Royal Naval Division. Antwerp, Gallipoli & Western Front. 1914 - 1918. Copyright© Leonard Sellers, 2000.

ISSN. 1368-499X

The picture on the frontcover shows the members ofthe 1•t Gallipoli R.N.D. Readers Tour in May 2000. Taken at the ruins ofthe White House which was captured by the Hood Battalion on 61h May 1915. Please see a photograph taken on this day in R.N.D. issue 11, page 995.

The tour photograph was taken by Lieutenant General Sir Robin Ross, Royal Marines. Chairman of the Royal Naval Division Memorial Committee. I would like to thank him forallowing me to reproduce it in this issue ofthe R.N.D.

From Leftto Right :-

1) Kieran Hegarty, ofAshingdon, Essex, joint tour leader and Gallipoli historian. 2) Major General Nicolas Vaux, CB DSO. fromDevon. Commanding Officer of 42 Commando in the Falklands War. 3) Bob Thompson ofDunkerton near Bath. His fatherJames Thompson of the Plymouth Battalion R.M.L.I. landed at 'Y' Beach on the 25th April 1915. Please see article in R.N.D. issue 5 pages 319 - 337. 4) Erol Baycan, owner of the Pansiyon Relles Panorama, where the party stayed. He was the formerGallipoli head gardener forthe Commonwealth War Graves Commission. A post held by Erol's father and now his son. It is due in no small measure to their hard and dedicated work that the cemeteries are so beautifullykept and the standard maintained. 5) Len Sellers, ofLeigh-on-Sea, Essex, joint tour leader and editor of the R.N.D. Great Uncle Albert John Walls, stoker l st class, Hood Battalion was killed by a sniper on 18th July 1915. He has no know grave and his name appears on the Relles Memorial. See front cover ofindex for issues 1 to 8 incl forphotograph and service details. 6) Erdal Gurel, owner ofthe land on which the ruins of the White and Brown Houses are situated. He was a former Colonel in the Turkish Army. 7) Nigel Cave, (cap) ofSurrey, the series editor ofLeo Cooper/Pen & Sword Battleground Europe Series. 8) AileenThompson wife of Bob. Granddaughter of Cpl. Francis William Matthews, Portsmouth Battalion R.M.L.I. who landed at Anzac Cove on 28th April 1915. He was killed and his body never found and therefore his name appears also on the Relles Memorial. Please see R.N.D. issue 9 foran article on the subject pages 825/ 832. 9) John Galloway ofWarrington. Interested in David Galloway who became 2nct in command of the Nelson Battalion, who served at Gallipoli and on the Western Front. 10) Colonel Terry Cave CBE ofWorthing. In charge ofthe book reviews forthe Naval & Military Press. 11) Steve Chambers of Horsham. His subject is the Armoured Cars of the RNACD. See his article in R.N.D. issue 4, pages 295/310. 12) Christine Smith ofEastbourne, helps her husband in the study ofRoyal Naval Division's Eastbourne men. 13) Tony Smith, has extensive knowledge ofthe Sussex Division, which recruited many for the R.N.D.

The R.N.D. is produced and designed at Honeysuckle House, 17 A Bellhouse Road, Eastwood, Leigh-on-Sea, Essex. SS9 5NL. (Telephone 01 702 521550) E Mail [email protected] 'COLD FEET'

By Lieutenant A.P. Herbert., Hawke Bn.

WHEN in the Mess we chatter round the dock, And bold young blades some idle talk repeat With obvious relish but an air of shock, That Smith or somebody 'has got cold feet.' I wonder what exactly is This pest of the extremities, And whether mine, perhaps, like his, Are not the proper heat.

For if it means the fellowshrinks from shells And little loves to see his comrades bleed, Has learnedtoo well the way a dead man smells, And in what pasturage the green fliesfeed. Or that he feelshe'd like to cry When tons of lead go tumbling by, And, frankly, does not want to die - My feet are cold indeed.

And if it means he does not like the dark, When tired men slumber and the trench is stilled, When it is his to pace, and peep, and hark, And he has time to think of being killed. Of tanged wire that tears and twines, Of mangling bombs and leaping mines, Of gettingleft between the lines, My feet are fairlychi lled.

1249. Or ifhe has no taste forsleeping out, For lice and maggots in his bed begot, For bucket-washes, and the gnawing doubt Ifdinner will occur to-day, or not, But loves a life of ordered ease, Not dust, not digging, not disease, Not sunstruck eyes and palsied knees, My feet are far fromhot.

Or if it means that blood is in his dreams, And shattered jaws and heads precisely holed, And quiet midnight's shot with sudden screams, And snatched Field Dressings, ne'er to be un- rolled, Or that at times he wakes in tears With 'Stretcher-Bearers ! in his ears, And knows those stretchers will be biers, - Ah me, my feet are cold.

But if it means he does not in his soul, Whatever filthiness the fight may send, Whate'er the torment and whate'er the toll, Long to go back and be beside his friend, But, knowing all, would lieferlurk In some softspecious Barrack work, Than see it out with Johnny Turk, - My feet do not offend.

Lieutenant A.P. Herbert.

* * * * *

Published in 'HalfHours at Relles.' By B.H. Blackwell, Broad Street. 1916.

I would like to thank A.P.Watt on behalf ofCrystal Gale & Jocelyn Herbert for permission to reproduce this poem.

1250. ORDINARY SEAMAN - 3317. R.N.V.R. LONDON. H. MELLANBY. B Company. COLLINGWOOD BATTALION.

Interneeringsdepot. Groningen. Holland. April 18 1h I will now tell you what we really did in Belgium. The first we heard about going away from Deal was early on Sunday morning, Oct. 4 We were roused up at 5 a.m. and told that we 1h were going to march to Dover at 12.0, so we. packed our kit-bags and left them in a big heap near the gates for vans to take them to Dover. We started offat 12.0 with nearly everybody in Walmer and Deal cheering us, and after a jolly hot march got to Dover at 2.30. I had to carry Dunkley's rifleas well as my own, as he was on leave and was going to come down by train to Dover.

We spent aH the afternoonand evening on the Admiralty Pier, and it was the biggest crowd of troops I had ever seen up till then. Some of us got nothing to eat, but I was lucky as a stoker friend of mine had a pal aboard a destroyer which was alongside and he took us aboard and gave us a jolly good meal. After that we spent a fewmore hours on the pier and about 9.30 p.m. the C.P.R, liner Mount Temple came alongside and we went aboard. Having just been used for transporting horses and ofcourse crowded with about 6,000 ofus, she surely contained about the biggest crowd that ever put to sea in one ship !

About 2 am we started, together with the Montrose and another ship, all making a coursefor Dunkirk. It was a calm morning and I was much surprisedto see how badly our escort of destroyersbehaved in such calm weather and at such a low speed; they rolled tremendously, with decks awash. They kept very close alongside all the way.

About 9 a.m. we arrived offDunkirk, a place which looks as tmlike a sea-port as you can well imagine. There is a very flat beach, with a narrow little stream coming out, just like a big dock entrance, and when you are inside it is only about as big as the Victoria and Albert Dock. However, we had to wait outside until about 11 am. And did not get ashore till 2 p.m. All that afternoonwe spent on the quayside, eating as much cornedbeef as we could.

1251. At last about 7 o'clock we were told that we were going to leave by train for Antwerp at once. We started with loaded rifles and all went well until we got to Ghent, where we found the bottom of our carriage was on fire, so we had to change into a 1 s1, which was jolly lucky for us.

We reached Antwerp just as it was getting light and in heavy rain marched out to the suburb ofBerchem, where we sheltered in some huge houses, perfectpalaces in fact,which we were told had been abandoned by German merchants. I and a few others were put on sentry duty, after having beentold that the situation ofthe outer line of fortswas desperate, and that we might be wanted in the firing-lineat any minute. It was on a main road which was crowded with carts fullof wounded, and with Belgian StaffOfficers tearing up and down in motor cars.Ab out 11 am we were told we were urgently required. We marched along the road to Lierre for about four miles, the noise and confusiongetting worse all the way. The indifference ofthe crowds of civilians wasastounding; cafes were all open and doing good business too, and there were actually barrel-organs playing in the streets !

At last we got to Lierre and halted there. Winston Churchill, with a very white faceand a filthy dirty uniform, and King Albert, whom we did not then recognise, were there having a consultation with the Belgian Staff. I and a fewothers were told offto fetchmore ammunition from a railway goods-yard, and afterabout an hour we got to know in a roundabout sort of way that it was too late for us to do any good andthat we and the Belgians were going to retire to the inner line of forts. The fortswere keeping up a strong fireand the noise was tremendous. After3 p.m. we started to march back and spent the rest of the afternoonand evening in a quiet row oftrenches in the inner line.

At dusk we went up to and a little beyond Lierre and had supper in the road there. They brought up our kit-bags in motor buses, goodness knows why; it was a mad thing to do as we were then the advance line of the defence. We lay down in the road which ranthrough a big wood, with the Belgian and German heavy guns having a duel far over our heads, until about 4 am. I have never been so cold in all my life. We only had oilies, no overcoats, and as we had got very hot in them the day before, it waslike sleeping in a cold bath. Some of them couldn't stand they were so cold when we were told to fallin, and none ofus could speak properly.

At daybreak we marched back to another partof the inner line oftrenches between Forts 3 and 4 (Berchem). All that day, which was fineand warm, we spent improving the trenches and making a bombproof shelter. Young and I got a bit of bread and butter at a little farm behind the lines. About mid-day a Belgian 6 inch field gun opened fireover our heads and the people in the little farm were told to clear out. Afterthe gun had been firing steadily for about an hour, an enemy aeroplane came over and dropped smoke balls right over the gun at a height of 5, OOO feet, according to our gunnery experts. (We have some ofthe best gunnery men in the Navy here; nearly all the instructors ofthe Whale Island School are in the 1 Brigade; it is a shocking waste.) We were told to get under cover afterthat aswe expectedst the German big guns to open fire, of course. However, nothing happened, so after an hour or so we came out again and spent the rest of the day digging trenches. They had clearedthe ground for about a mile in frontofus and we had a good fieldfor rifle fireacross to the wood.

1252. Just after dusk the alarm was given and the forts together with the guns, two of them by this time, behind us, and the whole of the trenches for about a mile each side opened fireon the wood, where the enemy were said to be massing for an attack. Whether they were or not I cannot say, I never saw any, but I wish they had come on as they would never have got over our wire entanglements, which were both mined and electrified.The noise was terrific, all fromour side, of course; there was no reply, though I did hear a few bullets knocking about but nobody was hurt. Our chiefdanger was fromthe two guns just behind us, as they kept on firing just over our heads and every now andthen lumps ofshrapnel hit the trench, luckily between us. The Sergeant of Marines, in charge ofour platoon, a finefellow called Beautyman, now a prisoner in Germany, remarked "That "Blankety" gun will be blowing us all to ... in a minute!"

It was very uncomfortable firingaway at the wood in front and expecting to get shot from behind at any minute. It was the first time most ofus had ever fireda riflebut we got some practice that night, I can assure you. The markmanship was not brilliant!

About the middle of the night some one noticed a white thing moving about half-way between us and the wood and the order was given forthe Collingwoods to fireat it. We did so; there were about 1,000 ofus and we fired about 200 shots apiece. Towards dawn the firing gradually died away and we saw our object, an old white cow, still calmly grazing away !

As soon as it was light enough we started digging, but as we had had no foodand practically no sleep for48 hours, none ofus felt particularly energetic. However, we carried on digging until about 9 am, when Colonel Maxwell, a cousin of Winston's, in command of the Collingwoods, came up and told us to buck up as the enemy might open fire at any moment. He was right; they opened fireat about 9.30 with a salvo fromseveral guns, which killed him, a number of A Company and also about 200 Belgians who were standing in a group near the little farmpreparing to go into Fort 4 on the right. We were ordered to get under cover and remained there all the morning, the bombardment continuingall the time. The big shells could be heard howling through the air long before they reached us and the shock when they burst was terrific. Our faces were all bright yellow fromthe fumes and it looked awfully funny.

About 12 o'clock we got the order to retire, as A. Company which had got the worst ofthe attack, was in a bad state, their trenches all falJen in and a lot killed and wounded. However, we had only retired a fewhundred yards when we were told to go back again. We spent all the afternoon and evening watching the firing, which was now directed on Fort 4 only, but of course could make no reply.

At dusk the guns ofFort 3 began to make a feeblereply, the firstshot the Belgians had made all day, but it was obvious to all that Antwerp was doomed. It was a very still evening and we could see the great columns of smoke from fireslit by various columns ofthe attack to show the German General how far they had advanced. It was obvious that we were being surrounded. Collingwood was the only battalion left now; the others had retired at mid-day. By this time the shells were mostly going high over our heads into the city, which was on fire in a lot of places. 1253. At about 9 pm we startedto retire again, and all went well until we got to a great open place like Wormwood Scrubs with a big airship shed in the middle. We had just got half-way across this when the German guns opened fire on us, and as there was no shelter, there was nothing for it but to walk straight on; we were much too tired to run, having had no foodfor two and a half days. I was walking besidePowell when a shell burst rather nearus and I fell down a great hole made by a shell and half stunned myself, as I have no recollection of the next mile or so which I must have walked forwe were then on the quayside by the river and Powell and a lot of others were missing. We were taken across the river in little steamers and after walking about 5 miles or so, lay down in a fieldfor a bit of sleep at about 4 o'clock in the morning, having walked 20 miles or so.

At 6 am we started on the road to St. Nicholas, which was crowded with refugees and soldiers, and kept on all day with one short stop where we got some scraps of raw meat. About 4 o'clock in the afternoonwe reached a 1ittle station called St. Gilles Waes, where after waiting an hour we got a train composed of open trucks crowded with refugees, who were trying,like ourselves, to reach Ostend.

We started at last and got about a mile down the line when we saw some enemy cavalry who promptly opened fire on us. The excitement by this time was fearful. The refugees, mostly woman and children, were all having fits and hysterics and the Belgian soldiers were nearlyas bad. There were no officerson the train and a freefight ensued as to what we should do; some were for trying to dash through and others were forgoing back to the station. I believe both the engine driver and the stoker got shot in the general brawl. At last an officer came running up and told us all to go back to the station so we did so and leftthe soldiers andrefugees to their fate. We were then told we were going to surrender to Holland and after another march of about 5 miles we crossed the border, a fewstragglers getting shot and captured on the way by the German cavalry.

Next morning we walked to Hulst and then trained to Temeuzen, where we got some very welcome grub.From there we crossedover by a little steamer to Flushing, and afterspending all Sunday afternoon in the railway station leftat 12 at night for Groningen, which we reached at 1 o'clock on Sunday afternoon.

Just exactly a week beforewe had marched through Dover with bands playing and flags flying and then here we found ourselves routed, nearly starved and prisoners. I would have told you all this beforebut I didn't think it would have passed the censor.

Reference:- This Letter is fromthe Department of Documentsat the Imperial War Museum, London. Ref : 96/5/1.

Note:- See also ADM137/1010 at Public Record Office,Kew. For listings of interned officers& men. MeUanby is shown as B Company on page 45.

Ack:- I would like to thank Anthony Richards the Archivist at the museum for his help. Also Commander J.M.Phillips OBE RN who is the copyright holder forhis permission, that allowed me to reproduce this interestingdocument.

1254. �j{1111?(6)11.

CASUALTIES OF THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION WITH NO KNOWN GRAVES*

Names appear on the Relles Memorial.

From the Database of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission.

th Freyberg, Sub Lieutenant, Oscar, CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 J1me 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Frost, Private, Alfred Ernest,PLY/14454. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.l. Died 8th May 1915.

Fulford, Private, George, P0/489 (S) Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Fuller, Leading Seaman, George Samual, Tyneside HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 6tl1 May 1915. Panel 8 to 15. 'ZJ597. Fulton, Able Seaman, John Clyde Z/2053. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4tl• June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Alexander Fulton. Panel 8 to 15.

Fulton, Second Lieutenant, Joseph Henry Coldbook. Portsmouth Bn. Royal Marines. Died 3r

Fyfe,Able Seaman, Andrew Clark, Clyde Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Gale, Private, George, PYM/175 (S) Plymouth7)791. Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3•

Gallacher, Able Seaman, Charles, Clyde Z/1878. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4tl• June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Gallagher, Able Seaman, Gordon Clarence, Mersey Drake Bn. R.N.V. R. Died glh May 1915. Age 19 years. Son of John & Elizabeth Gallagher, of 40, Errol St., St Michael's, Liverpool. Panel8 to 15. 'ZJ133. Gamblin, Lance Corporal, Walter Robert George, P0/15352. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.l. Died 61h May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Gardener, Stoker 151 Class, Frederick, 281742. (RFR/CH/B/2589) Howe Bn. Died 4th June1915. Age 38 years. Son of Henry and Mary Gardener; husbandof Rosa Elenor Gardener, of Rose Cottage, Crick, Chepstow, Mon. Panel 1 and 2.

Gardiner, Private, Alfred, CH/18703.Deal Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 7th August 1915. Age 19 years. Son of William and Esther Gardiner, of 13, MomnouthRd., East Ham, Essex. Panel 2 to 7.

Gardiner, Leading Seaman, William, SS/105233. (RFR/CH/B/8707) Hood Bn. Royal Navy. Died 6th May · 1915. Panel l and 2.

1255. Garnham, Lieutenant, Percy Claude, Nelson Bn. R..N.V.R. Died 3rd May 1915. Age 39 years. Son of the late J. B. and Mary Anne Garnham; husband of Edith Garnham, Of 65, Bethune Road, Stoke Newint:,rton, London. Panel 8 to 15.

Garrett, Private, Thomas William PLY/163(S) Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3rd May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Gleave, Able Seaman, Samual, KW/250. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Goldsmith� Private, Charles Nelson, CH/386 (S) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 30th April 1915. Panel 2 tO 7.

Gomm, Able Seaman, Harold Archibald. Bristol Z/586. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4111 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Goodall,Private, John Thomas, P0/183 (S) Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Goodenough,Private, Frederick Henry, P0/17593. DealBn. R.M.L.I. Died 261 June 1915. Age 18 years. Son of John and Sarah Ann Goodenough, of Albion House, Swallowfield, Reading.h Panel 2 to 7.

Goodenough,Private, Walter, PLY/11957. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 4th March 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Goodwin, Private, Albert Arthur, PLY?16896. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 25th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Goodwin,Able Seaman, Leonard, KX/124. NelsonBu. R.N.V.R. Died 13t1i July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Goodyear, Private, Arthur William, P0/548 (S) Portsmouth Bu. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Gordon, Able Seaman, Alexander, Clyde Z/2272. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Adam Gordon, of South View, Burnside, Fochabers, Morayshire. Panel 8 to 15.

Gordon, Private, Alfred Edwin, P0/398 (S). Portsmouth Bu. R.M.L.I. Died 24th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Gosling, Corporal, Stephen, CH/12875, (RMR/B/1082) Deal Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 19 May 1915. Panel 2 to 7. 1h Gourlay, Able Seaman, Alexander, Clyde Z/.329. NelsonBn. R.N.V.R. Died 6th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Gowers, Able Seaman, ArthurDiver. Tyneside Z/3711. Nelson Bu. R.N.V.R. Died 13di July 1915. Age 22 years. Son of John and Mary A. Gowers, of 88, Beaumont Road, North Ormesby, Middlesborough. Panel 8 to 15.

Graham, Able Seaman, Thomas Rickerby. Tyneside Z/2751. Howe Bu. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Gray, Leading Seaman, Alexander.Clyde 1/2631. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4t1i June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Mrs Alice Gray, of 75, MontpelierPark, Edinburgh, and of the late John Gray. Panel 8 to 15.

Gray, Able Seaman, Hugh. Clyde Z/122. Howe Bu. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Mr and Mrs William Gray, of 2, Scotstoun Place, Scotstoun, Glasgow. Panel 8 to 15.

Green, Able Seaman, Joseph, Clyde Z/64. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R Died 3rd May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Green, Private, William, CH/157 (S) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 1 st May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Greening, Able Seaman, WalterBenjamin. London Z/288. Nelson Bn. R.N. V. R. Died 3rd May 1915. Panel 8 to I 5.

1256. Greep, Leading Seaman, Frederick Thomas, 281626. Nelson Bn. Royal Navy. Died 3rd May 1915. Age 36 years. Son of William Henry and Mary Elizabeth Greep, ofSparkwell, Plympton, St. Mary, Devon. Husband of Ellen Greep, of5, Bingley Lands, Guiseley, Yorks. Panel 1 and 2.

Grey, Private, Walter, PLY/10556. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Grier, Leading Seaman, James, Clyde 3/1560. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 3rd May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Grieve, Able Seaman, Peter, Clyde 4/2305. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 19th May 1915. Son of George and Margaret Reid Grieve, of 18, Carmkhael St., Glasgow. Panel 8 to 15.

1 Griffiths, Private, Edward, P0/264 (S), Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 61 , May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Grinling, Lieutenant, Charles Stuart, Chatham Bu. Royal Marines. Died 3'11 May 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Edward and Charlotte Sophia Grinling, of St Catherine's, Grantham. Panel 2 to 7.

Gunn, Private, James Cunningham, P0/16142. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Gunni.ngham, Lance Corporal, Edwin, PLY/14651. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 26th April 1915. Age 25 years. Son ofMr S Gtmningham, of 155, Durston, Taunton, Somerset. Panel 2 to 7.

Gunther, Private, ErnestWilliam, CH/52 (S) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.1. Died 7th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Hackney, Petty Officer, Christopher Smith, Clyde Z/344. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 24th December 1915. Age 24 years. Son of Christina G.S. Hackney, of 79, King St., Dundee and the late Alexvnder Hackney. Panel 8 to 15.

Hague, Leading Seaman, Thomas, KP/755. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 25d1 April 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hair, Able Seaman (H.G.), Hugh, Clyde Z/2183. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hall, Private, Absolom, P0/400 (S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 23rd June 1915. Age 20 years. Son of Charles and Francis Hall, ofMoreton, Newport, Salop Panel 2 to 7.

t Hall, Private,Charles, PLY/16249. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 1 s September 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Hall, Able Seaman, James, KP/405. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 3'd May 1915. Age 28 years. Husband ofL.M. Jacques (formerlyHall), of19, BurcroftHill, Conisborough, Rotherham. Panel 8 to 15.

h Hall, Private, John Albert, PLY/588 (S) Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 281 May 1915. Age 29 years. Son of Samual Hall, of78, James St., Dearnley, Littleborough, Manchester. Panel 2 to 7.

