ray Ford, Richard I forest and oak woodland; this trend may have Ford, Michael Glassow, John W. Johnson, been related to human activities as weh as to Mary Junak, Chester King, Harry Lawton, climate changes (Heusser 1978: 673; Schles- Richard A. Minnich, Karen Osland, Jonathan inger etal. 1982: 76). The point is that Sauer, Chfton Smith, Phillip Walker, and archaeologists and others should be very Richard S. Whitehead. cautious in assuming that plant resources available to the inhabitants of any site hun­ NOTES dreds or thousands of years ago were the same 1. "... clumps of very tall, broad grass ... so tall as those found in the same area today. that it topped us on horseback by a yard" surely Vegetation burning by hunter-gatherers refers to giant wild rye, Elymus condensatus. The grasses described as "very fine" are unidentified, but was a widespread practice in many parts of could be Stipa pulchra. Saltgrass, Distichlis spicata, is the world, from Europe to Australia (Sauer reported for the Guadalupe Dunes. Effects of burning 1952; Stewart 1951, 1956; Lewis 1973; may have differed with grass species and habitat Gould 1980: 81-82; Pyne 1982: 66fL). In the involved (Frank Davis, personal communication midwestern United States, tall-grass prairies 1983). were maintained by natural fires or those set 2. Identifications of the wildflowers Hsted by by Indians, and with fire suppression by Crespf are difficult because he apphed the names of common Spanish garden plants to unfamiliar plants settlers and increased grazing the prairies were he found growing in California (Alan Brown, personal later colonized by trees (Stewart 1951). The communication 1983). The authors have discussed pampa of Argentina is also thought to have the matter with Dr. Brown, who translated the been a culturally-induced vegetation type passage, and feel the following identifications are (Schmeider 1927). probably the best: It has been said that the extensive records "yellow violets or gillyflowers"-Fzb/a peduncu- lata, although "giUyflower" (Spanish "aleli") of Indians setting fire to fields and forests may refer to Dianthus. throughout North America should make it "larkspur"-possibly Delphinium, but more likely apparent that this activity was an important Lupinus. ecological factor in the development and "poppies"-Spanish "cardosanto" refers to prickly maintenance of many types of so-cahed poppy, Argemone, in Mexico. That plant would VEGETATION BURNING BY THE CHUMASH 183

not be found near Point Arguello, so Crespf Bancroft, Hubert H. may have been trying to describe California 1886 History of California, Vol. I. 1542-1800. San poppy (Eschscholzia californica). But the two Francisco: The History Company. species are not similar in appearance, and the Barrett, S. A., and E. W. Gifford senior author feels Spanish "cardo," thistle, 1933 Miwok Material Culture. Bulletin of the may have referred to Cirsium brevistylum, Milwaukee Public Museum II (4). which is common in the area Crespi' visited (Smith 1976: 282). Bean, Loweh J., and Harry W. Lawton "sage"-probably chia (Salvia columbariae) rather 1973 Some Explanations for the Rise of Cultural than any of the woody species, since "not a Complexity in Native Cahfornia, with Com­ bush" was seen. ments on Agriculture and Protoagriculture. In: Patterns of Indian Burning in California: 3. "chamiso" can mean just brush in general, or a Ecology and Ethnohistory, by Henry T. particular shrub species, Adenostoma fasciculatum. Lewis, pp. v-xlvii. Ramona: Ballena Press This plant does not grow near Mt. Pinos, so Maria Anthropological Papers No. 1. probably meant just bushy vegetation or perhaps basin sagebrush (Artemisia tridentata). Bell, Margaret M. 1974 Chaparral Fuel Modification and Wildlife. 4. The identification of qutas as chia in the text In: Symposium on Living with Chaparral, (Blackburn 1975: 207) is incorrect since many Proceedings, Murray Rosenthal, ed., consultants refer to chia and khutash. The Barbareiio pp. 167-172. San Francisco: Sierra Club. Chumash word for chia is 'ilepesh (Harrington n.d.). Benson, Arlene S. 5. Mary Junak (Santa Barbara Botanic Garden), 1982 The Noontide Sun: The Fieldnotes and Wayne Ferren (University of California, Santa Bar­ Unpubhshed Manuscripts of the Rev. Steph­ bara, Herbarium), Clifton Smith (Santa Barbara Muse­ en Bowers. Master's thesis, California State um of Natural History). University, Northridge. REFERENCES Benson, Lyman 1969 The Native Cacti of California. Stanford: Abbott, C. C. Stanford University Press. 1879 Mortars and Pestles. Report of the United Bisweh, H. H. States Geographical Surveys West of the 1967 The Use of Fire in Wildland Management in 100th Meridian, Vol. VII: 70-92. Washing­ California. In: Natural Resources: Quality ton: United States Government Printing and Quantity, S. V. Ciriacy-Wantrup and Office. J.J. Parsons, eds., pp. 71-86. Berkeley: Anderson, Eugene N., Jr. University of California Press. 1978 A Revised, Annotated Bibhography of the Blackburn, Thomas C. Chumash and Their Predecessors. Socorro: 1975 December's Child: A Book of Chumash Oral Ballena Press Anthropological Papers No. 11. Narratives. Berkeley: University of CaHfor­ Aschmann, Homer nia Press. 1959 The Evolution of a Wild Landscape and its Bolton, Herbert E., ed., tr. Persistence in Southern California. Annals, 1926 Historical Memoirs of New California, by Association of American Geographers 48(3); Francisco Palou. Berkeley: University of 250-251. California Press. 1976 Man's Impact on the Southern California Brown, Alan K. Flora. Symposium Proceedings: Plant Com­ n.d. Unpublished Translation of Portions of Cres­ munities of Southern California, June Lat- pi's Journals. On file at Santa Barbara ting, ed., pp. 4048. California Native Plant Mission Archive Library, Reference Files Society Special Publication No. 2. MS. 720, Axelrod, D. I. 1965 The Various Journals of Juan Crespi'. The 1978 The Origin of Coastal Sage Vegetation, Alta Americans 21(4):375-398. and Baja California. American Journal of 1967 The Aboriginal Population of the Santa Botany 65:1117-1131. Barbara Channel. Berkeley: University of 184 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

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