Hall, Private, Thomas George. CH/15234. (RMR?A?618) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 7th June 1915. Age 41 years. Son of the late Joshua and Emma Hall. Twenty-one years service. Panel 2 to 7.

Hall, Private, William, P0/295/S. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Halman, Private, John, P0/304/S. Portsmouth Bu. R.M.L.I. Died 13th July 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Selina Halman, of 45, Hope St., Normanton, Yorks, and the late James Halman. His late fatherand his three brothers also served. Panel2 to 7.

Hannah, Able Seaman, Thomas, Tyneside Z/986. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4'h .Tlll1e1915. Age 25 years. Son ofGeorge and Mary Hannah, of 16, Shiney Row, Bedlington, Northumberland. Panel 8 to 15.

Harding, Private, ErnestGranville, P0/17220, Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

1257. Hardwick, Able Seaman, Charles, KP/472. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 25°1 April 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hardy, Able Seaman, David, KP/313. Drake Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6°1 May 1915. Age 23 years. Son of John and Sarah Hardy, of 112, Brink.burn St., Byker, Newcastle-on-Tyne. Panel 8 to 15 and Additional Panel.

Hardy, Able Seaman, Luke, Sussex Z/34. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 27 years. Son of Mark and Francis Hardy, of 10, Desmond Rd., Eastbourne.Panel 8 to 15.

Hargreaves, Private, James Thomas, PLY/16990. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Dies 22nd September 1915. Age 22 years. Son ofT. and Sarah A Hargreaves, of 52, Emperor St., Portwood, Stockport. Panel 2 to 7.

Harker, Able Seaman, Charles Thomas, KW/421. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 20 years. Son of William Henry Harker (late York and Lancaster Regt.), of 12, RadcliffeSt., Templeborough, Sheffield. Panel 8 to 15.

Harker, Able Seaman, Herbert John, KP/436. Drake Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 9th May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Harker, Private, John Henry, P0/428/S. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 24th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Harrington, Stoker 1"1 Class, James, 291735. (RFR/DEV /B/3723) Nelson Bn. Died 3rd May 1915. Panel 1 and 2.

Harris, Stoker l st Class, ReginaldCharles, SS/107523. (RFR/DEV/B/5274) Nelson Bn. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 1 & 2.

Harrison, Able Seaman, George, KX/436. Hood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Harrison, Able Seaman, James, Clyde Z/103. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Harrison, Private, Sydney, CH/149(S) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 7th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Hart, Sub-Lieutenant, John William, Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hart, Able Seaman, JohnWilliam, KX/303. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Harwood, Private, George William, CH/18748. Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 29°1 April 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Hastings, Able Seaman, John Arthur, KP/768. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Mrs Eliza Ellis, of2/2, Reginald St ., Pitsmoor, Sheffield. Panel 8 10 15.

Hatfield, Private,William, PLY/11731, Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3rd May 1915. Age 32 years. Son of Benjamin and Jane Hatfield. Panel 2 to 7.

Hawkins, Able Seaman, A.C. LON/9/2792. Drake Bn. R.N.V.R. Died gth May 1915. Panel 8 to 15 and Additional Panel.

Hay, Sapper, Richard John Edmund, Deal/l 124(S). Div. Engineers,Royal Marines. Died 19th June 1915. Age 24 years. Son ofRichard Hay, of Crook Mill, Cwmtillery; husband ofAnnie Steenton (formerly Hay), of 5, New Homes, Royal Lane, Abertillery.Panel 2 to 7.

Hayes, Lieutenant, Walter, Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4thJune 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Haynes, Able Seaman, Frank, KP/558. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4°1 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Haynes, Private, Leonard, CH/15054.Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

1258. Heaney, Leading Seaman, James, 299814, (RFR/DEV/5603) Howe Bn. Died 4th June 1915. Panel l and 2.

Heath, Lance Corporal, Richard, CH/7675. Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. 30tl' April 1915. Age 39 years. Husband ofMary Ann Heath, ofUpna Lodge, Upper Lodge, Upper Gladstone Rd., Deal. Panel 2 to 7.

1h Heathcote, Able Seaman, George, KP/759. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6 May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Heggie, Leading Seaman, Robert Gibson, Clyde 5/2386. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4tl, JW1e 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

1 Hemsley, Private, Frederick James, P0/17244. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6 h May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Henderson, Able Seaman, Victor, Tyneside Z/1101. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Henry, Able Seaman, John. London. Z/631. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Henry, Sub Lieutenant (Adjt), Willoughby John, Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 35 years. Son ofLlewellyn John and Emily May Henry, ofLygen-y-wern. Halkyn, Holywell, North Wales. Panel 8 to 15.

Hepburn, Stoker 2°d Class, John, DEV/SS/114672. Anson Bn. Died 3rd May 1915. Panel 1 and 2.

Herbert, Lance Sergeant, Anthony, P0/12614. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3"1 May 1915. Age 30 years. Son of William and Rebecca Herbert, of 33, Gilbey Road., Lower Tooting, London. Panel 2 to 7.

Heslop, Able Seaman, Joseph, KX/471. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 23 years. Son ofJohn Heslop, of5, Allendale Cottage, Dean Bank, Hamster Colliery, Co. Durham.Panel 8 to 15.

Hewson, Able Seaman, Arthur George, London Z/132. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hickling, Stoker l st Class, John, SS/106916. (RFR/DEV/B/4889) Nelson Bn. Died 13tl' July 1915. Age 28 years. Son ofThomas E. and ElizabethHickling, of 23, Howard St., Eccles New Road., Salford,Manchester. Panel l and 2.

Hide, Leading Seaman, Thomas Thompson, Sussex Z/32. Howe Rn. R.N. V.R. Died 4th JW1e1915. Age 33 years. Son ofWilliam and Emma Hide, of4, Taddington Rd., Eastbourne. Panel 8 to 15.

Higginbottom, Private, Samual, P0/746 (S) Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 22"d August 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

High, Able Seaman, James, Tyneside Z/1965. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4111 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hill, Stoker l stClass, George Edward, SS/107344. (RFR/CH/B/9756) HoodBn. Died 2°d May 1915. Panel 1 and 2.

Hill, Private, James, PLY/16973. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died l st May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Hill, Able Seaman, William, Tyneside Z/3443, Hood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 2°d May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hinchcliffe, Private, Frank, P0/738(S) Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3r

Hindbaugh, Able Seaman, Robert, Tyneside Z/220. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Age 18 years. Son ofMary E. Hindbaugh, of11, West St., Burnopfield, Co. Durham. Panel 8 to 15.

1259. Hindmarsh, Able Seaman, ThomasHenry, Tyneside Z/1991. Collingwood Bu. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hine, Able Seaman, Joseph, Tyneside Z/1845. CollingwoodBo. R.N.V.R. Died4 th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hipgrave, Able Seaman, Alfred Ernest,Sussex 5/258. Nelson Bo. R.N.V.R. Died 6th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Hirst, Private,Arthur, CH/12698.(RMRIB/1438) Chatham Bu. R.M.L.I. Died 7tli June 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Hiscock,Petty Officer, Ernest, 201112. (RFR/CH/B/4049) Nelson Bo. Died 13t1, July 1915. Panel 1 and 2.

Hitchcock, Stoker lst Class, Frank John, SS/105902. (RFR/CH/9033) HoodBo. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 1 and 2. 1h

Hitchen, Private,Samual, PLY/613(S) Plymouth Bo. R.M.L.I. Died 13th May 1915. Age 22. Son of Caroline Hitchen, of 15, StrawberryGardens, Royston, Barnsley. Panel 2 to 7.

Hobgen, Able Seaman, CF, London Z/752. Hawke Bo. R.N.V.R. Died 10t1• June 1915. Panel 8 to 15 and Additional Panel.

Hocknull, Able Seaman, John, KW/547. Drake Bo. R.N.V.R. Died 29th April 1915. Age 32 years. Son of Hannah Hocknull, of l 1, Lee St., Hill Top, West Bromwich, Staffs. Panel 8 to 15 and Additional Panel.

Hodge, Stoker l st Class, David, SS/101295. (RFR/CH/B/6718) Howe Bo. Died 4tll June 1915. Age 36 years. Son ofJames andElizabeth Yule Hodge, of King's Cross, Downfield, Dundee. Panel 1 and 2.

Holbrook, Able Seaman, Samual, Tyneside Z/878. Hawke Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 20tll June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Samual and Mary Ann Holbrook, of7, Musgrave Terrace, Washington Village, Co. Durham. Panel 8 to 15.

Holden, Private, Frank, PLY/699(S), Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.l. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Holland, Able Seaman, Peter, Tyneside Z/30. Nelson Bu. R.N.V.R. Died 6th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

111 Holland, Private, Samual, PLY/17699. Plymouth Bo. R.M.L.I. Died 4 November 1915. Age 18 years. Son ofGeorge Henry and Emma Holland, of 45, Ridling Lane, Hyde. Panel2 to 7.

Hollas, Able Seaman, William, London Z/1408. Hawke Bo. R.N.V.R. Die(!27 tl' December 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Williamand Alice Hollas, of11, SeafieldRoad, Lytham, Lanes. Panel 8 to 15.

Hollingsworth, Lance Corporal, Joseph, P0/89(S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Holmes, Private, John, CH/168(S), Chatham Bu. R.M.L.I. Died 29tll April 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Holmes, Able Seaman, Tom, KP/93, Anson Bo. R.N.V.R. Died 4tllJune 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Holmes, Private, William, CH/6899. (RMR/B/1102) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 29th April 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

rd Holroyd, Leading Seaman, Clement, DEV/J/4757. Anson Bo. R.N. Div. Royal Navy. Died 3 May 1915. Panel 1 and 2.

1260. LEADING SEAMAN. THOMAS MACMILLAN.

BRIGADE CLERI( to 189th BRIGADE.

Part 7. 1917 :- Blighty Leave, Roclincourt, rd Ypres Salient, The Battle of 3 Ypres (Passchendaele.)

BLIGHTY LEAVE:- After an uneventful journey I reached Glasgow and found my home much as it was on my previous leave. But the lot of my parents was decidedly harder on account of the increase in patriotic profiteering, but never a word of complaint escaped them. There had been a move to increase the rates of pay of citizen soldiers, but this, I was informed, died an unnatural death at the hands of Mr Bonar Law, who could not be persuaded to agree to more than the payment by the Government of the soldiers' contribution where allowances had been made to relatives and dependants. And this, despite the factof the unholy thieving which was carried on under his nose by "pillars of society".

The one bright spot regarding my leave was when I ran into Ginger Morton, who was enjoying his firstleave. Ginger in mufti was looking spick and span, but bore the expression of a bearwith the toothache. His joy at meeting me was very real and soon he confidedthe cause of his displeasure. It transpired that on the first morning of his leave, afterhaving breakfasted, he made straight for his favouritepub. The establishment was still flourishing, but the personnel knew not Ginger, so he "scoffed off' his glass and pint without hankering and set out fora strollround the town. As he emerged fromone of the principalrailway stations he was accosted by a fellowwho greeted him with "Hello Jack! don't you remember me?" Ginger had to confess that he didn't, whereupon the leech, chancing his arm, remarked that they had met in the Monkey House at Crystal Palace. "An' whit has happened to ye since then?" asked Ginger, becoming interested. "Oh, I developed tuberculosis and have been thrown on the streetswithout a pension or Parish assistance" was the reply. The rascal then proceeded to make an appeal for his wifeand five children who, he averred, were starving. Ginger melted and parted with a half-crown which he could ill afford.

1261. On returning for his mid-day meal my comrade-in-arms decided to do himself well, and as his "wee pub" was conveniently situated he dropped in and ordered another glass and pint. While waiting the arrival of the drink he observed three men at the bar with whopping tankards of beer in front of them. They would have escaped his notice had not one of them begun to relate the awfultimes he had experienced in Mesopotamia and how that, as a result, he had contracted tuberculosis. From the point where he developed tuberculosis, his tale was the same as he had spun Ginger. Without any warning, Ginger seized the tankard of beer and slashed the contents over the impostor. The two waiters behind the bar, believing it to be an unprovoked assault sprang at him while the sneak and his latest dupes cleared out. Two policemen arrived on the scene, finding Ginger triumphant, foolishly applied physical force. The policeman were being added to the casualty list when reinforcementsarrived and poor Ginger was frog-marched to the Central Police Station by four sturdy policemen with two following on in reserve.

On arrival at the"Central" he was interrogated by a wise inspector. In the course of his investigation the inspector learned that he was dealing with the son of one, Tam Morton, who on several occasions had gone to the assistance of policemen when sore beset by rowdies. Afterverifying these particulars, the inspector housed Ginger very comfortably for the night and set him freein the morning. When I met my friend, his consuming desire was to find the "pasty Faced Gett" who had spoiled hisleave, and no one was more pleased than I that Ginger did not findhim.

On moving about I could not fail to notice that most people were taking the war very seriously. Discounting adolescents and the perverts who were amassing "blood" money, every face I scanned bore a serious expression. People who, earlier on, had talked glibly about the biological necessity of the war, were shocked when I told them that the god of war loved burnt offerings of A. l. and not C.3. men as they had imagined: while others were silenced for all time when the Angel of Death broke into their little circle and their son or son's son was foundto be numbered with the slain.

My second leave was not a happy one, and with a mind distraught I humped on my gear, liftedmy rifle, took leave of my folks, and journeyed to the tramcar alone to join the train for London. My pack made it impossible to have a comfortable seat, and the glances of the woman about me made me desire a speedy end to the journey. A young-old lady talked quietly in my ear about the passing of her son, and expressed the fervent wish that God would spare me. All I could say to ease her sorrow was, that wherever her son lay, he could not have wished for better company.

When I reached the station it was with difficulty that I managed to worm my way through a large crowd who were seeing the first batches of the conscripted offto join their units. Men and woman were there in plenty to give vent to their feelings and I and other old campaigners came in fora fair share of commiseration. In the company of a friendI made my way to the frontof the train, passing en route a few carriage loads of"pukka" sailors properly "pickled"

1262. and looking as ifthey had come :from a baby show. Seeing me in khaki they stared at the anchor on my left arm- forI was now a leading seaman with 2/8 per day - but no rude remarks escaped them as I fixedeach one with a stare. The train service was not normal and I had to change at Edinburgh. This change caused me to arrive late in London with the result that I missed the return Leave Train. I spent the day roaming about the streets of London, and passed the night in the Union Jack Club, where some profiteer in miniature robbed me ofall the money I possessed as I slept, and a funnysoldier took my good rifle and left me a dud. The following morning I queued at Victoria Underground booking office to purchase a ticket for Waterloo. Those ahead ofme did not seem to care a curse for one in khaki. It looked odds on my losing the second Leave Train when an unspoilt English girl came forward and kindly volunteered to procure my ticket and I most readily availed myselfof her kindness. I found my trainat Waterloo without much trouble and, favouredwith good Channel crossing, reached the other side in safety.

RETURN TO ROCLINCOURT :- When I arrived at Roclincourt the Brigade was out of the line. I had not been many days in harness when I ran into Commander Asquith. He seemed calm and collected, but there was a look ofconcern which touched me to the core. I volunteered the information that neither the General nor the Major were about, and asked ifI could take a message. In gentlemanly fashionhe asked me merely to say that he had called and that he would call again soon. Too often the success in life ofa man is due to the factthat he is the son ofhis father. This could not be said of Commander Asquith. Here was one who was masteroflife's rough and tumble and one who seemed fated to bear more crosses than his own. Commander Asquith, as he appeared to me, could not by nature do anything underhand and although I was unable to point the finger at any man or men who were exploiting their brief authority over him, inwardlyI now felt convinced that he had enemies behind our lines who gave him more concern than those who wore the dull grey and sought to close with him in battle. Yet, despite the fact of his father'seminence he seemed to scornthe idea of seeking help fromthat quarter against the people who were getting him from behind. Perhaps he felt that his father's cross was already enough for an ageing man to bear.

When the Major returned I delivered the message, which he received in his usual matter-of­ fact-way. He seemed more anxious to tell me something than to hear anything I had to say. In the diligent pursuit ofhis duty he had damaged the fmgers ofhis right hand and, notwithstanding his predilection for everything English, it was a Scottish doctor he sought, and the doctor foundproved to benone other than Doctor Macewan, my old Gallipoli :friend. Doctor "Jock" had feltindi sposed to "swing the lead" and had returnedfor duty with the old division.

In the course of their chat the Major had told Dr Macewan about a dour Scot who assisted him, and to his surprise he foundin the "Doc" the first person who knew me and could speak of my previous history on the field. Both seemed to have enjoyed each others company, but that interested me less than the discovery that Doctor Macewan was at hand, and the followingforenoon I paid him a visit. He received me most kindly. He had heard of the death ofRobbie,

1263. and expressed his regret at not having Herbert Blagg on his staff. As our talk proceeded the Doctor happened to mention that he had just evacuated his oldest stretcher bearer and one of the last of the original "Hawkes." "He appeared to be a very fine fellow," commented the Doctor, "but he has gone all to pieces and I have sent him to the Field Ambulance with a note of commendation." "Is his name "Baker", I asked. "Yes" replied the Doc. In astonishment. I feltso happy at arriving in time to put in a good word for this finelad. I told the Doctor all I had heard about Baker's developing conscientious objections to killing - forthis is the young man referredto earlier in my narrative - and how that, volunteering as a company stretcher bearer, he had saved fromthe jaws of death almost every old "Hawke" who had been wounded and who was still able to draw the breath of life.This was news to the Doctor, and accounted for Baker's condition, since there was nothing more trying than fora man to expose himselfto danger time and again and have the blow which must fall deferred and deferred. A "miss" might have been "as good as a mile" but a "near thing" made the bravest wonder if the next bullet or shell would have his "number" on it.

I leftmy friend, with a promise to returnsoon, and rushed offto our Field Ambulance which had been established on a site north of the Arras Road. Hurrying into the reception room I came across a group of our lads looking all out; while sitting aparton a formagainst the wall, I saw one whom I took to be the man I sought. Without wasting any time I approached and asked his name. The lad was so fargone that he jumped to attention. I put my hands on his shoulders and gently persuaded him to sit down. Next I told him who I was and what brought me. "I have come," I said "because the Colonel-Commandant is kind and knows me. I have come to ask the Commandant to send you to the rear,not as an ordinary neurasthenic, but as one worn out with service and weighed down with vexation." Not a mumble escaped him although he seemed to understand. I had no sooner leftBaker than the Colonel crossed my path. I stopped him and told him of my mission. Touched by my story he asked me to conduct him to Baker and surveying him sympathetically he promised to issue such instructions which would ensure that no foolin the lines of communication would mistake him for a softmark.

For weeks on end we figured in inter-brigade reliefs in a line which was now comparatively quiet. Any trouble that arose was mainly of our own seeking, forwe dominated No Man's Land and gave the enemy very little peace. All work of repair he attempted was invariably spotted by our observers, and our artillery, Lewis and machine guns made all such work difficult and dangerous. In addition, the artillery carried out intensive destructive shoots on the enemy trench system and back areas. Dumps were set on fire at regular intervals and the German garrisons lost much of their rest repairing the damage done to their communication and firetrenches. It looked like we were having it all our own way when one quiet sunny afternoon a stray German shell foundits way into a large pit filled to the brim with trench mortar bombs of the largestcalibre. We were in the line at the time, and although the pit was a long way behind, so great andso prolonged was the din created that I thought it betokened the end of all things.

1264. Our Divisional Headquarters were situated not very far from the dump. I heard that the roofs f of their huts had been blown of and that some of their tents had disappeared into thin air. Yet, despite this havoc the bright one at Division had the sauce to broadcast that there had not been any casualties; and in order to set our minds at ease on their account, they moved miles to the rear and advised all concerned that their new headquarterswould be known as "Victory Camp."

Our spells in reserve before Arras were enjoyed by all. I was kept busy preparing programmes of an interesting and highly specialised nature, particular attention being paid to musketry, Lewis gun and Machine gun instruction, and to the training ofas many officersand non­ cornmissionedofficers as possible in the handling of the German machine gun. One day - it was a Saturday - an elaborate order arrived from Divisional Headquarters to exercise the brigade in semi-open and open warfare and on the best methods of attack on strong-points and pill-boxes.

TO THE YPRES SALIENT:- On September 18 1917 the Division was withdrawn from the Anas sector and, aftera short rest, entrained for1hthe Ypres Salient. It was no great distance from Arras, but our progress was slower than the slowest cattle train. As usual, open horse boxes accommodated the "other ranks," and as all vehicles were filled to capacity, both doors were kept open in order to prevent our being asphyxiated. During the journey the good O'Kelly was the best ofcompan y. It was not in his power to serve up ea.tables,but he kept his Primus stove blazing away, and each lad in turnhad at least two mugs of hot tea to warm him. We drank and sang and joked all the way and to show ourappreciation ofO'Kellys thoughtfulness all joined in singing again and again the popular retrain: "Has anybody here seen Kelly, Kelly fromthe Isle ofMan." The good-natured fellow laughed heartily at each outburst and kept his stove blazing the harder. Signals held us up frequently for short spells but at Hazebrouck we came to a dead stop. O'Kelly took this opportunity to call on the officers, and on his return he announced that they were "Dying for a drink." In the twinkling of an eye he produced a trayful of glasses spotlessly clean and, refusing help, made off to the General's carriage to the accompaniment of, "Has anybody here seen Kelly, Kelly from the Isle ofMan." Unfortunately, one man on the look-out failedto see our O'Kelly. I saw the engine flashpast and heard the noise of breaking glass. "O'Kelly is under that engine," I shouted. "He is battered to bits," came a voice from the rear. At that moment our own train moved offand we were forced to leave his body to the care of men who could not know what mam1er of man he was. Our little party was struck for the remainder of the journey. My heart was in my mouth all the way, and I feltas if I could give way to tears when I thought of the shock which my next letter would bring to poor Nora O'Donovan. We had no sooner settled in billets in the town ofHerzeele than I took myself apart to compose my note to Nora. A considerable time elapsed before the girl replied. From the tenor of her letter it was all too evident how little consolation this world had to offer to a heart overburdened by sorrow.

HERZEELE :- is one of the northernmost towns in France, and during the war, was a point of assembly for troops about to take pait in the struggle before Ypres. I was impressed by the tidiness of the place and by the solemn demeanour of its inhabitants: and small wonder, for

1265. apartfrom the knowledge that many who passed that way would not return, our presence was a constant reminder ofthe losses they themselves had sustained, or of the danger which still confronted their ownsons on some more distant battlefield.

On occasions I visited the favourite estaminet, which was owned by a middle-aged woman whose three sons had been killed in action. She bore her grief like a saint and was kindness personified. The effect on all who visited her estaminet was astounding. There were no drunks to be found under her roofand yet there was no lack ofgood cheer. I mixed with a young guardsmanwho frequentedthe place and loved to hear him sing. I also witnessed one oftheir farewellsof Madame, and of the company I was perhaps, the saddest man. The Guards were to fightin the morning, and were excused duty for an hour or two prior to being transported to Ypres. Cheery chaffwent on apace until the hour ofdeparture when they rose and sang, "Land ofHope and Glory." I watched them fileout one by one; but Madame could not wait till all had gone - the partingwas too much for her to bear, and almost too much forme.

At length the call came for our Division to leave Herzeele and we were hurried by bus to the Ypres Salient. En route I was impressed by the feverish activitywhich existed on every side. The mud-clogged roads were crowded with engines ofdestruction and with troops, in seeming endless procession, moving to and from the fields ofbattle. We halted at a camp on the lines ofcommun ication to put our house in order. At this point our General (Br. Gen L. F. Philips) moved to the rear to be a Base Commandant somewhere on the coast leaving Major Barnett in charge ofthe Brigade.

The usual informationabout battalion strengths was forwardedto Division, but more concern than usual was shown regarding the reserve ofofficers. The battalions had been instructed to render a statement giving the names ofthe officerswho would participate in the next fight and, as the lists arrived, I took them to the Major. His eagle eye observed that the officer who had acted as Prisoner's Friend to the young man who was "shot at dawn" was on the reserve list. At this his monkeyrose, and in his most unbecoming manner he told me to instruct the battalion commander concerned to send the "hard-facedbastard" forward.But the young gent thus referred to knew all the tricks ofthe trade. On being informed ofBrigade's intentions concerninghim, he promptly developed a raging temperature and as promptly was evacuated to England.

YPRES SALIENT:- The weather was ofthe vilest description when we moved forwardto the Ypres Salient and fixedour headquarters at Dirty Bucket Corner. A more appropriate name could not have been foundfor the place. There was mud to the right ofus, mud to the left ofus, with mud and slush as far as the eye could see. The whole countryside had been marred in an abominable way by our own shells and by an enemy who delighted in frightfulness. The captured documents sent to us for perusal were so seldom without the word "annihilate" that one might have imagined the Germans considered this term synonymous with "damnation" and the hellish Salient, the Valley of the Shadow which they had prepared for us.

1266. However, no one at Brigade Headquarters' Stafffound much time to brood over his unpleasant surroundings, forall were kept busy preparing forthe operations which soon would engage their attention. Day in, day out, fromearly morning till late at night, I was employed preparing orders and distributing maps.

The enemy artillery had not located us, but monster Gothas circled overhead and straddled the ground with heavy bombs. On the nights when sleep was not overpowering I lay awake listening to the confusion which their bombing created. I could hear the tooting of motor horns, the shouts of drivers of limber wagons and the patter of their horses' hoofs in their wild scamper to clearthe Menin Road, which was the principal objective of the air attacks. What between bombs and shells and gas, this road must have been the most perilous highway in any of the theatres of the war. When all were ready for action we moved forwardto the banks of the Y ser Canal where the new General found us. He bore an illustrious name and looked capable, but I had the feelingthat he would be a stickler fordiscipline. (Brig General J.F.S. Coleridge, see page 53.) That the Major held the same opinion I wasconvinced by the caution he observed in the General's presence, and by a new-found humility.

Afterwallowing on the mud banks of the Yser forsome days the Major called me and began to dictate a movement order which, when he had completed, he requested me to read to the General. I foundhim in an elephant shelter and informed him the reason formy visit. He smiled and settled to hear the contents of the order. When I had finished reading he dismissed me with a genial, "That will do," and I hurried offto informthe Major that his order had passed the new censor without correction. The news brightened him up, and when I saw that he had lost a little of his self-confidenceI remarked that he had nothing to fear fromthe new Brigadier. He flushed at my divination and with a hypersensitive smile asked; "Why?" I did not reply but looked at him steadfastly in a manner which must have conveyed to him more eloquently than any words of mine could have done, that the ripened soldier I had left would lean as heavily on his unprofessionalBrigade-Major as the previous General had done. From that moment the Major was on his toes again.

On receipt of advice that all units were in battle position, the General, the Major and myself leftto take up quarters in a captured pill-box called Hubner Farm. The afternoonwas well advanced when we arrived at a point on the Menin Road where a runner was posted, whose duty it was to conduct us to the pill-box. The intervening ground fromthe point where we left the road to Hubner Farm presented the most God-forsaken spectacle I had seen so far or perhaps ever shall see. We had to proceed cautiously over the greasy duck-board track, on each side of which the day's ca.;;ualtieslay half-buried in the mud. Occasionally we halted in order to negotiate some awkward bend on the track; to have lost a footingmight have meant slow and certain death fromdro wning in a water logged shell hole. The clayey soil had been pulped by the enemy's artillery, while continuous rain had transformedever y shell hole into a muddy pool. Succeeding salvos had enlarged the shell holes, and in one of the largest of them I discovered all that remained of a battery of our Field Artillery. Men and horses half­ submerged eyed us with a glassy stare and the brown water ran red with their blood.

1267. On reaching our destination I had to returnto the Menin Road with a working party to bring up office stores, which included a typewriter. I had been told that typewriting and duplicating would be out of the question in a pill-box, and that we would require to rely on pencils and carbons. But to this I replied that pencils and carbons were oflittle use to me, and that I must get a machine up by hook or by crook. It was a job ! On the return trip, "Jerry" introduced his evening strafe by spraying our duck-board track with light gas shells. To use respirators was unthinkable, for we needed all our wits and wind to keep the box which contained the typewriter fromskidding offthe slippery track into the mud.

By great good luck we missed a direct hit, while the shells which fellclose were rendered harmless by the softnature of the ground which did not offer resistance sufficientto cause them to explode. The shelling, however, forcedus to proceed on our hands and knees most of the way, andwhen I arrived at Hubner Farm, I was as filthy as any of the great unwashed. My mortificationwas complete on being informedthat so long as I remained at Hubner Farm there might be sufficientwater to keep thirst at bay, but there certainly would not be sufficient for a wash.

Now the pill-boxes were funny things; they were made of reinforced concrete and were very strong. Just why they were called pill-boxes I was never able to ascertain but I fancy that some wit on firstseeing them thought that they most resembled boxes forpills. The invention was quite a happy one, for the term "strong-point" or "redoubt" did not quite meet the case. I should like to add, however, that in shape they bore no resemblance whatever to the pill­ boxes used by the manufacturers of pills who flourish in my neighbourhood.

Hubner Farm, forinstance, was oblong, with a frontageof about 30 feetand sides about 60 feet in length. It had two compartments - one forwardand one in the rear - which were joined by a side corridor high enough to permit the tallest person to walk without stooping. There was only one entrance, which was placed on the leftside and was protected fromthe encroaching mud by substantialwalls of concrete about six feethigh and ten feetlong. The forward compartment was where the damage was done. Here slits were made for machine guns to functionon a fieldof firewhich connected with a field of fireof the pill-boxes on the right andleft, so that all fire was co-ordinated andall pill-boxes mutually supporting. The rear compartment was used for the storage ofammunition and food, andfor the housing of reserve crews or assault troops. Necessity is credited with being the mother of invention and in this case she played her partwell, for no more formidable obstacles could have been conceived.

There were over forty of our men in Huber Farm when I arrived. I foundthe place packed out with battalion runners, who had now became mates on account of the increased dangersand difficulties they had to face. A ·portion of the rear compartment had been allocated to me, and I was busy getting all my gear together when a gas alarm was raised. In order that I might have freedom to work I had left my gas mask outside the pill-box, andas the excitement was high when the warning was given, I had to fightmy way out forit without drawing a breath. The alarm was either false or the gas miscarried, forafter sitting like mummies forhalf an hour someone announced that all was clear.

1268.

During the four days I spent at Hubner Farm we had on the average two gas alarms per day. I foundthem most unsettling and prodigal of time. But what troubled me most of all was the heavy shelling, and the occasional direct hit, which usually put me on my back, with the typewriter and the two biscuit boxes, which supported it, on top of me. This happened too often formy liking and I had to request the Major to find a place forme in his compartment where a direct hit was less likely since, after capture, positions were reversed. My request was granted and I got the peace to produce the orders which unfortunately sent so many fine fellows to their doom. These orders were forthe taking of the town of Passchendaele. We as a brigade were concerned only in having the Hood Battalion as counter-attacking battalion with 1h the Hawke Battalion in Brigade Reserve to the l 88th and 190 Brigades who were to do the main fighting on the left of the Canadians as they advanced to take the town.

At 5.40 am on the morning of October 26 1917 the muddiest and bloodiest of fights began. The firstobj ective was a line conforming 1hto the Paddebeek stream, and about 100 yards west of it and the second a line parallel to the first objective and five hundred yards ahead. As the fight raged I collected the reports brought by battalion runners. From them I learned that withering machine gun firewas thinning our ranks, and that the pitiless mud was claiming many victims. To add to the horror of it all, the enemy were using gas shells with devilish liberality. Almost all the senior officers of the four attacking battalions had become casualties. Some were blinded by mustered gas, while others were hit and rolled into shell holes where they were drowned.

The fourbattalions were getting out of hand when Commander Asquith advanced with his battalion and saved the situation. He placed the "Hoods" in the most advantageous position to meet any counter-attacks which might develop, and in the teeth of heavy artillery and machine gun fire, he passed from end to end of the line we were holding and superintended the consolidation of our gains. In addition he established connection with the Canadians on our right, thus closing a breach which might have caused them infinitetrouble and perhaps been the source of their undoing.

Later, when it was decided to lay down an intensive and prolonged artillery bombardment on a line of pill-boxes, Asquith intervened, maintaining that well-trained, freshand lightly­ equipped troops familiarwith the ground could take the pill-boxes with comparative ease. His policy was to surround them silently by night and bomb them into submission; there might be instances, he thought, where a concentrated preliminary bombardment would be necessary. Strange to relate, his scheme received officialrecog nition and, when put to the test, proved a big success.

We had paid dearly forall that was achieved, but it was consoling to feelthat our sacrificehad not been in vain. The hardest knock that came our way was that which took Commander SterndaleBennett fromus forever. A shell with his number on it early found the hero out, although mortally wounded, he instructed the stretcher bearers to halt at Hubner Farm so that he might take farewell of Barnett and report the state of affairs ahead.

1270. My passage fromHubner Farm to this village ofrest was a trying affair. As soon as reliefwas completed the official party leftfor the Menin Road with an orderly leading and another bringing up the rear. It was late afternoon, and in the gloaming I could see the day's harvest of flesh and blood lying about: the guns had either been busier than usual that day, or had found better targets. When the General saw that the bodies ofthe dead had not been collected he was furious, and on arrival at the Medical centre forthe sector, he instructed the Major to enquire why this duty had been neglected. Barnett fumbled about in the darkness and came eventually on a man who was so drunk that he could scarely stand on his feet. Shouting and bawling had no effect on the hapless soul and the General flushed with anger, called loudly forthe Medical Officer in charge. A sergeant-major in his sober senses answered the call. He seemed a well­ educated and gentlemanly young man with a presence so compelling that the loud questionings ofthe General gave way to an almost polite request for an explanation of the condition in which he had found one of his men. The sergeant-major explained that the man, who, incidentally, was a countryman ofmine, had been detailed froma fightingunit to serve with the Field Ambulance, his duty being to recover the shattered bodies ofthe dead fromthe miry clay in order that they might be given a decent burial. Relief had been long overdue, and as a result of having been kept at his shocking task too long he had gone off his head and was being evacuated. On hearing this account the General's anger subsided and in silence he approached a private car which had been sent from Corps or Army to convey him to the rear. When the Major and he were seated, I was instructed to get in at the back, but observing the young orderly who had brought up the rear hobbling along in pain, I pleaded that he be allowed to take my place in the car. Both were displeased at my strange request but agreed, and I was leftto walk to camp with the other orderly.

We had not gone very far when I began to feelhungry and tired. During the four days at Huber Farm I had survived on a scanty supply ofbread and cheese and a pint ofcold tea per day, while sleep and rest were luxuries which the exigencies ofthe hour did not allow. Tired or not tired, however, I had to trudge on through slush with a cold east wind blowing through me. How long I would have taken to cover the distance had I been fit, I know not, but it was well on next morning when I reached camp. Flopping down on some dry boards I fell asleep to be roused a fewhours later by an orderly who informed me that my presence was required at the office. On arrival I found the general in a bad mood and as the only reason I could think of forhis displeasure was my insistence on the crippled orderly taking my place in the car, I felt bitter and sick at heart. I was kept busy at it in the office fora good twelve hours and feeling jaded, resentful and sad I went for a stroll to get away fromit all.

Outside it was as dark as a pit for the enemy bombers were never far away. There wasn't a soul to be seen on the streets and only one solitary chink oflight was showing. I approached with caution, being none too sure ofmy whereabouts, and peering in to the chink I saw the formof a woman behind what appeared to be a counter, and beyond, a shelfor two with bottles. Groping forthe door I opened it and foundmyself in an estaminet. Within, it was ahnost as dark as outside, so poor was the light given offby a tiny oil lamp. Feeling my way I discovered a narrow bench against the wall and, on being seated, was served with a coffee and

1271. cognac with fewwords in exchange. The woman did not linger and I seemed to be her sole customer when suddenly through a wooden partition on my left which beforeI had not seen, came the sound of familiarmusic fromwhat I judged to be an old harmonium, and the sound of singing by a handful of men of what I took to be the Children's Hymn "When mothers of Salem their children brought to Jesus." This was in keeping with my mood. I sang the hymn softly, and was much moved. Not so the choristers: Loud laughter followed their performance which they kept repeating as if rehearsing fora show. As their rendering bore no resemblance to mine, I listened intently and these are the words they sang :-

When mothers with gladness Their children gave to England The sternrecruiters looked at them And turnedthem all away; But Winston saw them ere they fled, And sweetly smiled and kindly said, Sufferthe little children to join the R.N.D.

For I will receive them And train them all as sailors, As sailors who have never sailed And never seen the sea. And so we joined old Churchill's mob, And took the regulation bob, And like little children, We joined the R.N.D.

He sent some to Antwerp And lost a few battalions, The rest he sent to take their chance Upon Gallipoli; But Johnnie Turk and foul disease Would soon have wiped out by degrees, All the little children Who joined the R.N.D.

But salvation came by the evacuation, And now we're here in France And to the end we here shall be; And though we kick up Hell forleave, Old Winston just laughs up his sleeve, So all say, "Oh bugger him and all the R.N.D.

1272. But the words uppermost in my mind as I trudged to my billet were the words of the hymn, andI wondered how many of the boys who had sung it with me when I was a child had passed through the reeking Hell of Ypres. In this sober frameof mind I lay down to sleep on the office floor. My sleep was sound enough and I woke next morning quite refreshed and eager to find something to do in order to keep my mind occupied.

A movement order had arrived fromDivision by the morningmail and I waited on the Major to have his instructions. I found him closeted with six officers fromthe Hood Battalion who had come to testifyto the outstanding gallantry of CommanderAsquith and to plead that he be awarded the Victoria Cross. The Major was joined by the General who, after listening to their story, agreed to recommend Asquith for the highest honour and this is the report which I was given to type:-

Near Poelcappelle during the operation of October 26/27, 1917, Commander Asquith displayed the greatest bravery, initiative and splendid leadership, and by his reconnaissance of the Front Line, made under heavy fire, contributed much valuable information which made the successful continuance of the operations possible.

During the morningof the 26th, when no news was forthcomingof the position of the attacking troops, Commander Asquith went forwardthrough heavy fire, round the front line, and heedless of personal danger, fom1d out our positions, got into touch with the troops on the right and returned aftersome hours with most valuable information. On the night of the same day he went forwardalone in bright moonlight and explored the ground in the vicinity of Varlet Farm, where the situation was not clear. He was observed by the enemy but in spite of heavy rifle and machine gun fire directed at him, and the factthat the going was necessarily slow owing to the awful state of the ground, he approached Varlet Farm, then reported to be in the hands of the enemy.

Entering a concrete building alone he found it occupied by a small British garrison who were exhausted and almost without ammunition and most of them wounded. Afterinvestigating the ground thoroughly, he returned and led up three platoons of a company of his battalion and relieved the garrison. He superintended the disposal of the troops, putting one platoon in the building as garrison and placing the other two platoons on each flank.

A very important position was thereforekept entirely in our hands owing to the magnificent bravery, leadership and utter disregard of his own personal safety. This example of bravery and cool courage displayed throughout the operations by Commander Asquith encouraged the men to greater efforts and kept up their morale. His valuable reconnaissance, the manner in which he led his men and his determination to hold the groundgained, contributed very largely to the success of the operations.

1273. I had prepared many recommendations forawards, but none gave me greater pleasure than this one, and, I thereforelonged to see the outcome of it. "Surely," I thought, ''this claim will go through." But it was not to be: Asquith was again ploughed, andwas merely awarded a second bar to his D.S.O. I doubt ifthe Commander knew that he had been recommended for the Victoria Cross; but whether or not, the withholding ofit from him was, in my opinion, one of the gravest injustices ever perpetratedon a citizensoldier of the King.If his father had still been Prime Minster, the haughty backwoods-men who barred the way would have been falling over themselves to do him honour.

There were other honours which the Brass Hats whittled down out ofcontempt for the ranker. Afterevery major operation I could count on claims for awards being received frombattalions for deeds of outstanding gallantry. As was to be expected, the greatest number concerned the ranker, and I observed that many who had performed acts of valour which would have brought them the Victoria Cross in the early months of the war, and who had been recommended forthe Distinguished Conduct Medal, had to be content with a Military Medal: but in no case did I find a lesser decoration conferred on the petty officer or sergeant, or chief petty officer or sergeant-major, who had been recommended forthe D.C.M. notwithstanding the fact that some ofthem had not been in the fighting at all and should, therefore, not have been awardedany decoration designed for the rewardof acts ofvalour on the battlefield.

When I reflected on all that our country professed to stand for in honourable dealing between man and man, and nation and nation, my blood boiled. I sickened at the thought of conduct so contemptible, and began to wonder if my comrades ofour citizen army had been abandoned altogether to the caprice of soulless Brass Hats andexalted grafters.

On the third day followingour arrival at St Jan-ter-Biezen we moved further to the rear.In the course of a conversation I had with the Major he dropped the hint that he might not be long with the brigade and I could only conclude that he was moving higher up. I felt that Brigade Headquarters without the Major was no place forme, andwhen I got his ear again I told him so. Work at Army Headquarters did not appeal to me and he decided there andthen to put me through fora commission. The following morningI was before the General as a candidate and within a week the recommendation had been agreed to.

During this period of waiting I had to work feverishly hard on new schemes conceived for the capture of pill-boxes, and one morning, as I was taking the completed orders to the mess, I ran into Doctor Macewan. It was a delightful surprise for both ofus. When I told him I had a fair chance of going home for a commission, he led me intoa military indiscretion by shaking my hand and wishing me the best of luck. The General, having little to do, was looking on at us from the window of the mess, and on my entering he proceeded to reprove me for setting a bad example to all ranks by being too familiar with an officer. Although he was not loud in his correction, I felt hurt and explained why the doctor and I were so friendly.He seemed quite impressed but repeated his correction and I left the office feeling very sore about it.

1274. Arthur Mellaud Asquith. Photograph obtained fromhis daughter the Hon Mrs M Rous. For additional reading on Asquith, I suggest you invest in a copy of Christopher Page's military biography 'Command In The Royal Naval Division.' Published in July 1999 by Spellmount Ltd, The Old Rectory, Staplehurst, Kent. TN12 OAZ. ISBN 1-86227-048-1

1275. Hot on his experience we received fromDivision a copy ofa circular from General Plumer, in whose army we now foundourselves, on this vexed question of discipline. Ofall communications it was the most disgusting I had ever read. According to this cynical old man, discipline had been relaxed to a point which constituted a menace. He went on to remind officers that the men they were now handling were on the whole, no longer regulars or volunteers, and that the consideration which had been shown to them had not to be extended to the new levies. Where he got his information from, goodness only knows; for in all my comings and goings I did not observe any tendency to indiscipline among the new-comers. On the contrary, the recruits fromEngland gave me the impression that all lifeand soul had been knocked out ofthem, in the name ofthis blessed discipline, by instructors who had not seen active service since their flight fromMons. The more I pondered the matter, the stronger was the feelingwithin me that Plumer's circular was aimed at the old hands. Certain it was - so far as my unit was concerned- the old hands still leftstanding who had now a very poor opinion of the men with high-sounding names and big reputations, who controlled their destinies on the field. As on Gallipoli, they were beginning to feelthat we were being out­ generaled, and the professional soldier's little tin gods got the blind eye more often than not, hence the squeal.

At length the day arrived forme to leave. I parted with Major Barnett as with one I had known and admired all the days of my life and fromthe heart I hoped that his luck would hold, while I feared forhis safety. He seemed too brave a man to come out ofsuch a war unscathed, and so it proved to be. On reporting to my depot as a commissioned officer I learned that while acting as liaison officerbetween two of our armiesduring the great German offensive ofSpring 1918, the Major was killed.

It would require a more accomplished pen than mine to do his memory justice. So far as my experience went, there were so many social dandies and nincompoops "on the staff' that it was a thousand pities when one so brave and capable as Barnett was numbered with the slain.

There is a small plaque on the wall ofa church in Rigby to his memory. IT COULD NOT SAY LESS.

Captain Barnettwas an only child and lived at Bilton Hall, Rugby (home of the Duchess of Warwick and Joseph Addison) with his parents who were well-to-do.

THE END.

References :-

This account is from 'The War To End War.' 1914-1918 by Thomas Macmillan. Dated 11th November 1935, Glasgow. Housed in the Department of Documents, Imperial War Museum, London. 1276. I would like to thank Thomas Macmillan's son Ian Macmillan forpermission to publish this work.

The followingnotes are from page 245 to 277 of Macmillan's work. This is called 'The Home Front'. I have decided, not to reproduce this part of his story in full. However, the followingnotes win be of interest.

Note:- Page 246 :- After a good spell at home he reported to a preparatory camp at Stirling, Scotland and attached to a cadet company. Page 257 :- Towards the end of January, 1918 he was instructed to proceed to a cadet school at Gailes.

Note:- Page 264 :- -- until the end of October, when our commissions came through. All Royal Naval Division men were posted to their old division, but my Army friendswere given little choice, and many found themselves earmarked for service with units to which they were strangers.

1918 :- Pages 272 to 274 :- A few more days of waiting and then the call I was expecting arrived. I was to report at Badajos Barracks, Aldershot, which was now the depot for my Division. ----

---- After breakfasting in London, I made forAldershot. Little did I dream of the welcome waiting me at Badajos ----- the Adjutant again took me in hand and informed me that the successful claimant formy services was Sub-Lieutenant Fry, who would instruct me in my duties. I could scarely believe my ears, and on leaving the orderly room, I made straight for the mess to find Fry. The prospect of meeting him again in the fleshmade my heart thump. 1:.ry had leftinstructions with the mess stewards to ask me to go to his room, and there I found him sitting on his bed with his old drooping pipe going merrily. I greeted him with joy of a youngster, and he smiled the old smile in return. I soon observed, however, that it wasn't the old Fry I was talking to, and as the light of day was failing, I switched on the electric light to see him better.

A frightful change had come over him; his cheeks had fallenin and he had the look of one smitten by the white scourge, "What has happened to you?" I asked. "Sit down and I'll tell you," he replied. In his own quiet way he related that on being commissioned he volunteered for the first overseas draft, with the firm resolve to improve on his Military Medal. He had arrived in France just as the great German offensive had begun, and fordays was in the thick of it. At length, when the tide turned, and our Division again drove the Germans over the River Ancre, gas was let loose and he was numbered with the victims. Some months of treatment in England followed, and before he had quite recovered, his request to be allowed to rejoin his

1277. unit was acceded to. On rejoining, he was excused duty "on the square" andwas appointed editor of the battalion magazine and specialist instructor in earthworks. Concluding, he said: "You are to assist me in this work, Mac; I amsure you will find it to your liking."

When I questioned him about my old companions on the field, he could tell me little. During the German whirlwind attack, the fightinghad been so severe that each platoon had to depend largely on itself, and when he was laid out, it was impossible to say how the battalion was faring.

"The Incubator," forthat was the name he gave to the battalion magazine, was issued weekly. He had searched every hole and cornerin Aldershot and had purchased a complete set of type, together with an old-fashioned treadle printing machine which was hand fed. All this he got fora mere song, and fromthe magazine earnings and private subscriptions he managed to defray the cost of purchase. It was my job to collect copy, while he, being a printer by trade set most of the type. The magazine was a big success, but it paled in significance when compared with Fry's other creation, the Engineering Hut.

Engineering Hut :- BeforeI arrived he had got together a small company of craftsmen from the ranks and, followinghis designs, they fashioned a series of models of almost every conceivable earthwork or obstruction which had evolved during the war. The models were about fourfeet square,and so complete were they in detail that they earned the unstinted praise of every experienced officerwho inspected the hut.

Bayonet Fighting Course :- But his work did not finishthere : he designed and supervised the construction of a bayonet fightingcourse which was one of the sights of Aldershot for every distinguished visitor - nothing comparable to it had been seen before.

* * * * *

1278. OF�FICER"S SERVICE RECORDS.,

1) Thomas McMillan :- Details of service. Next ofKin :- Father, John McMillan of 76, Armadale Street, Glasgow. Beforehis Commission he was CZ/2377. R.N.V.R. - attended 9, OfficerCadet Battalion, Ayrshire. Temp Sub Lieutenant 30/10/18. Aldershot 2nd Res Battalion.19/11/18. 4 days Gas Course 25/11/18 at 2/- per day whilst employed as an Educational Instructor. From 15/1/19. Demolished 17/4/19 at Georgetown.

Above detail fromthe record book R.N.D. 'Record of Officer's Service' ROS 182. Vol 2. Page 268. Admiralty Library, Great Scotland Yard, London.

2) James William Fry:- Details of service. Born 3/3/1878. Next of Kin:- Wife Mrs Hetty Fry of 20, Macclesfield Road, South Norwood, London SE25. Before his Commission he was LON Z/176. R.N.V.R. Entered from 4 OfficerCadet Battalion, 9, Alfred Street, Oxford. Sub Lieutenant R.N.V.R 27.6.17. Blandford2 nd Res Battalion. 15. 8. 17. B. E. F. Drake Battalion. 13. 2. 18. Wounded Gas. 13. 3. 18. 2nd Red Cross Hospital Rouen. Gassed shell wound severe. To England 19. 3. 18. rd 3 Southern General Hospital, Oxford.20. 3. 18. D to Aldershot from Sick Leave 15. 5. 18. Demobilised 19. 8. 19. At Crystal Palace.

Above details fromthe record book R.N.D. 'Record of Officer's Service' ROS 182. Voll. Page 111. AdmiraltyLibrary, Great Scotland Yard, London.

3) Arthur Melland Asquith :- Detail of service. Next of Kin:- Father Herbe11 Henry Asquith the Prime Minister. Temporary Sub Lieutenant on 23/09/1914, 2nd Brigade, Anson Battalion. Moved to Hood Battalion. Temporary Lieutenant R.N.V.R. 07/06/1915. Temporary Lieutenant Commander 05/07/1915. TemporaryCommander 04/05/1916. Reverted to Lieutenant Commander 05/07/1916 when the 2nd Hood Battalion was disbanded. Took over Command of Hood Battalionon 22/04/1917 and became Temporary Commander. Brigadier General, 189th Brigade 16/12/17. Wounded at Dardanelles 06/05/1915 by gun shot wound knee- severe. Mentioned in Dispatches ofG.O.C. Awarded Legion D'Honuneur-Croix de Guerre.

1279. Mentioned in Despatch of G.O.C. -B.E.F. 09/04/1917 -3 Supp Lon Gazette. 15/05/1917. P4744. "Awarded D.S.O. for conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty. He obtained to go up to the front when he heard the fight was imminent. Later although wounded he returned to Brigade Headquarters and gave a clear account of the situation and of the fightingwhich had been going on during the night. He had previously done fine work." Lon Gaz 17/04/1917 -3675.

Awarded a Bar to bis D.S.O. "For conspicuous gallantry and determination in the attack and clearance of a village. When he personally captured ten of the enemy, and later organised it's defence and by his contempt of danger under heavy fire, contributed greatly to the success of the operation and to the steadiness of all ranks with him. 11 2 Supp Lon Gazette. 18/07/1917. Page 7209. d Wounded 04/02/1917. Gun shot wound to leftarm :- severe to England.

Wounded 20/12/1917. Gun shot wound to left ankle:- severe fracture.

Mentioned in Despatch G.O.C. 07/11/1917. "Deserving of Special Mention." 4th Supp Gazette 11/12/1917. Page 12908.

Awarded 2"d Bar to bis D.S.O. "For conspicuous gallantry and devotion to duty during 2 days of operations. He went through a heavy barrage and made a successfulreconnaissance of a advanced position. Later in bright moonlight he reconnoitred some buildings which were reported to be occupied by the enemy. His advance was seen and the enemy opened firebut he entered one of the buildings and found it occupied by an exhausted British Garrison. He returned under fireand brought up three platoons to relieve them. He showed great determination and resource. 5111 Supp London Gazette. 25/04/1918. Page 4985.

King EdwardVl 1 Hospital, 9, Grosvenor Gardens, London S.W.1. 25/02/1918. Left leg amputated.

Mentioned in Despatch ofC in C., B.E.F. 07/04/1918. 3rd Supp Gazette 20/05/1918. Page 5943 -R04074.

Medical Board at CaxtonHall on 29/04/1918. Unfit for General Service Permanently. Fit for sedentary employment. Awarded gratuity of £900 for loss of leg and £350 per year forlife.

1914 StarRibbon issued by AG.RM.

Above details from the record book R.N.D. 'Record of Officer's Service' ROS 182. Voll. Admiralty Library, Great Scotland Yard, London. ------THE END

1280. SHIPS THAT TRANSPORTED THE R.N.D.

SS GLOUCESTER CASTLE.

TRANSPORTOF PORTSMOUTH BATTALION.

On the 2ih and 281h February 1915 the fleet carrying the Royal Naval Division left Avonmouth forthe Gallipoli Campaign. Aboard were the 30 officers and 944 other ranks of the Portsmouth Battalion.

The ship of7999 gt. had been acquired in 1911 for the Union Castle Line. In 1917 she was torpedoed on the last day of March whilst serving as a hospital ship, but was towed to Southampton and repaired.

One early account states ' - I remember meeting my father, badly wounded on boardthe Gloucester Castle, her decks crammed with wounded, which lay like stacked sardines patiently waiting for their turnat the operating table. Some waited fordays and died beforetheir turn came.

She was later to be sunk in the Second World War.

In July 1942 the Gloucester Castle went missing not until the end of the war was it known that she was a victim ofa German raider, the 4, 7 40 gt. Motorship Bonn, taken over from Norddeutscher Lloyd by the German Navy and converted into a raider. Renamed Michel, the ship was armed with 6 5.9 inch and 8 smaller guns. She herselfwas torpedoed and sunk of Yokohama on 17/18th October 1943, by the submarine USS Tarpon. The Gloucester Castle had been sunk on 161h July 1941 some 600 miles N.N.W. of St Helena, while still on the regular liner trade to South Africa.

Reference :-

The Cape Run by W. H. Mitchell & L. A. Sawyer. Published by Terence Dalton of Lavenharn, Suffolkin 1984. ISBN O 86138 0304 Pages 43, 44, 63, 168 & 173 refer.

* * * * * * * * * *

1281. On the left :­ William Bradley in hospital uniform.

Below:- The early days. William Bradley 2°d from left standing.

1282. ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION PERSONALITY A BRIEF STORY OF THE LIFE OF William BRADLEY AND ms SERVICE IN TIIE ROYAL NAv AL DIVISION NELSON BATTALIONo

�y his Grandson Jos� W.Gibbons

William BRADLEY, born 20th July 1895 in the workhouse in Sedgely, Worcestershire, the illegitimate son of 21yr old Clara BRADLEY.

Clara moved to ihe North East area with her brothers and her son. Nothing is known of when or why they moved. The North East at that time was booming and jobs were easily available and it is believed that the brothers obtained various jobs in the Ashington, Northumberland area. Clara never revealed who William's fatherwas and she eventually died in 1944 and is buried in the Seaton Hirst Churchyard in Ashington.

William grew up in Ashington and lived with his mother and Uncle Charles at 42 Myrtle Street, Ashin6rton. He leftthe Hirst North Boys School in Ashington at age 13 yrs in 1909 and went into the pits and was employed at Ashington Colliery.

In those days boys were initially employed to open the air doors for the passing tubs carrying material to the coal faces, then as a "putter" which meant that he had a pit pony and an underground tram and transported (putted) materials fromthe pit shaftbottom to the coalfaceworkings. Normally on reaching 18yrs of age they then progressed to facework either as a coal hewer, coal filler or stoneman. Sometime between 1909 and his enlistment, the familymoved a fewhouses along the street to 50 Myrtle Street, Ashington.

The First World War broke out in August 1914 and William enlisted in the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve at HMS CALLIOPE which was moored on the River Tyne at Elswick, Newcastle upon Tyne on 1s1 December 1914

1283. For some strange reason he was enlisted under the name of William Henry Bradley and given the Serial No. Z2198. For the rest of his life, when drawing his War Pension he had to be careful to sign his name as W.H.Bradley so that there would be no problems in drawing his pension.

He was sent for training to Victory VI at Crystal Palace and than on to Blandford Camp where he stayed until 25.06.1915 when he was posted to Nelson Battalion in the Dardenelles and promoted to Able Seaman.

On arrival in the Dardenelles on 20.07.1915 (his 20 1i birthday) he was posted to the 1 Engineers formining duties so for once the Military had taken note ofa previous occupation.

08.09.1915 he was hospitalised in No. I Australian Hospital on Lemnos with boils and then transferred to the New Zealand base hospital on Mudros on 22.09.1915.

He rejoined his unit in the Dardenelles on 05.10.1915. And after the evacuation of the Dardenelles on 71h - 91h January1916 he went with his battalion to police the island ofMudros.

He was granted a 14-day leave on 11.03.1916 that he spent on the island ofMalta rejoining Nelson battalion on 25.03.1916. On 16.05.1916 he was embarked with the battalion on the "Ionian" at Mudros and arrived at Marseilles in France on 22.05.1916.

From a study of the Nelson battalion war diarythe followingare the salient points of his time in France.

1. 6.1916. Billeted at ffiJPPY and ordered to the IV Army training area. 3.6.1916. Train fromPONT-REMY Station due to leave at 1000, did not leave until 1340 arriving at BRJAS at 1805. Diary complains ofhardship and discomfortto the men as they had had only haversack rations between 0530 and 2200 4.6.1916. Billeted at BEUGIN, diary complains of having to clean the billets, which had been leftdirty by the previous occupants. Also the latrines and refusepits had been leftopen. 5.6.1916. Report to l st Army, repeated to IV Corps offighting strength of25 Officersand 735 other ranks. 1284. Until 17.6.1916. -Training, lectures, route marches, musketry etc 17.6.1916. Battalion ordered to VERDREL - transport arrived 2100. More training and work parties supplied. 1.7.1916. Start of the Somme offensive. 17.7.1916. A & B companies relieved the 22nd London Regt at ANGRES, both companies arrived in the Bully trench at 4pm. Relief complete by 7pm. Battalion disposition was A & B in frontline, C Co. in reserve and D Co. attached to the battalion on their right. 2.7.1916. Engaged in repair work to trench- enemy active causing great deal of damage to trench. 5.7.1916. Leftline for billets at VERDREL- total casualties for time spent in line: 4 killed, 17 wounded. 16 Officersand 672 OR's left at VERDREL for attachment to 2nd and 4711i Divisions as working parties. HQ Company and remainder to CAMBLAIN CHATELAIN to billet arriving at 6pm. Remained in this billet till 14.7.1916. 15. 7.1916. Marched 10 miles to COUPIGNY arriving at 4.30prn 6.7.1916. Marched 2 miles to FOSSE 10 arriving at 7.30pm- trainingand inspections at this location till 19. 7.19 l 6 19.7.1916. Moved to AIX-NOULETTE Wood. Training and working parties. 25.7.1916. Relieved Hawke Battalion on frontline at SOUCHEZ II 31.7.1916. Relieved fromfront line. Total casualties 1 killed, 2 wounded. 1.8.1916. In billets at AlX-NOULETTE, Training- new shirts issucd-bathing- working parties 6.8.1916. Relieved Hawke Battalion at SOUCHEZ 11-On the line until 12.8.1916, working on trenches, patrolling No Man's Land 12.8.1916. Relieved- I killed, 14 wounded, (two later died) 14.8.1916. Marched to LORETTE SPUR relieving Drake battalion at ABLAIN ST NAZAIRE 18.8.1916. Relieved Hawke battalion on frontline at SOUCHEZ 11-Time spent on repairing trenches and throwing shells at the enemy. 24.8.1916. Battalion moved to reserve positions at LORETTE SPUR with Hdqrs at ABLAIN ST NAZAIRE. Casualties whilst on line- 1 wounded. Time spent on working parties and patrolling 29.8.1916. All outdoor work interrupted by thunderstorm and heavy rain. 30.8.1916. Relieved Hawke Battalion on line at SOUCHEZ II. On line till 5.9.1916, total casualties whilst on line I killed, 12 wounded. 6.9.1916. Battalion moved to NOULETTE WOOD, time spent on inspections and working parties. 13.9.1916. Back to front line at SOUCHEZ II 1285. 18.9.1916. Relieved by 81h Lincoln Reg.- Casualties 7 wounded(one died later) Battalion marched from VERDREL to MAGNJCOURT, billeted in MAGNICOURT and HOUVELIN 27.9.1916. Battalion moved to BETHONSART 28 and 29.9.1916. -Tactical exercise in open warfare. 4.10.1916. Battalion 7 Y2 miles to BELLE EPINE where it entrained for ACHEUX where it was billeted in shelters and tents. Training 8.10.1916. Battalion marched to billets in ENGLEBELMER. 16.10.1916. Relieved l 31h Sussex Regt. In AUCHONVILLERS sector 17.10.1916. Battalion relieved by Argyll and SutherlandHighlanders, returned to billets at ENGLEBELMER. 20.10.1916. Battalion marched to MESNIL taking up support positions 21.10.1916. Battalionrelieved Hawke Battalion in the HAMEL sector 24.10.1916. Relieved by Hawke Battalion and returned tobillets at ENGLEBELMER, time spent in inspectionsand working parties. 30.10.1916. Marched to shelters in V ARENNES 31.10.1916. Marched to shelters at PUCHEVILLERS 3.11.1916. Battalion inspectedby G.0.C.

nd 5.11.1916. Marched to V ARENNES - William BRADLEY attachedto 2 Field Ambulance, reason not known. 7.11.1916. Marched to ENGLEBELMER 8.11.1916. Into frontline on left at HAMEL 9.11.1916. William BRADLEY rejoined Battalion 10.11.1916. Battalion relieved marched to billets at ENGLEBELMER - casualties while on line 1 killed, 5 wounded 11.11.1916. Battalion resting- Preparing forbattle of River ANCRE 12.11.1916. Battalion moved to MESNAL at 4pm, leftat 5.30pm and proceeded to rear of ROBERTS TRENCH, lying down in wavesin readiness for attack. 13.11.1916. William BRADLEY wounded - gun shot wound in leftarm He was taken to No. 7 Canadian General Hospital at ETAPLES and eventually on 21.11.1916 he was invalided to England on H.S. "DIEPPE". He was sent to a hospital in Lincoln where I have a photographof him and two wounded men outside a Lincoln Theatre. I have no recordof what happened to him during his time in hospital or when he becamefit for dutyagain. However his service recordshows that he was carried on the rolls of Nelson battalionuntil 23.4.1917

1286. On the Left:- William Bradley centre rear Holding a cigarette.

Below:- William Bradley with bandaged leftarm.

1287. 23.4.1917. He was shown on the roll of the Victory IX RND Command Depot. 12.6.1917. He was shown as being on the roll of the Victory IX RND 4th Reserve Battalion. 31.7.1917. Embarked on the SS "ARUNDEL" at Folkestone forpassage to BOULOGNE 2.8.1917. Joined the Base Depot No.213 at CALAIS. 19.8.1917. Set offto rejoin Nelson Battalion eventually rejoining on 23.8.1917 23.8.1917. Battalion at AUBREY CAMP-23 OR reinforcements arrived from Base. 24.8.1917. Relieved Anson battalion in right sub sector of Divisional frontat MAISON BLANCHE. Battalion in NAVAL and MARINE trenches of support line. 10.9.1917. Battalion relieved. Route march to MAROEVIL, halt in RUCLINCOURT forhot meal. 12.9.1917. Battalion moved by route march to AUBREY CAMP, Training 17.9.1917. Battalion moved to ROUNDHAY CAMP 18.9.1917 to 23.9.1917. Working parties at night to wire GAVRELLE village 24.9.1917. Battalion inspected by Rear Admiral Levison 25.9.1917. 189th In£ Bgde (including Nelson) relieved-tram fromCLANTETLER to ECOIVRES and then bus to TINQUES. Training at this location. 2.10.1917. Battalion marched to SAVY where it entrained and moved to PROVEN where it detrained and the battalion then marched to NOUVOU MONDE where they went into billets. 5.10.1917. Battalion moved to BROWN CAMP by bus. 6.10.1917. Battalion marched fromBROWN CAMP to REIGERSBURG CAMP. 600 men frombattalion employed in extending light railway beyond ST JULIAN. Rest of men improved bivouacs. 8.10.1917. Training- improvement of bivouacs. 9.10.1917. Training. 10.10.1917. Four companies engaged in road construction. This continued to 12.10.1917. 13.10.1917. Battalion moved to KEMPTON PARK 14.10.1917. Camp was bombed by hostile aircraftand shelled throughout the night. Casualties frombombing, 2 wounded, casualties on working parties 2 killed, 8 wounded. Working parties continued up to 20.10.1917 with casualties every day 20.10.1917. Battalion moved to LA BRIQUE camp where working parties continued to take casualties up to 22.10.1917. 1288. 23.10.1917. Battalion moved to BRAKE CAMP where parades and inspections were the order ofthe day until 26.10.17. 26.10.1917. Preparations for moving into the line 27.10.1917. Battalion moved to IRISH CAMP and then at dusk into the line to Relieve Hood battalion. The companies took up positions in and around Y ARLET FARM, WALLEMOLEN and INCH HOUSES. The enemy was quiet throughout the night, one officer killed on patrol. 28.10.1917. D company in a large offensive patrol captured a pillbox 75 yards in frontof the line with heavy casualties. Battalion relieved by Artist Rifles. Casualties 18 killed, 33 wounded, 2 died of wounds, 5 missing. 29.10.1917. Battalion rested at !RISH CAMP and at 5pm two companies, A & D moved into reserve at MOUSETRAP TRENCH 30.10.1917. B Company employed as stretcher-bearers for l 901h Brigade. A & D Companies moved up into support in frontof ALBATROSS FARM. C Company moved up to MOUSETRAP TRENCH. Casualties 16 wounded. 31.10.1917. Whole battalion moved forwardto relieve various units ofthe l 90t11 Brigade in the frontline . 1.11.1917. Battalion occupying line south ofSPRIET. A party fromC Company consisting of1 officer and 12 men assaulted and captured a Pillbox taking 1 officer and 12 men. 3 enemy were killed and a machine gun captured. No casualties in C Company party. Ht:avy enemy retaliation at 8.30pm and 2am 2.11.1917. Enemy shelling average, machine gun and sniper fireintermittent. Battalion relieved at 8pm by Hood Battalion. 3.11.1917. Battalion in Brigade reserve at CANAL BANK. Heavy casualties due to gas shelling. 5.11.1917. Battalion moved to DAMBRE CAMP. 6.11.1917. Battalion moved to ROAD CAMP. 10.11.1917. Battalion moved to WINNEZEELE 11.11.1917. Battalionmoved to HELSTHAEGE, Rained all the way. 14.11.1917. 5 officers and 243 men arrived as reinforcements. 18.11.1917. 189th Brigade Church Parade of Nelson, Hawke and Drake Battalions, service taken by Bishop GWYNNE, afterwardsthe Brigade marched past the G.O.C. 23.11.1917. Battalion inspected by 2°d Corps Commander. 28.11.1917. Battalion moved to LE NOUVEAU MONDE. 29.11.1917. Battalion moved to ROAD CAMP. 1289.

During operations 30th/3 l st casualties were 3 officers' wounded and l 00 men killed, wounded or missing. Amongst the wounded was William BRADLEY. He received a bullet wound to the left thigh that leftan irregular scar 5" long and there was considerable destruction of muscle. He was taken to 149th Field Ambulance and then invalided home on 11.1.1918. I believe that he spent time in a hospital in Gretna Green but have no documentary records of this.

On 27.8.1918 he is again on the roll of Victory IX RND Regimental Depot and on 26.9.1918 he was invalided out of the service. His certificate of Service describes his conduct as Very Good. He was eventually granted a pension No.15684 The medals awarded to him were 1914-15 Star, British War and Victory medals.

I have never managed to find out which Company/Platoon he served with so I cannot say with any certainty where exactly he was in France during the Battalion's time on the Front line. Whilst in the Dardenelles he was attached to the Engineers forMining duties but I do not know if this continued in France.

He returned home and was reemployed at Ashington Colliery. He eventually became the "Rollywayrnan"for the Duke Pit of Ashington Colliery. This meant that he was responsible formaintaining the haulage systems and track in the pit.

In 1920 he married Annie Wintrip Fitzsimmonsand in 1921 my mother Rhoda May Bradley was born. They had numerous children, two of whom, Joseph and Ronald died in childhood and the survivors were my Mother, my Uncle John Fenwick Bradley, and my Aunts, Margaret June and Annie Isobel. I was born in 1943 and named aftermy Uncle Joseph and my Grandfatherson both sides.

William Bradley retired in 1960 aged 65 years, but unfortunatelymy grandmother died the following year. He then lived with either my parents or my Aunt Margaret June until his death in 1987 aged 91. He is buried beside his mother in Seaton Hirst Churchyard, Ashington.

During my childhood he would never answer questions from me regarding his war service although he was proud to have served with Nelson Battalion.

He was very scathing of Americans and the only story he would tell is of meeting an American soldier in the trenches sometime in 1917. The American apparently was very cocky and asked, "Where's the goddammed shooting gallery" My Grandfatherdirected

1291. him to the front line and told him that he got his shots for nothing. Equally he was very impressed with the Gurkha's who he had seen on several occasions on the Front Line with the ears of the German soldiers they had killed.

My grandfather wasn't a hero in the sense that he did not receive any Gallantry medals. He only received Campaign medals, but he was a hero in that he volunteered to go to war beforeconscription started, when it would have been quite easy forhim to remain at the Colliery, he did his duty forhis country, fought and was wounded twice. He accepted his lot in life, didn't cause any trouble and was the type of man the Great Britain depends upon to be there when the country needs them. I, for one, am proud of his service to his Country.

Joe Gibbons.

If any readers how any additional details or would like to contact me about my article I can reached as follows :-

4 Falstone Crescent Ashington Northumberland NE63 OTY

Telephone:- 01670 856871 or E Mail [email protected]

1292. (jALLI�e)Ll.

SOLO SAGA.

An unpublished account in 3 parts, of his experiences in the R.N.D. Divisional Engineers - Signals,,

By Reginald Gale. 1284 R.N.D ..E.

PART TWO.

ASHORE:- And so, on the last day of May 1915, the first reinforcement draft to the RND landed safely on the Gallipoli Peninsula. In the starlight we could make out a fairly extensive beach with cliffs, dotted here andthere with dim lights, in the background. A strange Officer welcomed us with a few words which went rather like this:-

"You are on the Gallipoli Peninsula and within a few miles of the trenches. Once you get offthis beach you will be visible to the Turks in daylight. Do not stand about in groups or light frres too close together. It ha<:;cost a lot of money to get you out here and we don't want you killed too soon."

I appreciated his cheerfulthought for us ! Later on we visited the spot in daylight and found it was close to the grave of200 men of the Fusiliers killed at the landing.

We were marched offeventually, up a winding track to the top of the cliff, we could now see nothing but a black landscape. A fewmiles away, obviously on hills, Verey lights flaredat frequentintervals and small arms firewent on all the time. I remember that as we topped the cliff,a head popped out of a bivouac and a voice said "Who are you chums ?" As I happened to be nearest I said "Engineers" and the figurereplied "We can do with you all."

For a mile or so we went towards the line. The road was dry and the going was easy. Once a gun close by firedand we all jumped. At that time we did not know enough to

1293. distinguish between artillery fire and the burst of a shell. We learned this later on, one of the men told me that he feltterrible and was sure we were heading straight forthe trenches. The only feelingI can remember is an intense excitement at being in such a wonderful place.

Presently we halted and word was passed along that we could kip down where we were, just offthe road. There were lots ofdugouts and I got into one immediately. It was like a shallow grave about eighteen inches deep. I unpacked my blanket and my groundsheet, dumped the rest of my kit and turnedin with my riflein my arms. (It was as well that I took the rifleto bed with me because those leftout were rusty by morning fromthe heavy dew.) I was too tired to be wakeful and for the first time the guns lulled me off, at about two o'clock.

Soon after fiveI woke up, perhaps it was the sun, or it may have beenthe general stir. We stood and gaped about as raw hands do ! From force of habit we looked for a wash but could findnothing in the way of water. Still we had drinking water in our bottles and Harry and I pooled some for tea as it became obvious that it was not going to be made communally. We lined up and got tea and sugar, some bread and a rasher of bacon apiece. It was quite twelve hours since we had eaten and we enjoyed our strong, smoky tea, the half-cooked rasher and the bread and jam. Naturally all the draft were doing the same and an NCO was soon around telling the men to move the fires farther apart. Harryand I had fortunatelyfinished with ours.

This might be a convenient place to describe the scene. Behind us were the long gentle slopes up to cliffsabove the landing beach. The cliffswere all round the sides of the peninsula except on our right where there was a wide bay with dancing blue water and a shadowy glimpse of coastline in the distance. This was Morto Bay, actually inside the Straits and the coastline was that ofAsia. This was the only place where the sea could be seen without ascending the cliffs. Ahead ofus, extending the whole way across the Peninsula, was a range ofhills. This range was occupied by the Turks and the central peak was Achi Baba. This is the hill which definitely barred our progress. It is not a mountain but its side is so scored with ravines and nullahs that it might have been designed as a defensive position. One could liken our location to a shallow bowl with a lip opening to the sea. The ground was fairlyflat with a harsh grass that was rapidly disappearing under the hot sun and traffic. Here and there were little clusters oftrees, rarely more than two or three. However, a fewhundred yards fromour bivouac a cluster of perhaps a dozen sheltered an obvious headquarters of some sort, we were soon to discover that it was our own. Carts drawn by horse or mules passed up and down, always singly. Soldiers were everywhere. The steady rattle of small arms formeda permanent background, punctuated occasionally by a bang of a gun or shell. The general impression we got was of dryness. The sky was cloudless and even in the early morning the sun was hot.

We had nothing to do that day so we gossiped with anyone who would talk to us and began to get our bearings. Our frontline was about halfwayup the hills ahead ofus. We looked at the veterans with admiration. I remember seeing a party ofsoldiers approaching andI hurried over to the track to identify them. This encounter standsout clearly because they were Royal Marine Light Infantry. None wore puttees: some had Australian slouch hats: all uniforms

1294. were stained, tornand dirty. They all carried slung riflesusually with a piece of rag tied over the muzzle. These men were walking, not marching, in single file, and apart fromthe rifles there was no equipment. We could hardly believe our eyes! The RMLI like that! Unshaven and not in step! Later on we found that water was too precious forovermuch shaving or washing and that there was no marching in daylight because of raising dust. These Marines were going for a swim and rifleshad to be carried at all times then.

A peace time colleague was in the RNDE and aftertea I walked over to Divisional Headquarters to sec ifl could locate him. He was Jim Secker 705 and it was on his recommendation that I had enlisted in this particularcompany. He was there and it was quite a reunion. Jimmy had been hit by a shrapnel bullet a few days earlier, fortunately it was spent and it bruised his collarbone As we sat in his bivouac I had my first introduction at what we called the "evening strafe" which we found was fairly regular. It was a Turkish custom to have a shoot about sunset and on this particular evening about a dozen shells dropped around DHQ without doing any damage. And so I soon learned what an approaching shell sounded like. As I was on my way back to my dugout I heard the whistle of another shell and in no time I was in the nearest trench. I had become a good learner ! I must not forgetto mention that we had our firstmail fromhome that day and how pleased we all were. There were several letters and newspapers forme and I think everyone had something. I slept well that night and if there was any shelling I knew nothing about it. Two active and tiring days on about three hours sleep predisposes one to sleep heavily.

Next day, 1 st June, we were told to be packed up and on parade at one o'clock. We marched along to DHQ and names were called out for various sections. It was a matter of luck where we were sent I suppose, but I was anxious not to be separated fromHarry and Alf. I was pleased when Harry and I were posted together but sorry when Alf was told offfor another section. The third man allotted with Harry and I was Ralph Carradine. I knew him a bit but he was not in anyway a friend.I regardedhim as a scrounger but probably I was wrong. I then did something I afterwardsreproached myself for. I went and saw the Sergeant Major and tried to get the posting altered. He refusedand when Carradine found out, things were a bit strained for a time. But later on we got on alright.

Oursection was No 3 and we were attached to the 2nct. Naval Brigade. No 3 section were at the moment in the trenches with the Brigade so we were told to stay at Headquarters for a time. Before I finish with our posting I must relate one incident. We were gossiping with some of the Headquarters men that day and one man said conversationally, "It's not too bad here really. It is the poor b -----s with the Brigades who go through it." That sounded comforting! When he foundwe were waiting for our Brigade he h:1d to try and explain that he had not re�lly meant it.

We stayed at DHQ fora day or two pending the return of the Brigade. The next morningwe had to parade at 6.15. Up to the present I had fallen in with a bugle, now I had to get used to a whistle. We lazed about because we had no specificduties. We listened to yarns about the

1295. early days ofthe campaign; we picked up lumps of shell as souvenirs; Harry met some old friends and both ofus made some new ones. As a matter of fact I expect we were just a nuisance. Intermittently a few shells came over but we soon learned to tell when the whistle was ominous. The day following we were put to work fillingsandbags but at eleven o'clock the call forus was put out and we were given a guide to the Brigade Headquarters about half a mile away.

I think this may be regarded as the end ofmy training and transit period. Now Harry andI were members of the operational forces. I said to myself "I shall always be able to say, 'I was with a Naval Brigade at the Dardanelles', I was immensely proud of myself.

WITH THE SECOND NAVAL BRIGADE:- Headquarters of the 2n

We were shown the site ofthe section camp and almost at once our section arrived fromthe line. We had an interview with the section officer, Lieutenant Paterson. (later Captain.) Then we were turned over to the NCOs. The sergeants were MacKenzie and Branchand gradually we got to know the names ofthe others. The firstadvice we got was to get a dugout built for ourselves. We lost no time in getting on with this and the loose gravel was easily excavated. It was the usual shallow grave pattern and Harry and I had ours side by side.

After their sojournin the line the section looked shabby and unshaven, all ofthem were in need ofa wash and that was their immediate activity. I soon began to feel at home and they were friendly.Later on I came to appreciate their sterling qualities and remember them with affectionto this day.

That same evening I was introduced to the uncertain existence of action troops. At eight o'clock we were told to be packed up to fall in forthe trenches at 3.0 am. The others had only just come out but I cannot remember that there were any grumbles. So I packed up, slept fully dressed, wearing my greatcoat. Perhaps I could say here that I never slept other than fully dressed and with boots on, whilst I was on the Peninsula. One never knew when one would be roused out to make a move or when one would be shelled out of a dugout. It was as well to be sure that one had at least one's clothes on. The nights were cool but not cold. Dews were heavy. Laying in the dugout at night the dew fell gently on the face and the blanket was distinctly wet in the morning.

th rd 111 BATTLE. 4 JUNE 1915 :- The night of3 /4 June was troubled and I got little sleep. The strange surroundings, excitement and all the noise combined to keep me wakeful. There was a lot of shellfire on both sides. Our Brigade was moving and there was much shouting as men were fe ll in and marched offin parties. But beforeit was light our turn came. We fell in with

1296. the kit we had elected to take and then we were loaded up with the various items of signal gear, telephones, drums of cable, crooksticks and a commutator ----- something I had never seen before. Briefly this is a base board crossed with strips of brass, each with a terminal screw. By the use of plugs it is used to give a variety of connections beyond the number of telephones available.

So we picked up our riflesand moved offjust as day was breaking. We had about three miles to march and we reached the entrance to the trenches around 4.15 am. The road just before this pointlay below a cliffand, save forthe occasional drone of a spent bullet, all was quiet. Backhouse Po�i was the halting place and here we stood easy fora few minutes.

To say that we entered the trenches here may give an incorrect impression. We entered the nullah in single file along-side a stream which tumbled and gurgled. Sometimes it narrowed to miniature waterfalls; sometimes it widened into pools with large flowers of various colours, mainly scarlet and blue. Both in the water and on the banks this bright carpet was of flowers growing. By the edge of all this beauty a path had been dug and worn so that in effect we were walking on a wide footpathby the stream. The overhead bullets became more frequent as we approached the line climbing gradually all the time. Here and there we came across reminders that we were not there as tourists. The stream contained discarded equipment or pieces of uniform or a bandage faintlybloods tained. I remember RAMC man sprawled on the bank, sound asleep and still wearing his spectacles. Once we stood aside for a loaded stretcher and again fora man being led out with one side of his face cut to bits. "Smashed periscope" said someone.

Soon we came to a point I later got to know as "The Brown House" although the only sign of a house was an odd length of wall behind which were boxes of ammunition. This was where we entered the trenches proper and there was no more scenery. We now saw nothing but the emth walls and we could see only a fewyards ahead. This was the winding conununication trench and soon we branched offinto the support line and at a place where the trench widened out a bit we halted. This was Brigade Headquarters. Pegs driven into the trench wall supported telephone and writing had to be done somehow.

We were now detailed offto go to various positions, two men here and two there, just as we happened to be standing at the moment. Harry Beman was told offfor the Collingwoods. A man whose name I learned was HaroldHousden and I were told to go to French Headquarters in the line. There was not much light relief,so a remark by an infantryman as he saw one of us with a commutator, deserves record. He said "S'truth, here's a bloke brought his typewriter".

So Harold and I set out forthe French Headquarters.Apart fromthe general directionwe had nothing much to go on and had no idea (at least I had no idea) as to what we should find when we got there. But I remember that Harold gave the impression that we were on a softjob, and, comparatively, so we were. The trenches were now crowed with troops, mostly Collingwoods and in the narrow trenches our progress was slow. Eventually we foundourselves with the French forcesboth black and white. By now the time would have been about half past five.

1297. Housden spoke some French, myself none at all but we found our destination, fixed our telephone up and reported to Brigade. We were acting as the link between the right hand force of the British sector and the left hand unit of the French. The shelter we were occupying was close to the French General's Headquarters and perhaps twenty feetfrom, but in sight of, the frontline. Sharing our shelter were some French Artillery observers. The "shelter" was a roofed-in dugout in the side of a trench, about four feet high and five feetsquare. The garrison of the line were Senegalese, very tall men and intensely black. They all seemed very cheerful.

An R.N.D. Officer was attached to the French, acting as liaison officer, memory suggests that he was Lieutenant Commander Williams but I never heard fromwhich battalion he was drawn. From time to time he came to use our telephone and sometimes I would go and fetch him for a conversation with our Brigade. This was still comparatively early in the morning and firewas not heavy so far as artillery was concernedbut small armsfire was fairly heavy fromthe opposite trenches. The observers sharing out funk-holewere busy. One had been in and out a fewtimes with his periscope, later he appeared with a hole drilled through it and rubbing his eye. He then left, leaving the periscope behind but within minutes he was back, exhibiting his helmet in which a neat bullet hole had drilled through. Later, he went out bareheaded and I did not see him again. We had very little to do, so I began to think about food. I believe we had some biscuit and jam, together with coffee.

Our position was about70 yards fromthe Turkish frontline and our attack was due to be delivered at noon. About a quarter to eleven our bombardment commenced. It was my first experience of artillery fireand it seemed terribleto me but in the light of subsequent barrages in France I know now that it was light. Our artillery was short of shells and practically no high explosive was fired. It was simply the factthat we were so near to the enemy trenches that it seemed so noisy. Now and again a shell fromthe Turks skimmed our trenches and exploded just behindus. It seemed to me that all these explosions were followedby shouting, the fullsi gnificance of the shouts did not dawn on me until later when I saw some of the wounded. No shells fell in our trench. I suppose that we were too close to the Turks to be a very easy target. Thereforethe shells dropped in the crowded trenches behind us. All this time there had been a considerable amount of small arms firefrom the enemy. Our artillery had not apparentlyfrig htened them out of the firetrench.

At noon our artillerystopped. At once the fire fromthe Turks rose to an unbelievable intensity. There was no sound of individual shots, it was a sustained roar and the hum of the bullets passing overhead reminded me of the sound made by a swarmof bees. Looking up one expected to see a curtain of bullets above the trench; one had the impression that even a finger shown in the open would be hit.

Urged on by their officersthe Senegalese waved their rifles with bayonets fixed and the fire, if possible, intensified. Then the men beganto scrambled over the parapet. My heart bled for those men because it looked like certain death to stand in the open. Almost immediately the firstcasualty dropped back into the trench.

1298. Above:- French advancing to the firingline through RNAS camp, Cape Helles. Fleet Air Arm Museum, Yeovilton. Negative No = Campaigns /639. Below :- French "75" at footof Caesar's Hill. The gun is firingand the breach is in full recoil. These guns were remarkably accurate. It was a fine sight to watch them bursting shells up and down a trench. Three shells from one gun could be kept in the air at the same time. Imperial War Museum. ReferenceQ 14840. 1299. -:0 >,, Jc, l "" '..., hi >) � J <. � ) > :, 1 . :, '., i. < ) (:, �'i " (:) r-

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1300. 1301. All the photographs are from Reginald Gale's papers in the Liddle Collection, Brotherton Library, University of Leeds. I would like to show my appreciation to C D W Sheppard Head of Special Collections and R D Davis of the same department for their help and advice regarding the photographs of Gale that appear in this series.

Bottom photograph :­ R.N .D. Div HQ Signals Office, Gallipoli. 1302. I remember that first casualty very clearly. He was a large black man and both his hands were clapped to his left thigh and the red blood was spurting between his fingers. More wounded came in and made their way to the rear. There was probably medical arrangements somewhere along the support line but I can only say that I saw none. More casualties tumbled back, some were dead and others died soon. The heat and the flies beat down. Hardly any men were left in the trenches where we were and somehow we heard that the attack had failed. Presumably the men who had gone over the top had all been killed less the wounded and a fewwho straggled back at intervals. Had the Turk attacked at that time he could have walked in because there was no one to oppose him. I loaded my rifle and fixed my bayonet, goodness knows why!

In parenthesis perhaps I can record what happened as I learned it later. Opposite where we lay was the Haricot Redoubt which could not be taken. The redoubt enfiladed the trenches taken by the RND on my present left and as a result had to be abandoned. One length after another having to be given up, until the R.N.D. all along the line, were almost back where it started. This is putting the battle in its simplest terms of course.

I have already stated that the French Headquarters was close to the frontline. Afterthe abortive attack this head quarters moved further back presumably because of the empty line. Therefore our little officehad to move back also. As we had no spare wire I was told to go down to the Brigade to get some. That was not a pleasant trip. A new artillery shoot was in progress, the trenches were choked with dead and wounded and in any case I was new to trenches and was none too sure of the way. I reached our Brigade and collected the drum of cable and set out on the return trip which I found more difficult. Some of the route lay along old trenches which had been battered and were shallow. I was picking my way over casualties and I could not ask the direction because of linguistic difficulties. I was trying to make myself understood to some Senegalese by repeating the name of the French General, when one of them said "Where you want to go Johnny?" This in quite good English.

As faras I could understand the position, it was this. A renewed attack by British and French forces was planned forfive o'clock andthe bombardment for 4.0 pm. was in preparation for it. Sometime after fouro'clock the French decided against making the attack. Fresh troops, white this time, had filled our trench and they were standing ready to go over the top. I can remember catching the eye of one as he fixed his bayonet and he grinned and patted the blade. Suddenly the liaison officer came into our funk-hole and demanded to speak to Brigade. The line was dead. It had just been cut, presumably by shell fire. He ordered me to guide him down to our Brigade Headquarters at once to try and stop our men going over at five o'clock. Having just made the trip, I was able to get him across to Brigade without trouble and the attack was cancelled. On the return trip I was again at fault and the officer had to help me. But it was more by luck than judgement that we got back without too much delay. I heard a few days later that he spoke to my section officer aboutmy "incompetence", but after hearing that it was my first day up there, was less censorious.

Finding one's way about in strange trenches is not easy. There are no definite landmarks; they wind and twist; there is no precise direction and one corneris much the same as any other.

1303. After living in them for some time one gets a sense of direction, but I was too inexperienced to take a bearing on the sun forexample. On the fourpm. trip mentioned I went along the support line fromBrigade Headquartersand turnedtoward the front too soon. As a result I foundmyself among the RND instead of French troops. There were a few riflemen but most of the floor was occupied by wounded. It was difficult to pass along without touching the prone bodies. I remember seeing one man flinch because he thought I was going to tread on him. The front line was shallow; once I straightened my back andlooked over the parapet. I saw an expanse of burned up grass and the barbed wire entanglements. But also there were bodies, tumbled heaps of khaki everywhere. Scores and scores of them, looking like dead leaves in autumn. These were the men who had travelled on the Iverniawith me: the rough talking Tynesiders who had been vaccinated on board, and as I had seen formyself, had arms black and swollen. I had no doubt that many died with one arm more or less incapacitated. I took the view in at a glance. The thought camelater. Even as I looked, I graspedthe danger and hurriedly bent down again.

With the cancellation of the attack, things became quieter. Harold and I had something to eat and then, as I had no idea how to repair a line, he went out to look for the break. By the time darkness fell the line was working again, but whether it was his repair or whether it was by a patrol fromBrigade I cannot say. Housden and I agreed to divide the night duty between us. The Army phone we were using consisted of one ear-piece on webbing which remained on the right ear without support andthe other part consisting of earpiece and microphone which had to be held in the hand. The advantage is that one hears with both ears but the microphone can be laid down leaving both hands free. There was no room to lay down, but in turn we slept in a sitting position. I was dead tired, because I had only had a few hours sleep the previous night and what with the movement and tension all day was exhausted. I would not like to say that I was wide awake all through my watch "on". But I did not sleep through any calls, although these were just tests. When I was roused up at daylight I was hardly able to distinguish dreams fromrealities.

5th June 1915 :- The sun rose on the shambles. The wounded were taken away and the dead were removed, probably over the parapet. We began to thinkabout food. We had none of our own and the French soldiers noticed this. They gave us coffee, rice we had from a Senegalese dixie and shared a tin of tunny with another group. The day was quiet and strangely uneventful. I remember that early that morning or late the previous night I asked Harold the famousquestion "Is it always like this up here ?" Harold has never forgottenthat and has often mentioned it at reunions. He regarded it as one of the jokes of the campaign! About six o'clock that evening we were relieved by two men from the 1 st Brigade. With much handshakingwe parted with our two French comrades, both white and black, and set out on the homeward trail. My only thought was to arrivebut it seemed to me at the timethat Harold's idea was different. He stopped to chat to every group of Frenchmen as we made our way along the fire trench. The trenches were in a bad state here owing to the shelling and in one place we got among the Foreign Legion. Even at the time I noticed, and still remember, the happy and confident air of these men. For them it was probably a change to see British troops and Harold had quite a conversation with them. One group, squatting round a mitrailleuse, accosted us and I stopped behind their gun. More than one shouted andone of

1304. them pushed me aside. The gun had a clear field of fire and there was practically no parapet at that point!

We passed along and came to an empty trench, shallow and we looked over to open country. The bullets passing overhead sounded rather close. We began to descend the side of a hill, it was still empty. I had been relying on Harold as a guide and my happiness was not increased when he gave his opinion that we were ahead of the front line. It was getting dark but we kept on, bent double, and in my case, horribly scared. In the dark we suddenly heard voices ahead. At first we could not distinguish the language but it gradually became more distinct. It was Tyneside and never have I been so pleased to hear swearing. We had reached our own lines and without trouble we reached Brigade. To me at that moment, Brigade Headquarters was a haven ofrest and quiet and I fearI was somewhat short with Carradine when he tried to tell me what a hell ofa time they had had there for the last two days.

BACK IN THE REST CAMP :-The night was not dark. We picked up our loads, filed into the communication trench, thence into the nullah and so down to Backhouse Post. When the weather was clear, darkness on the Peninsula had a sharp quality, even when there was no moon. The sky was crowded with stars and there was sufficient light to make movement fairly easy. This made our trek a matter ofno difficulty.The blessed relief of it ! We were not expected to be on the telephone or to post sentries. We could relax and go to sleep. I think that was all we asked for. I do not think anyone had either a blanket or a greatcoat, but that did not matter. I crawled into a bivouac and was asleep in moments and most or all ofus did the same.

Next morning we set about having some sort of clean to remove the dust and sweat. We were close to the nullah and we had a wash in running water. That wash and a good breakfast revived us and we began to swap yarns. There had been no casualties in the section and I was delighted to see Harry Beman again. He had been with Collingwood and his experience had been roughly on a par with my own. Backhouse Post was a resting place perhaps a mile and a half fromthe firingline but it had its own particular hazards. The Turkish rifle bullets were at the end oftheir flight and many men got wounded by these. Such wounds were often slight because the bullet had by then only a small velocity. A small obstacle such as a button or a bone would deflect it. A Corporal ofthe section named Bruce was wounded at Backhouse Post, but I am not sure whether it was on this particular day. It was usual here to hear bullets, nearly spent, drone past. The morning ofwhich I am telling found me with one of these bullets in the dugout having dropped there in the night. After we had recovered bit we had to lay close for a time because a bombardment suddenly flared up. But eventually things quietened down and we moved offand reached our rest camp around two o'clock. I was warned to take over the Signal Office shiftworking.

This is as convenient a place as anywhere to say something about our work and the conditions of it. A brigade Signal Section must always be in touch with (a) Division and (b) its Battalions. On occasions it must be in touch with other formations also. For example, in action it should have contact with flankingunits. In actual practice, unless in action, we were only in touch with Division. Our battalions were so often away fromthe Brigade or else were so close that we could send over to them, that the telephones were not necessary. 1305. All the photographs are from R Gale's papers in the Liddle Collection, Brotherton Library University of Leeds.

Middle:- th W Beach 10 October 1915.

Bottom:­ Section 2 at W Mule Trench. August 1915.

1306. The "Signal Office"mentioned above was a dugout about three feetdeep and perhaps six feet each way. The parapet was just loose earth. Our instrument was a buzzer worked by a morse key. It is perhaps worth mentioning that the first time I saw one was when I was put to work on it ! We staffed the line with three men workfag the same watches as are taken aboard ship, four hour shifts with the dog-watches to break up the rotation. Offwatch, one was normally freeto leave camp.

The following day was a day of sorting out, stock taking and overhauling the stores generally. But we did manage to get a swim. From the messages handled we got some idea of our Brigade casualties. The Collingwood Battalion wasworst hit. The OC Commander Spearman was killed and practically all the other officers had been killed or wounded. It was a day of intermittent shelling. Continually we had to run into our dugouts, it made meals a bit difficult. One burst of shrapnel caught some ofus in the open and Harold Self was struck in the head and Mitton was hit in the foot.

But as I have said we did manage to get down to V beach for a swim. The sea bathing must have saved a lot of sickness, water was so short that we hardly ever washed except in the sea. It was calm, warm and clear and there was always plenty of naked men splashing about. Occasionally a shell dropped but in water the danger was negligible and no one was deterred. More than once shells dropped in the sea while we were bathing. My diary records that on this particular day we were shelled from Asia. Certainly lifewas never dull. This particular afternoon we sat drying in the sun and watched a ship burning. It was offCape Relles and had, I suppose it had been hit from the Asiatic side of the Straits. There was a big and noisy gun over there which we called "Asiatic Annie". Smoke poured up from the vessel and "Annie" was trying to hit her again, but did not do so as long as we watched. The Turkish fire was not very accurate and it is possible that the firewas started from other sources. It was a French ship.

That evening I walked over to DHQ to see Jimmy Secker. It made a change and I was able to have a gossip and see other old friends as well. But my luck was out that day. Afterthe shelling of our camp in the morning, the Turks turnedtheir attention unto DHQ almost as soon as I got there. So I did not stop very long and on returning found our camp quiet enough. At ten o'clock I was on watch for fourhours.

The Signal Officeat night is worth a paragraph to itself Our illumination for working purposes was a naval signal lamp. This is a heavy powerful lamp about two feet in height, the lens is masked by shutters which open on the same principle as venetian blinds and is operated by a knob on the top. Low down at the side and level with flame there is a small sliding shutter meant forinspection of the burner. This shutter, when opened gave us enough light to write by. Normally we kept it closed, lights were dangerous. At night in rest, we had fewmessages and the buzzer was audible some yards away. That night a sentry came along and I was standing talkingto him out in the open. From force of habit I rolled a cigarette and struck a match. BeforeI could touch the cigarette there was a rifle crack and a bullet whipped overhead. The sentry and I separated quickly.

1307. This brings me to something else. Sentries were out every night and as a battalion was usually camped in a rough square, a sentry would have a post at each comer or side. As a result one could not travel far at night without being held up. It behoved one to answer quickly to any challenge. Several times when I was on a visit to the latrine during the night I have come close to the point of a bayonet.

For the next few weeks the Brigade was held in reserve because our men power had been so depleted that we had insufficient men to take over a brigade sector. But, looking at my diary, I can see that each day brought its own happenings. Some days forhours at a stretch we were unable to leave our dugouts. I tried to make my own dugout more comfortable by going down another footand digging under the parapet, also by shaping it slightly to the shape of my body. Sometimes I tried to sleep in the afternoonbut flies made this difficult: I tried a tent of newspaper but soon awoke bathed in perspiration. One night some gravel dropped into my ear, forthe only time in my life I had earache. After that I always covered my head at night.

I have just mentioned flies. They were everywhere. A biscuit coated with jam would get covered in the distance between hand and mouth. It was hard not to eat them ! They were a little larger than the usual housefly and bit when they were allowed to stay on fleshfor more than a moment. A slightly lesser pest were ants. These were about threequarters of an inch long and very strong. I remember an occasion when I had obtained a tin of milk, a great treat. We had some overnight and I put it aside forthe morning. The tin was pierced with two holes and at breakfast it would not pour. At last a waving leg protruded. I cut the tin open and the contents were a heaving mass of ants.

We rarely had much freshwater. Not far from Backhouse Post was a spring, Romano's Well. This was a spring of cold clean water. It was well-known to the enemy of course and it was under desultory shell-fire all the time. But our Engineers had piped the water forseveral hundred yards and we used the well in comparative safety. The pipe ran into a trough made from a sheet of corrugated iron in which were punched holes. The water poured through the holes and a dozen men could thus fill waterbottles at the same time. Men would come down fromthe line or from camps with as many bottles as they could carry. The well was too far fromour camp forodd visits so we had to live out of a watercart. This came up every night about sunset and we filled our bottles, the water was strongly chlorinated and unpleasant to drink but it was better than nothing. Sometimes we went down to a nearby well and waited in a queue forperhaps an hour. The water here wasfoul but it served fora wash or shave. Shaving was difficult because the lather dried on the face beforethe razorcould be applied to it. On leaving England I had packed a nice shaving mirror, within a week of landing I was using a small piece of it which I carried in my cigarette tin.

For the record I must mention foodand feeding. Only those who have lived on Army rations, have any knowledge how poor those rations were. Our section, being attached to a headquarters were lucky un as much as we usually had bread. It was always sour but was better than biscuits. My teeth were excellent but they could hardly cope with biscuits.

1308. Above:- Royal Naval Division Signal Office. The Division had twenty Miles of cable radiating from this office. Imperial War Museum Reference:- Q61081.

Below:- R.N.D. Signallers laying cable. Imperial War Museum Reference:- Q 61093.

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��i. o,/��� �\-·"-�--,_--._- -._-____. .:..C-�-�'-,t-__�. ll. E. ?1:Jolln5 s�critJt.·, G Jam was had in plenty but not in great variety, it was usually apricot or plum and apple. Bully beef there was in plenty. In that climate the fat came out as liquid. There was always plenty of tea and sugar. Milk was not issued although we occasionally got a tin from the canteen on W beach. Always plenty of cheese and bacon. Fresh meat sometimes but it was unmistakably horse or mule. We were able to get coffeebeans from the French in exchange forjam. One of the section had a mill and we ground it as we wanted it. Now and again we had a rum or some lime juice issued. At first we had to cook forourselves but later a section cook was appointed and we did a little better. We would get boiled rice with dried fruit, apricots I believe. The bacon was much better when fried in bulk too. One dish we evolved consisted of biscuit pounded up, boiled in a handkerchief and eaten with marmalade or jam. To make our individual fires we always collected sticks, twigs or even dry bracken. If, on one of our bathing trips we founda bit of packing case it was a treasure.

I must mention the wind. About halfway through Juneit began to blow. It was not gusty, just a hard steady wind from the direction of Achi Baba. It was as even as the breeze froman electric fan. It was dust laden and on our return from the beach our faces were coated with fine grit. To return to the bathing fora moment. We had several sites to choose from. Morto Bay was the nearest and most pleasant. A sandy bay in the Dardanelles, it was very popular but being fairly close to the line it was liable to be shelled. At the tip of the Peninsula we had the choice ofV and W Beaches. The formerwas the nearest and we often went there although it was in the hands of the French. W Beach was a longer walk but it had a canteen and occasionally we were able to get something. Finally there was the west side where the cliffs dropped almost sheer to the sea. One bathed among the rocks in the tideless Aegean Sea and it was sometimes necessary to get upwind of a dead horse or mule. This was the safebathing because the cliff prevented shells dropping close to the edge. Yet few men went there.

One gun we knew as "Asiatic Annie" and it fired from across the Straits. Sometimes we would hear nothing of it fora week and then twenty shells would come in a day. These were big shells and usually high explosive. During the silent periods we hoped she had been put out of action but she always came back with a bang! On 13111 June we were having dinner when one of her shells came down with a crash about 100 yards away nearly hitting Brigade Headquarters mess. Harry and I promptly moved out of camp to a nullah where the lie of the land offered natural protection. When the strafe was over we went back and found that one shell had crashed into a dugout at the side of the road and blown the occupant nearly into our lines. He was killed but not scratched. By the law of averages we could not escape all the time. On I June we were all having breakfast, when, with no preliminary shelling, a th shrapnel shello burst over camp and was just too short to hit us. Seventeen men of the Benbow Battalion were hit.

On the 18111 June I walked over to yarn with friendsat DHQ and got back as the light failed. I thought it strange that the camp was empty but was not disturbed about it. Harryhad been with me and we got ready forbed. Our dug-outs were close to the Signal Office and we overheard Lieutenant Paterson talking to DHQ. Naturally we listened and he was reporting that Sapper Ogden had been killed, Webb and Whittaker wounded. The camp was deserted

1312. A despatch rider of the Royal Naval Division Signal Company, returning through a communication trench from Brigade Headquarters. Each infantry division had 16 motor despatch riders. Gallipoli 1915.

Imperial War Museum ReferenceQ 61079.

1313. because some were grave-digging and others escorting to hospital. Beforebreakfast next day we buried Sapper Ogden B.Sc. As we lined up by the grave, the Padre made us stand with files toward the line in case of being shelled.

One memory of these days is the bag-pipes. Early each morningand again at evening there was the distant sound of pipes somewhere towards Morto Bay. I never saw the piper and, indeed, never encountered a Scottish Regiment, but the pipes were there. It may have been a unit of the RND because we had many Scots.

WE MAKE A MOVE:- Next to rations we lived on rumours. On 14th June it was rumoured that the RMNDwere being withdrawn to England. It seemed quite feasible then with a formationlike the RND. Afterall, our infantry were all trained seaman; our Marines were active service ratings. All the waste of trained men could have been avoided. The rumour appeared to be true and at seven that evening we were ordered to pack for embarkation. Great excitement fora couple of hours, then the order was cancelled!

But the next day the Howe Battalion actually went. This looked like business but nothing more was said to us. The only event which cheered us up was a payment of 5/- per man.

About this time we were issued with a new ration. It was Machonachie meat and vegetable ration. I ate a tin of it and must say I enjoyed the change but it gave me a restless night and a hangover all next day.

On June 1 gth we went to W Beach for a swim and were fortunate enough to get some milk and eggs from the canteen. This was luxury indeed. I see that I also bought eighteen packets of cigarette papers! This was an excellent day. A mail arrived withletters, newspapers and photographs.

The next day was a full one. In the afternoon, Harry and I went swimming and got shelled off the beach. Back in camp we found great excitement. Orders had come that we were moving that night. Only men who have experienced it know what there is to be done. Not only has one's kit to be attended to but the signal gear of instruments, wire, flags, lamps, helios as well as rations and cooking gear.

At 11.0 that night we moved off One of the RND battalions was going at the same time, I think it was Benbow. It was a weird experience to be marching in column in darkness on the Peninsula. In daylight it would have been suicidal. We were all loaded like mules and as the feetfell in unison there was the chink of mess tins against a buckle. My particular load was a sack of bread, bulky but not too heavy. But it was valuable. Fortunately it was not far to V Beach but we were glad to drop our loads and relax for a few minutes among the sandy hillocks. In a minute or two we saw the familiar flashfrom Asia and we all dived for cover while half a dozen shells dropped.

1314. Soon came the order to load up, I hoisted my sack and we crossed the pontoon bridge to where a trawler was waiting in the lee of the River Clyde. The bridge was rising and falling with the waves; it was far fromstraight; it was only starlit and holes in the planking appeared as black blots. But we all got across safely and climbed over the low bulwarks of our ship.

To say the deck was packed is an understatement. It was hard to findspace to sit. We shed our loads andstacked them a bit, but I kept my arm in a strap ofmine for finding it again. By about half past twelve we had more or less settled and Harry asked me ifl had any food handy. I said "Yes" and offered some biscuit and condensed milk. Harry groaned and refused in that gentle way ofhis. But I ate some myself and then we tried to sleep and rather surprisingly I did drop off. I had been on my feet for twenty hours and was tired. We sailed about 2.30 am and I remember being awakened by the movement ofthe ship. Slowly I roused up. It was broad daylight and afterfour hours voyage we lay at anchor close to shore. Getting over the side into rowboats was a tricky job. Both the trawler and the rowboat were rising and fallingand we had heavy loads. But there was no hitch and we got safely ashore on the morning of Sunday 20th June 1915. We were on lmbros.

INTERLUDE ON IMBROS :- We were on a sandy beach with the arms ofthe bay curving gently away in each direction. It was quiet and we were unused to that. The only reminder of war was the presence oftroops and an occasional thud as the noise ofa shell explosion travelled to us from Anzac, a dozen miles away.

The section, we numbered fourteen out ofa nominal roll ofexactly double that figure, fell in with our loads and marched off. The day was already warm and we were relieved to go only halfa mile or so from the shore. We turned into a field of maize and were told to camp. Gratefully we dropped the loads and set about getting breakfast. My sack of bread was called forbut when Sergeant Branch opened it he nearly had a fit ! Instead ofloaves the contents were saddlery ! Afterwe had run for cover on V Beach I must have picked up some other sack. Either that or the ,vrong one had been given to me in camp. Anyway we had to manage with biscuit and it took me sometin1c to live that one down.

During the morningwe got some tents but I slept inthe open each night. It was here that we encountered little black ticks which crawled on our bodies each night. They were small flat things and did not appear to bite. It was a change from the usual lice anyway. We assumed that these mites normally lived on the maize plants.

It waspleasant to sit out in the open and feed in a crowd. We sat round talking and were beginning to relax when we heard a rumble and someone said "Look out." Most ofus made an involuntary move forshelter from forceof habit. Rather shamefacedly we laughed it off. Most ofthe day was spent on fatigues ofsome sort. Pitching tents, fetchingwater and rations, digging a latrine, but in the evening we were free to get a swim. The beach was sandy and spacious and the sea was full of men, hundreds and hundreds ofthem without a stitch between them.

1315. Next morning we had a parade, complete with rifleand fullydressed we felt quite strange. Then we went out for semaphore practice. I suppose we grumbled but it was good for us to be occupied and that was possibly the idea. But we were not half trained really and we might at some day find semaphore useful. In the afternoonHarry and I were told offto get water for the cook. The well was across a field, it had a raised stone wall and the water welled up and poured over the lip. There was a generous flow but four dixies hold a lot of water and we had to join a queue. So we lined up and gossiped our way up to the front. A notice was displayed forbidding any man to dip any utensil or garment in the well itself The notice also said that all water must be boiled before drinking. I noticed that the civilians had no inhibitions about dipping their dirty pots in the well! A day or two later I happened to go there at an offtime and no soldiers were gettingwater. But a number of Greeks were standing about and talking. The woman were filling large earthenware jars which they carried shoulder high. The men only stopped fora drink of water and to water their donkeys which were piled high with corn sheaves. I was reminded of pictures in an illustrated Bible.

The weather was as on the Peninsula but here we could get some shade fromtrees and low hedges. We had an issue of tobacco and in the evening we had a swim. Toward the beach stalls were selling Turkish Delight, nuts and fruitand on that first day we had a great feed. There was a real holiday spirit abroad.

Next day I did not feeltoo good and perhaps it was no wonder after the previous days gorge. However, Harry, Carradine and I had to go down to the beach for stores. There was no urgency so we had a donkey ride while we were there. What with the heat, the bowel upset and the donkey ride, I skipped a swim that day. I stayed in camp and wrote letters that evening.

Wednesday, 23rd June remains with me as one of the best days I spent in that part of the world. It was decided to give us some helio practice. Afterparade, therefore, we went out for a fewmiles into the hills and another party went in the opposite direction. Our party passed through a village, along a footpath on the side of a hill and then dropped down into the glen. After wading a small stream we climbed the opposite hill and founda comparatively flat space just short of the crest. The view was breathtakinglylovely. We were on one of the hills which formed the backdrop of the island asseen from the sea. We looked on the stream we had crossed and the course was marked by shining water foaming along. Flowers of red and blue grew on the margins and as far as we could followit in both directions there was this ribbon of flowers. From the water on the other side the hill we had descended rose gently to a peak which I imagine was about 800 feehigh. The footpathwe had followed, wound to left and right around the hillside, looking like a chalk mark. On our right we looked to the beach and the sea. In the distance a hazy outline represented Anzac Cove and even at that distance we occasionally saw the smoke of a shellburst. Sometimes the trace of shrapnel hung in the air. With our telescope we could see men bathing on Imbros beach. Nearer at hand on our hill a few dark entrances to caves could be seen. Presumably the goats were quarteredin these. The air had an extraordinary clarity. Occasionally a pedestrian passed along the footpath. Once or twice there were men with donkeys. Every detail of the harness was to be seen

1316. clearly and even such detail as the spots on the scarves worn by the riders. It was almost as If one was looking through a telescope all the time.

But we were up there for helio work. We had only a rough idea where our opposite station was but we searched with an open light and soon picked them up. We could not see them even through our telescope but the brilliant sun made communication easy. Both the Sergeants were engineers and we were soon busy with long and complicated messages. The sun moves with a rapidity which is surprising and the flash can get out of focuseven in the sending of a long word. But we got along very well and had an interesting and instructive morning.

About midday we broke offand ate our rations. Then we smoked and yarned. We explored the caves, disturbing the semi-wild goats. None of the caves was deep but they afforded shelter of a sort. Bells hung round the necks of goats and made a pleasant and pastoral background to the day. Some ofus wrote letters as I did, and I remember saying in one of them, how improbable it would have sounded six months earlier, that I would be on a hill looking out over the Aegean. But there I was !

We returned to camp by a different route and passed through one of the island hamlets. It consisted of about a score of one-story stone houses. The communal water supply was carried into a big stone trough froma stream and so we continually renewed. My memory is that as we passed through the woman were using flails on corn on a patch of beaten earth.

As a climax to the day we went down for our swim and found the Royal Marine band from HMS Exmouth giving a concert on the beach. Needless to say a crowd of our men stood around and also many of the islanders. The children congregated around the big drum.

Next day a similar outing was planned and I was looking forward to it but my luck was out. Carradine and I were detailed to collect rations and I did not visit the hills again. But there were compensations, we managed to get hold of extra rations and we had a great feed that evening! This was the night when we were warned forreturn to the Peninsula the following day. The unpleasant rumour more oftencame true than pleasant ones !

But I need not have been gloomy, on the following day we actually had a further helio exercise. It was only for an hour or two and not nearly so enjoyable as the trip to the hills. We returned to a good dinner and then we had pay parade at which everyone received ten shillings. My diary testifies that this was the best day forfood since we leftBl andford. The Saturday was cloudy and a little rain fell, so we hung around in camp waiting formeal-times and writing letters in the meantime. But that evening we had definite news of a return and, indeed, our section Corporal, Barnes actually went as advance party.

On Sunday 2?1h June, Harry and I acted as cooks. I have no recollection of what we prepared but apparently we were not blamed or I would have made a note of it. \Ve managed to get some of the gear carried down to the beach on donkeys and at half past four that afternoon we

1317. found ourselves once more on a ship and outwardbound for the Peninsula. Again we were crowded and again we arrived at V Beach round about nine thirty. When we got to our old camp we found Corporal Barnes there with a sack of mail. This was distributed by the light of a signal lamp andI had quite a handful. It was around midnight when we turned in, tired but happy with our mail.

To be continued :- Part 3 will appear in the next issue of the R.N.D.

Reference :- Solo Saga by Reginald Gale was dedicated to Jenny. It is in the custody of the Admiralty Library, Great Scotland Yard, London. A2021. Ca 3376.

ReginaldGale died on the 15th March 1983 at Brighton. Death CertificateQDX 191937.

Appreciation :- I would like to thank Jenny Wraight, the Admiralty Librarian, forher help in making the reproduction of this history of the Royal Naval Division's Signals possible.

Also, Mrs Angela McGonnell of Brentwood, Essex, who was a family friend of Reginald Gale, for her help and advice.

* * * * * *

1318. 1¥ESTERNFRONT.

11.Royai Marines at Miraumont 17th February 1917.

By Kyle 'f allett.

Introduction:

As I sit here writing this article on a cold November evening, l can't help but turn my mind back eighty-three ye1:u-sto the RND's trial at Beaucom1. The Battle of the Somme officially finished six days after that success and history draws a line under the affair. History mainly picks the story up at Ypres bypassing a whole section of many Divisions histories. In this respect the RNDis no different, people who know me, know that I have often promoted Gavrelle as one of these lost battles which oftengets ignored, but there is one other which is equally ignored and was virtually as costly-Miraumont. Although the Battle of the Somme drew to a close officially at the end ofNovember 1916, the slaughter continued in the New Year as the higher command demanded that the line be advanced. In the Battles around Miraumont, the newly rested and replenished RND suffered severely to take more land. Ironicallythe Germans ceded much more land a few weeks later without a fight in their March withdrawal, which raises the issue of whether the costly battles on the Ancre were really needed at all.

The RND moved into the line around Grandcourt at the end of January 1917 with preparation for offensive action towards Miraumont. An attack was planned for February 3'

On 7'1i I•ebruary it was the turn of 190'" Brigade to attack. This went well with 1/HAC taking Bai\lescourt Farm which was in the river valley 600yds ahead of the line takenand t1• established on the 4 . The position now was that the line was advanced into the river valley, but the high ground to the north and south was still in German hands. It wa� this high ground that was to be the subjectof attacks of 3 Divisions on the l 71h.

1319. Plan and Battle:

The plan was to take the sunken lane opposite Baillescourt farm. The lower part of this lane, approximately 1 OOyards was in British hands. What was needed was to take the rest of this lane and link with troops to the north. Once this lane had been taken, strongpoints were to be formed fiftyyards in frontof the sunken lane. On the southernflank the 18 Division was attacking northwards, at 90 degrees to the RND. On their right flank, 2nd 1h division was also attacking Boom ravine n01thwards towards Pys and Petite Miraumont. The purpose of all of these attacks was to take this high ground and remove a bulge in the British line west of Courcelette/Pozieres.

188 Brigade was allotted the task of taking this line, Howe battalion was to attack the sunken lane just north ofBaillescourt Farm. On their left1/RM was to attack the rest of the sunkenlane, 2/RMwere to provide consolidation partiesand forma flankguard on the left flank. Anson were holding the Baillescourt farm and lower sunken lane sector. th/151h February, Howe moved into the line on 1/RM moved into theh line on the night of 14 the night of the 161 Feb, in fact only just making it to the assembly area before the attack commenced.

Conditions generally were bad. The ground had been frozen,but now was thawing out, leaving the battlefieldmuddy. There were no trenches as such, they had been blown away, at best there was a line ofshell holes. The result was that there were no landmarks, making it difficult to orientate units. It must be remembered that there was only map and compass to find your way around, not the modernMagellan system aided by satellites. Carrying parties and people attempting to get to the front line were becoming disorientated and frequentlylost.

Zero hour was 5.45 am, the attackcommenced with a terrific artillery support. The Germans retaliated with artillery, but it was not strong, especially to the North. Despite these conditions there appeared to be the usual confusionof HQ not receiving any news and this lead to confusionover where the artillery should be directing its fire.It was decided to keep to the fire plan until something was heard fromHowe or I/RM. The RND's artillery was being asked to assist on the 18th Divisions frontwhere big problems were occurring. Solid informationwas received by 7 .15, Howe had takentheir portion of the Sunken lane, 1/RM had also takentheir part and had pushed out 20yds beyond to form strongpoints. 2/RM had secured the left flank. During1/RM's attack, theirtwo northern most companies had veered right due to the lack of landmarks. This turned out to be providential as the wire in frontof their intended target was foundto be uncut, but the part of the sunken lane they attacked by accident had no wireat all. It was during this attack that Captain Pearson, OC of A company 1/RM noticed some Germans trying to bring a machine gun into action to the north. This would have meant that the Germans would have been able to fire the gun straight down the sunken lane, in which the best part of two battalions were occupying. Carnage would have resulted. Pearson personally shot two of the Germans, and wasjoined by Lt Sanderson who between them shot fivemore. The Germans gave up at this point. It's small acts like this that can turna battle, if this gun had been bought into action, the road would have been lost along with many men. Pearsonwas awarded the MC forthis work. By 7.30 it was confirmed that the whole

1320. Above :- The plan of attack. objective had been taken. The Marines and Howe dug in and consolidated, Anson sent out battle patrols and the artillery switched to assist l 8 Division who were now making some progress. 1h

Confusionstill reigned though, partly tlu·ough lack of visibility and also lack of solid information. General Prentice wasn't quite satisfiedthat ] /RM had gone north enough and ordered them to extend northwards. Also he was concerned that an enemy strongpoint in that area hadn't been dealt with and ordered I/RM to sort it out. Accordingly 1/RM extended northwards and linked with 2/RM'sconsolidation parties. The strongpoint was assaulted with the capture of 1 machinegun and 40 prisoners. Patrols were pushed out to dominate the area in front. By this time 1/RM had taken many casualties as they had sufferedquite badly before the attack when the enemy shelled the assembly trenches. A company of Hood was dispatched to bolster their numbers. Thus ended the Battleof Miraumont. l 88th Brigade had taken the last part ofthe Miraumont spur and was now strongly holding a line with a brilliant view down the Ancre valley with excellent fieldsof fire. 1321. ' ' ' " "

MIRAUMONT FEBRUARY 1917.

MIRAUMONT NOW.

1322. The following day at 7.30am the Germans put down a heavy bombardment on the sunken lane. This was not followedup though with an assault as the visibility was poor due to mist. At 10.30 the mist lifted revealing that a German counter attack of about two battalions strength was only approximately 300 yards away. Fortunately at this moment the line back to HQ was repaired and anSOS message was sent. Within two minutes a perfect barragefell on the Germans. The Germans turnedand ran, their counter attack had been crushed. That was the last attempt to retake the ground. The Germans contented themselves by barraging the ground instead. l 88th Brigade units were relieved on the 19th February.

The Cost:

The starting strength of 1/RM was quoted as being around 500. At the end of the days fightingit was said that only 100 were fit for duty and published casualty figuresand retrospective examination confirmsthis. In actual terms the losses of 1/RM were 7 officers and 71 men killed, the wounded being approximately 300. These casualties were virtually all caused by the bombardment of 1/RM whilst waiting to attack and aftertaking the objective. Very few men were killed in the assault itself Howe also suffered few losses with 2 officers and 20 men killed , with around 200 wounded. 2/RM lost 1 officer and 5 men killed.

Conclusion:

This attack was an unqualified success on the RND front.The ground taken was valuable. If you go there today, you will see the view is amazing. You can see formiles, certainly a view to kill for. At the startof this account I asked the question as to whether it was worth it in view of the retreat a month later. In my opinion the answer is yes forseveral reasons. Firstly, there was no knowledge of the retreat, in fact when it was well under way it was a while before it was believed, afterall the Germans were in a prime defensiveposition and had always made a fightof it, so offensiveaction to remove them was worth while. Secondly, even if a withdrawal was known about, an offensivewould make lifevery difficultfor a forcetrying to disengage and retreat. The withdrawal was probably underway, and this attack probably made lifevery difficult.The observation position gained as a result of this attack would have certainly made the Germans very uneasy.

Interestingly the events of this day are oftenremembered forthe allegations of treachery, nd th which circulated afterwards.This mainly applies to the attack of 2 and l 8 Divisions, but as the RND was involved in the same attack, and were drawn into the discussion. Just before the attacks of these units the assembly trenches were badly shelled and many casualties resulted. Captured Germans stated that they knew the attack was coming and had planned forit and that the informationcame froma deserter. General Gough ordered an immediate enquiry, the results of which are not known as records cannot be found. But there is a transcript of the interrogation of senior RND officersin the RND war diary. They were asked about men missing days beforethe attack, several names of men from other units were mentioned as being missing but all of these were subsequently accounted for.This treachery allegation certainly rattled a fewcages and a culprit was never found. My own theory is as follows. I think that there wasn't any treachery. It was obvious forall

1323. 2°d Witness. Major (Actg. Lt. Col.) H.F. KIRKPATRICK, Commanding Anson Battalion, is examined.

Al. None.

A2. None.

A3. I received Brigade operation orders on the afternoonof the 15th. I assembled the fourCompany Commanders and the 2°d in command on the evening of the 151h and read the orders to them. I issued no written orders or instructions. I received the Brigade order fixing zero hour at 12.30 am on the l 7th instant.

A.4. I issued trench maps to my companies 1/5000. These are not of a secret nature.

A5. My battalion held the line fromthe River ANCRE to point R.3.c.4.7. then to R.2d. 8.5. with one company in reserve in PUISIEUX trench.

A. 6. Yes. There was much artillery activity on the enemy's part :from4 am on the 1? 111 onwardsupon the SUCKEN ROAD and MIRAUMONT ALLEY.

A7. None.

A8. No.

1 A9. On the afternoonof 14 \ but we did not know the hour or day of the attack, or that troops would be co-operating with us in the attack.

3rd Witness. Commander W.G. RAMSAY-FAIRFAX, R.N. Commanding Howe Battalion, 63rd (R.N.) Division, is examined.

Al. None.

A2. No.

111 A 3. On the evening of the 15 • I received Brigade operation orders forthe attack on the l 7th. I issued my own operation orders, based on the Brigade orders, to each of my Company Commanders in the forenoon of the 16111 marked "Secret". I received the order forzero hour about midnight 16/1J 1h.

1334. A.4. Ycs. Trench maps scale 1/5000 were in possession of companies. They were not of a secret nature.

A.5. In the evening of the 161h my battalion was in support and moved to take up its battle position in the right half of l 88 Brigade attack front, completing the operation about 2 am on the1h 1 ih instant.

A.6. No.

A.7. None.

A.8. No.

th A.9. On the l 4 previous to going to the trenches the battalion knew that we were going to attack. The battalion did not know at that time the day or the hour, nor did they know that troops were co-operating with us.

OPINION.

The Court having considered the evidence that has been produced before it is of opinion that no petty officer, N.C.O. or man of the 1 st Battalion R.M.L.I. of the Anson Battalio� or of the Howe Battalion, went over to the German lines, or were in possession of any operation orders or maps which could have been communicated to the enemy.

The Court is furtherof opinion that no petty officer, N.C.O. or man of the three above mentioned battalions was missing previous to the commencement of the attack on the morning of the 17'h February 1917.

HEDAUVILLE,France, this 27'h day ofFebruary 1917.

1335. It was not until the 2nd April 1917 that R. P. Lee Major General forLieutenant General Commanding II Corpswas to write about the disappearance ofa private soldier of the l st Battalion The King's Liverpool Regt., 6th Brigade, 2nd Division:-

In view of the unnecessary losses incurred in the operations of 17th February, owing to the enemy having received previous informationof the attack, it is hoped that it may he possible to keep a record of this case forsubsequent investigation. (l)

It is interesting that this report remained with the papers of the R.N.D. enquiry.

Reference:-

1) Public Record Office, Kew. W095/3 l l 7. Papers inrespect of the enquiry into desertion to the enemy.

2) Public Record Office, Kew. W095/31 l 7. II Corps Report G.T. 63 of2nd April 1917.

* * * * * OFFICER's SERVICE RECORD.

1) William George Astel Ramsey-Fairfax. D.S.O. Next of Kin:- Wife.Member of Ladies United Service Club, 6, Curzon Street,Mayfair, London. Temp LieutenantCommander RM. 17/03/1915. Blandfordwith Howe Bn. 200 Res on 22/03/1915. Temp Commander 07/11/1915. Reverted to LieutenantCommander 22/12/1915. Acting Commander 15/03/1916. HawkeBn in Command M.E.F. 20/07/1915. Mentionedin Despatch, Dardanelles (Sup Lon Gaz 13/07/1915. No 29664) Also, Mentionedin Despatch ofG.O.C. M.E.F. 22/09/1915 (Lon Gaz 05/11/1915). Embarked Mudros 18/05/1916. Disembarked at Marseilles 23/05/1916 withB.E.F. Awarded D.S.O. in connection withoperations North of River Ancre. (Lon Gaz 13/02/1917). Mentionedin Despatch fromG.H.Q. B.E.F. 09/04/1917 (3'd Sup Lon Gaz 15/05/1917, page 4743). To England 25/06/17. Medical Board at Caxton Hall on 11/07/1917 foundunfit for general service. 5 monthsadmission to 4t1t LondonGeneral Hospital, then to DenmarkHill forrest and treatment. (Nervous Exhaustion). Medical Board at Blandford on 12/10/ 1917 foundto befit for general service. Appointmentto R.N.D. terminated13/01/19 to Tank Corps.

Above detailsfrom the recordbook R.N.D. 'Recordof Officer'sService' ROS 183. Vol 2. Admiralty Library,Great Scotland Yard, London.

1336. GALLIPOLL MEDICAL REPORT ON MAI..1ARIA. For the attention of the Royal Naval Divisiono

Today, when one visit� the Gallipoli Peninsula I understand that it is not necessary to start a course of Anti Malaria tablets, as the area is not subject tothis illness. However, it appears to have become a problem with the troops of 1915 as outlined below :-

D.D.M.S. 8th Corps.

A considerable number of cases of Malaria in which the infection seems undoubtedly to have been acquired on the Peninsula are arriving at the hospitals. In some cases the disease exists alone, in others combined with typhoid or dysentry.

The difficulty of diagnosing these cases in the very early stages is fullyrecognised - but the medical officers should be on the lookout forthem as early treatment with quinine is of great importance.

It is suggested that quinine in doses of 5 grains twice a day should be given to all men suffering from fever where there is a suspicion of malaria. In these doses the drug certainly does no harm in the early stages of enteric feverand is considered by Sir R. Ross as directly beneficialin cases of dysentry and diarrhoea especially if associated with fever.

As far as has been ascertained at present the disease seems mostly to have been contracted in low lying positions at SUVLA and RELLES, and it is important that officersengaged in sanitary work should take steps to ascertain the breeding places of Anopheline Mosquitos and that means should be taken fortheir extermination.

W. G. W. BEDFORD. Surgeon General, D.M.S. M.E.F.

To A.D.M.S. R.N. Division.

As the Anapholes Mosquito is being foundin increasing numbers in various parts of the Peninsula. Please draw the attention of your Sanitary Officers to the necessity of taking the usual precautions as regards treatment of possible breeding-places. I am endeavouring to obtain some form of small mosquito curtain forissue to troops. In the meantime it should be remembered that many of the cases diagnosed Pyrexia on the Peninsula have been found subsequently to be malarial.

T. M. YARR. th 26.10.15. 8.C. M460/15. Col. D.D.M.S. 9 Corps.

Public Record Office,Kew. W095/4290. 1337. FIGURE ONE :- Map of the northern sectionof the Somme, showing the location of the Thiepval Memorial to the Missing, (those who have no known grave). The Ancre valley fromthe villages of Hamel and Miraumont showing the position of Anere British Cemetery and the obelisk memorial to the RND who died during the Battle of The Ancre, (the capture of Beaucourt). East of this village is marked the area of Trench Map, (grid R2 and portions of surrounding grids) which is covered in Appendix II. All the graves foundin this areawere exhumed in 1919 and concentrated into Queen's Cemetery, Bucquoy, many kilometres due north.(NB The Unknown RM has an Admiraltyanchor badge.) 1338. WESTERN FRONT.

THE RND IN QUEENS CEME'"fERY.. BUCQUOY8 [Fr. 514]

By Trevor Tasker.,

(Note :- During this and later articles Trevor Tasker will be using the Harvard System of references instead of the numbered system.)

As promised this series now moves to the Somme. The most famousaction of the RND in this area is the Battle of the Ancre in mid-November 1916. However, RND graves are scattered all over the Somme and clustered all along the Ancre valley, stretching many kilometres east and west of the Ancre British Cemetery; the most well known cemetery containing the graves of the 63rd Division on the Somme.

Figure One shows the Ancre Valley fromthe villages of Hamel to Miraumont, but the RND area can be extended further west along the Ancre to Aveluy Wood, Bouzincourt Ridge, and extending a few kilometres west ofAlbert to the casualty clearing station cemetery at Dernacourt. This area also reaches to the west ofMiraumont onto Achiet--le-Grand, (many RND graves fromAugust 1918 are here). However, the RND Somme pilgrimage trail does generally extend forther fromDemacourt to Achiet-le-Grand. In my book, fromAchiet the RND trail swings around to the left,thro ugh Logeast Wood, and then on to Bucquoy and Queen's Cemetery. The RND dead in this cemetery mostly come froma small area by the River Ancre between Beaucourt and Baillescourt Farm. Nearly all of these men were killed in the winter :fightingof February 1917.

The RND who were killed and buried in and around Puisieux and River trenches were concentrated north to Queen's Cemetery, Bucquoy, which is only about 5 kilometres away (a5 the crow flies),but psychologically it is much furtheraway and is little known or visited by those interested in the Royal Naval Division. It is because of this neglect that I startwith this cemetery situated just south of Bucquoy. It should not be confusedwith another Queen's Cemetery near Sheffield Park. (FIGURE ONE), which contains no RND graves, but has the Pals Battalions of the 31 Division, (Accrington, Sheffield & Leeds etc). st Queens Cemetery Fr. 514, now contains 731 graves, of which 214 areunknown. It gets its name from23 men fromthe 2/Queens, buried near the road, who all died 14th March1917. A fewmore graves were added to this roadside cluster in 1918, but the main bulk buried here

1339. comes from690 graves brought fromthe battlefieldsto the south, in particular from the few square kilometres between Serre, Puisieux, Miraumont and Beaucourt. (FIGURE ONE). The RNDnumber 156 (APPENDIX I), but there are 35 RND unknowns also. (e.g. 'Unknown sailor of the RND, Hawke battalion'), &these increase the total to 191. How many RND dead lie under a headstone of the completely unknowns will never be known. Their names are on the Thiepval Memorial, which stands on the Thiepval Ridge, overlooking the RiverAncre.

The Thiepval Memorial commemorates about 73,000 Missing on the Somme, those who have no known grave. About half ofthese have a grave on the Somme, but lie under an unknown, ( or partially unknown), headstone. The register states that the time period forthe Memorial is h fromJuly 1915 to 201 March 1918. As with most memorials to the missing, it has a strange geography and being the largest British Memorial to the missing, all the exceptions to the rules have been compounded, so that in reality, what one finds sometimes contradicts what the introduction to the memorial register states should be the case. Some ofthese oddities will be pointed out in association with other cemeteries in this area, in futurearticles.

There are hundreds ofRND names on the Thiepval Memorial. Going through the Memorial register and reading the details ofthe RNDdead, three dates come up time and time again. They are- 13th November 1916, (Ancre), 30th/31st December 1917, (Welsh Ridge), and 17111 February 1917. As can be seen fromAppendix I, most of the RND in Queen's Cemetery died on 17th February 1917. The Battle Nomenclature Committee classifies this battle as "Actions ofMiraumont 17/18 February 1917," but it is better known as the Battle forBoom Ravine. The main thrust ofthis attack was south ofthe Ancre towards Boom Ravine and Hill 130. (FIGURE ONE).

The RNDhad the task ofattacking north of the River Ancre, this attack was a 'subsidiary attack'. (FALLS: 1940). In the Battleground Europe guide 'Boom Ravine' (PIDGEON: 1998), the RND attack is covered in Chapter Five, "Minor operation on the left: 188 Brigade (Royal Naval) Division". This chapter contains a trench map showing the Battalion's objectives and strong points and can be used in conjunction with Appendix II in this article, which shows the original burial sites ofa selection ofRND graves that were exhumed and taken to Queen's Cemetery.

Going back to Appendix I, there were a fewRND killed on 3 - 5 February 1917. On the night of3/ 4 February the double trench-line ofPuisieux and River trenches were attacked with the Hood and Hawke advancing on a 1,300 yardfront with Nelson in support on the leftflank. A dangerous gap appeared between the two attacking battalions, and at day break the two trenches had been captured except for a 200 yard section in the centre. Besides being separated by a portion of the same trench held by Germans the frontlineRND had to fightoff two counterattacks during the morningand afternoon on the 4th. "On the morning of the 5th the Germans were finally ejected fromthe centre of Puisieux Trench and by 11.30 am the gap in the British line was closed. The operation had beencostly, the casualties of the 189 Brigade being 24 officersand 647 others. (FALLS 1940, page 72).

1340. 'One of the officers, Sub Lieutenant Jacobs, and 34 identified ratings (died 3 - 5 February 1917), are now in Queen's Cemetery. (APPENDIX I). All oftheir graves were originally buried near the trenches where they fell.In Appendix II, the original sites of three identified Nelson who died on 5th February 1917 have been plotted on a trench map. (No. 9). As can be seen the map reference shows they were buried 300 yards in front of Puisieux Trench. In a recent biography ofArthur Asquith, (PAGE, 1999), the 3r

In Queens cemetery there are a few l!HAC who died on the 7t1i or 8111 ofFebruary. On the night of the 7th/8th February the HAC attacked and captured Baillescourt Farm. The 1/HAC in Queens Cemetery came fromthree burial clusters just south and west of the farm. (APPENDIX II).

There is one RND 13 th November 1916 grave in the cemetery register. (Pte White 10/RDF). His date suggests the Battle ofthe Ancre and he should thereforebe buried in the Ancre British Cemetery. Consulting the burial returnsshows that his original grave, (along with a few1mknowns) were found at 57d L29 d 8. 5, which is north-west ofMiraumont, near the railway. IfPrivate White was wounded and captured at the Battle ofthe Ancre, he could have been taken to a German dressing station, but died the same day.

There is one RND 1918 grave in this cemetery, namely A/B McGowan of the 'Divisional Employment Coy. RND', who died 30111 August 1918. He was buried in the cluster ofNo.6 Appendix II. Driver Baker of the '63rMarch 1917.

In the cemetery register anything which states 'RND' or '63rd Div' gets added to my list of RND, (togethe with the known RND units 223/RFA and 317/RF A for RND artillery, and also th th t r

There are two sets ofdates on the RND list, taken fromthe cemetery register, that are not straightforward. Thereare two RND killed on 17110/17. The RNDwere in Belgium at this

1341. time, not in France. Also, the other odd date is for a RMLI 28/4/17, when the RMLIwere fighting around Gavrelle Windmill. I know war graves are moved around and over great distances, but all the other RND graves show they originally came froma small area and most are dated from February 1917. Going through the burial returns I foundthe date was 17 /02/17. (See Cpl Scott. FIGURE TWO). It seems that two mistakes were made when transferringthis information to the cemetery register. Figure Two shows two sheets ofthe CWGC burial returns. These documents, like most others ( even primary source material) contains mistakes. At the bottom ofthe top sheet aretwo examples ofthese mistakes/correction. W.J. Tidy ofHAC has been crossed out and replaced by UBS, (unknown British soldier). The reason being that Tidy was 'Alive'. In the burial returns ofOrchard Dump Cemetery, I cameacross a name crossed out with "Alive, living in Bath" written by the side. Also on the burial return, but not crossed out is Pte Dilkes, Canadian Infantry. There is no Dilkes in the cemetery register, in fact there is no identified Canadian in the whole cemetery.

The above shows how confusingthings can be. However, going back to Scott and Murray, 17 /10/17, their date did not fit with the others in the cemetery. The burialreturns, (FIGURE TWO) show that the date was the 17/02/17, and the map referencewhere they are buried shows a large cluster ofgraves near Swan Trench. I have left the dates on the list on Appendix One, as they appear in the CWGC cemetery register, (even the recent reprint of 1991). However, as stated above, it looks as though there is a mistake with these dates.

As regards Hilton 28/4/17 unfortunatelythere is no date beside his name on the burial returns, but his map reference shows that his original grave was in grid R2

In the introduction to the cemetery register, there are listed seven burial sites, three ofwhich had RND. They are BAILLESCOURT FARM CEMETERYlocated on 'marshy ground between the Farm and the River Ancre'. RIVER TRENCH CEMETERY positioned on open ground between Grandcourtand Puisieux'. SWAN TRENCH CEMETERY foundnear the Grandcourt-Puisieux road'. The large clusters ofgraves plotted in Appendix II, show the location ofthese cemeteries. In the case ofSwan Trench Cemetery, there are two clusters of graves near Swan Trench as possibilities, though the introduction does say 'near the road'.

These three small cemeteries and many isolated and small clusters in this area were concentrated into Queen's Cemetery. It is such a shame that Swan Trench Cemetery was not chosen for the concentration ofBaillescourt Farm and River Trench cemeteries and all the others in the area. Ifall the graves in grid R2 and surrounding areas were concentrated into Swan Trench Cemetery it would act as a 'location memorial' to the fightini? ofFebruary 1917, which has a tendency to be overshadowed by other actions ofthe 63r (RN) Division. There are in factmany RND '1 ih February 1917' headstones scattered around the cemeteries ofthe Somme. but none is where they originally died and were buried.

Next timeyou visit Thiepval Memorial, have a flick through the Memorial Register and see how oftenFebruary 1917 occurs, especially the 17t1• February.

1342. FIGURE TWO :-Twopages of tbe 'burial returns' of Queen's Cemetery, Bucquoy, showing the map references, (trench map) of where graves wereexhumed. These documents are dated September 1919. All graves had crosses, 'GRU' ==Graves Registration Unit, and the author presumes 'GRWP' = Graves Registration WorkingParty, and 'RegtL = Regimental cross. Working through the list, at the top we have fourNew Zealand graves from 1918, the grid'L20' is just south of PuisieuL The unknowv»Hawke RND had a French cross? Comments on Tidy and Dilkesare in the text. The second page shows fourRMLL Corporal Scott's date of death in the cemetery register says "17'1' October 1917". Lt Perry's original burial site is plotted in Appendix n. The others are 1918 graves in.grid L32, which is the grid above R2. (SeeAppendix Il).

1343. APPENDIX I.

RND in QUEENS CEMETERY, (Fr.514)

ANDERSON, G. A/B Anson 20/02/17 (I.M 19) ASHWORTH., R. E. Drake 04/02/17 (II. K. 18) ATKINSON, H. A/B Cl'ZJ3686T/'Zl2477 Howe 17/02/17 (II. F.8) AUSTIN, C.N. L/ClpNB . CH/16935Ml'ZJ563 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (III.F.2) AUSTIN, F. L/'Zl1269 Anson 20/02/17 (I.L. 9) BACON, R.C. Pte CH/12103 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I.K. 12) BAKER, A. E. NBDvr. 771293 Amo Col. 11/03/17 (I.B. 10) BARRETT, W.J. L/Clp 207881 248/RE 17/02/17 (I. K. 16) BASSETT, R.R. Pte P0/866(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.M. 11) BATES, J. Howe 17/02/17 (II. F.3) BLACKBURN, L. A. Pte CH/1223(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. K. 5) BOND, J.E. NB B/'Zll283Ml'Zl919 Hood 04/02/17 (I.G.5) BONNAR, J. C/'Zl7691 Dralre 26/02/17 (I. F. 18) BRADLEY, A. W. PteNB 5000 1/HAC 08/02/17 (I. 1.16) BRADLEY, P.O. NB T/'Zl8442 Hawke 04/02/17 (I. J. 7) BRAY, S. V. A/B B/'Zll447 Drake 05/02/17 (II.C. 8) BROWN, H.C. NB2/Lt 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (11.H. 7) BRUCE, H.E. Sgt CH/16361 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.H. 2) BURTON, C.R. 2/Lt 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.H. 16) BURTON, J.E. B/'Zl778 Anson 20/02/17 (I. L. 7) CARRINGTON,A. A/B L/'Zl4060 Hawke 17/02/17 (II. L. 2) CARTER, J. NB T/'Zl777 Hawke 04/02/17 (I. F.15) CHEETHAM, J. AIB T/'ZJ5431 Hawke 04/02/17 (II.A. 16) CLACK.E'IT, A. c. NBPte 3912 1/HAC 08/02/17 (ll. F.1) CLARK, H.W. L/'Zl1879 Nelson 05/02/17 (IV. B.15) CLAYTON, H. Pte CH/1200(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. J. 9) CONSTABLE, E. G. NB Nelson 05/02/17 (IV. B.14) CORNISH, E.R. L/ZJ5188 Hood 04/02/17 (III. B.20) COULSON, HG. NBLt. Tl'Zl5357 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. E.1) CRAGGS, R. E. A/BNB Hawke 03/02/17 (ll.M. 19) CREEDY, T. L/'Zl3780 Howe 17/02/17 (IV.B. 18) CROFT, J.H. KP/384Tl'Zl7650 Drake 04/02/17 (IV. B.16) CROMBIE, A. Pte.NB PLY/17027 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. H. 15) CURRIE, J. NB C/'Zl2705 Howe 17/02/17 (II. H. 14) CURRIE, J. C/'Zl7080 Drake 26/02/17 (JI.M. 7) DAILEY, T. NB T/'Zl8209 Drake 26/02/17 (I. K. 4) DAMERELL, E.W. A/BNB Howe 17/02/17 (I. L. 10) DAVIS, H. w. NBPte CH/19808 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.L. 7) DEAN, E. AIB Bl'Zll096 Hood 05/02/17 (I. G.3) DEXTER, R.H. Pte CH/19524 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. F.13) DICKENS, H. w. L/'Zl3702Tl'Zl5110 Hood 17/02/17 (II.L. 5) DINGWALL, R.J. L/Sgt CH/16411 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.M. 18) DOUGHTY, T. NBPte PLY/16989 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. G. 13) EDEN, G. F. Cpl P0/1270(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. F. 4) EDWARDS, H.E. AIB W/'Zl697 Hawke 03/02/17 (I. M. 18) ELLIS, W.T. L/'ZJ2612 Hood 04/02/17 (II. K. 6) EVANS, C.E. Pte CH/39(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.H. 3) EVANS, R. w. PteNB 9804 08/02/17 (I. G. 8) FOSTER, F. Pte CH/1228(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. M.16) 7/RF

1344. GARRAWAY, C.R. AIB B/Zl1612 Hawke 03/02/17 (I.L. l 0) GEDDES, W. L/Srnn T/Zl3140 Nelson 04/02/17 (IV. B. 12) GILLINGWATER, V. G. Pte. CH/1473(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (l. K 17) GODFREY, H. L/Cpl P0/17487 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. M. 17) GOLDSTEIN, S.W. Pte 3556 1/HAC 17/02/17 (I.L.18) GORDON, W. Cpl. PL Y/1057(S) 1/Rl"\iLI 17/02/17 (II.K. 2) GOSLrNG, J. A/B L/Zl3519 Hood 05/02/17 (II. M. 9) GREEN, R. C. Cpl. CH/9184 l/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. K. 14) GREENWOOD, W.H. A/B T/Zl8189 Nelson 05/02/17 (IV. B. 13) GREGORY, R A/B T/Z/3298 Howe 17/02/17 (II. K. 11) GREGORY, w. AIB T/Z/6732 Hawke 05/02/17 (II. H. 12) GRIFFITHS, C. A/B W/Zlll98 Howe 17/02/17 (II. K. 5) GRIFFITHS, T.W. A/B M/7J40 Howe 17/02/17 (I. G. 19) HAINES, W.R S/Lt Howe 17/02/17 (II. F.6) HALKE'll'T, A. Pte. PLY/1702& 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. F. 14) HALL, W.L. Pte. PLY/17799 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. H. 6) HALLIDAY, L.A. Cpl. CH/16315 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (H.H.20) HAMBLil'c, F. C. A/B B/Zl1354 Hawke 03/02/17 (I. M. 20) HAMILTON, D. Pte. PLY/16877 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. F. 9) HAMILTON, R. NB Rl382 Hawke 03/02/17 (I.L.2) HARBOURNE, A. Pte CH/1250(S) 1/RMLI 28/02/17 (U.K.13) HARR.tS, S. F. PO L/Z/1187 Anson 20/02/17 (I. L. 3) HAY, G. A/8 C/7)880 Drake 26/02/17 (I. L. 4) HEN STOCK, H. W. A/B B/Zl4690 Howe 17/02/17 (Il.M.20) HILTON, G.M. Pte P0/86l(S) 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (LG. 14) IDSLOP, A. A/B C/Z/2378 Hood 04/02/17 (I. E. 7) HOGGINS, C.G. A/B T/.Z/6904 Howe 07/02/17 (H.G. 5) HOl.J\iES, G.J. Pte. CH/19838 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. K. 17) I-IlJRN, W.J. Pte. CH/19848 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. F. 20) HUTCHINGS, T. A/B L/Z/3089 Anson 15/02/17 (I. G. 4) JACOBS, T. S/Lt Hood 04/02/14 (I. J. 14) JANES, C!p P0/17361 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. M. 10) JARVIS, L. Clr. Sgt. CH/13747 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. M. 8) J.EFFE.LS, H.w. A/B T/Z/4808 Hood 04/02/17 (I. E. 9) JENNINGS, J. A/B T/Z/8010 Howe 17/02/17 (II. C. 5) JOHNSON, E.J. Pte. CH/55 (S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. G.16) KEEGAN, G. Pte. 23072 10/RDF 10/02/17 (II. K. 14) KENNEDY, J. PO T/Z/464 Hawke 03/02/17 (I. M. 15) LANCELOTT, W.E. AIB W/Z/582 Hawke 04/02/17 (IV. F. 19) LAWTON, F. Pte. P0/1398(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. J. 3) LEEKE, G.A. A/B L/Z/1744 D:rake 04/02/17 (IV. B. 17) McCORMACK, J.J. Sgt. 27020 10/RDF 08/02/17 (I. M. 1) McGOWAN, J. A/B C/Z/1596 Emp.Coy 30/08/18 (I. L. 19) MEECHAM, J. AIB C/Zl7774 Drake 07/02/17 (I. J. 1) MERRELL, D.C. Pte. P0/1400(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. F. 5) 1\1.J,LLJ,:n, J. A. A/B KX/457 Hawke 04/02/17 (I. H. 13) MORRICE, J. AJB C/Z/3416 Howe 17/02/17 (I. J. 8) MORRISON, R AJB T/Zl34&1 Anson 15/02/17 (I. G. 2) MURRAY, W.G. A/B T/Z/2728 Drake 07/10/17 (III. B. 1) NAVOR, J. A/B T/Z/7457 Anson 20/02/17 (I. K. 7) OKELL, A.A. 2/Lt. l/lRMLI 17/02/17 (II. F. 8) OLIVER, E .. C. Lt. Hood 05/02/17 (II. G. 10) PARROTT, A. Pte. PLY/17913 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. G. 18) PEACHEY, H. AJB C/Z/5093 Anson 17/02/17 (II. G. 9)

1345. PERRY, F.W. Lt. 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. H. 19) PESSOL, S.T. L/Cpl. PLY/362(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. L. 6) PESTER, F.H. A/B R/105 Howe 17/02/17 (Sp. Mem 3) PHILLIPS, D.A. Pte. CH/18660 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. G. 12) PREDDY, H.B. AIB S/Z/508 Hood 04/02/17 (1. H.17) PULLEN, F. Pte. PLY/17743 2/RMLI 21/02/17 (II. M.2) PYLE, J. Pte. CH/13002 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. H. 18) READE, A NB B/Z/3005 Anson 17/02/17 (I. L. 13) RICHARDSON, H.J. NB R/383 Howe 17/02/17 (IV.E. 16) RIDAL, T. NB T/Z/8027 Howe 17/02/17 (II. M.3) RILEY, R. Pte. CH/137(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.L. 9) ROBERTS, S. Pte. G/23374 7/RF 08/02/17 (II.C. 1) ROBERTSON, R. NB C/Z/3574 Hawke 04/02/17 (I.M. 7) ROBINSON, L.w. Lt 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I.F.17) ROWE, E. NB B/Z/1005 Howe 17/02/17 (I. L.5) SAVAGE, F. 2/Lt 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. L.8) SCOTT, G.E. Pte. P0/1244(S) 1/RMLI 17/10/17 (II.H. 17) SCOTT, w. NB T/Z/4894 Hawke 04/02/17 (II. F.10) SHARP, AT. Pte. P0/986(S) 2/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. J.2) SHEARER, J. Pte. PLY/17881 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.F. 19) SIDDONS, w. NB T/Z//8023 Hood 05/02/17 (II.M. 6) SIMEONE, R.G. Pte. CH/19292 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. M. 15) SIMPSON, J.A. NB T/Z/6415 Hood 17/02/17 (11. M.13) SLEVIN, J. Pte. 19583 10/RDF 11/02/17 (I. J.10) SMITH, H.w. L/Cpl 4271 1/HAC 08/02/17 (I. L.15) SMITH, R. A/B C/Z/3723 Hawke 03/02/17 (IV.E. 10) SMITH, W.N. Pte. P0/18435 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. J. 6) SMYTH, R. A. Pte. CH/979(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I.K. 9) SOPP, E. Pte. P0/1498(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II. K.16) STARK, A. NB C/Z/3155. Drake 04/02/17 (I. K.18) STEWART, A NB C/Z/4531 Hawke 04/02/17 (II.K. 1) SHIRTON, G. NB C/Z/4531 Hawke 03/02/17 (IV.D. 20) STUART, AD. NB C/Z/2923 Howe 17/02/17 (II.C. 10) TAYLOR, s.w. NB L/Z/135 Howe 17/02/17 (I.T. 13) THOMPSON, L.N. L/Cpl. PLY/1277(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. G. 17) THOMPSON, P.C. NB W/Z/2186 Anson 17/02/17 (II. M. 4) TURNER, c. Pte. P0/1399(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I.J. 5) WARD, AT. Pte. CH/18685 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I.J.19) WARNER, A Pte. CH/18788 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.M. 14) WATSON, J.B. Pte. CH/15l2(S) 1/RMLI 15/02/17 (IV.B. 19) WATSON, w. Pte. PLY/374(S) 1/RMLI 15/02/17 (II. H. 5) WATSON, w.s. Pte. CH/1207(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I. M. 2) WHITE' D.J. Pte. 26105 10/RDF 13/11/16 (I. H.6) WILD, H. Cpl. CH/1329(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (Sp. Mem 1) WILKINSON, w. Pte. PLY/970(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.L. 4) WILSON, R. Pte. CH/156(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (1. K.10) WOOD, A Pte. PLY/1248(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (I.J. 20) WRIGHT, J. Pte. CH/1212(S) 1/RMLI 17/02/17 (II.K. 19) YEARDLY, H. AIB C/Z/2734 Hood 17/02/17 (I. K.15)

1346. APPENDIX II

Selection of original burial sites of RND graves now in Queens Cemetery.

1. R2. b. 8. 6: This cluster of about 30 graves is mainly RND. 20 are RND dead who have been identified, including 2/Lt Savage 1 /RMLI, with three RMLI unknowns, two unknown Hawkes, one unknown Howe and one 'unknown British soldier'.

2. R2. b. 9.5: This site, or No.1 above, or the combination of the two could be the old 'Swan Trench Cemetery'. The RND here, known and unknown are just over 60 graves, including Lt. Robinson and 2/Lts Burton and Brown, all three are 1/RMLI.

3. R3. c. 3, 8: This site had a handful ofRND, inciuding Lt. Perry, 1/RMLI. This cluster also attracted September 1918 graves when the area was retaken after its capturein late March 1918.

1347. 4. R9 a. 1. 9: Near the road a large cluster of about 50 RND graves and others, including Sub/Lt Trevor Jacobs, Hood Bn, 04/02/17. Jacobs' headstone has a 'star of David' engraved on it.

5. RS b. 2. 8: Solitarygrave of an unknown Drake Battalion, RND, now in Plot IV Row F. Grave 10, in Queens Cemetery.

6. RS a 6. 8: Site of two RND graves, CREEDY Howe and J.B. WATSON RMLI. The latter had 'Soldat Anglais" on the cross andwas identifiedby 'papers foundon the body'.

7. R2 c. 6. 4: Solitary grave of unknown Royal Fusiliers. There is a high possibility of not beingRND. There aretwo 7/RF (EvansR9 a. 1. 9 [No. 4 and Roberts R2 b. 9. 5. [No. 2]) in Queens Cemetery, but there are also 22/RF February 1917, 24/RF late March1918, and 13/RF early April 1918 in Queen's Cemetery.

8. R2 b. 2. 0: The size of this cluster, and its proximity to River Trench suggested this isthe site of the old River Trench Cemetery. This cluster includes the grave of Hilton RMLI who, in the cemetery register has his date of death as 28/04/17. Officers include Coulson, Haines and Okell, all died 17/02/17.

9. R2 a. 3. 1: Site of fouridentified Nelsons, GEDDES, GREENWOOD, CONSTABLE and CLARK, all killed 4/5 February1917.

10. L32 c. 1.1.: Handfulof unknowns, including unknownHowe and unknown Bedford. There are no 4/Beds in Queens Cemetery, but there are a few1/Beds killed August1918.

The above shows the site of River Trench Cemetery and the two possible sites forSwan Trench, but where is Baillescourt Farm Cemetery? The cemetery register introduction states "between the farm and the Ancre". ( this area has been marked with crossed diagonal lines on the trench map). In this area there are only two or three scattered graves,but nothing to indicate a cemetery. There is a cluster of graves at R9 d. 1. 9. This site containsRND, but the map referenceis the south side of the River Ancre and railway and is in Grandcourt village. (Bottom right hand corner of trench map). Is this a map reference mistake? If we replace the "d" with a "b" we have R9 b. 1. 9 which is in the shaded area by the road.

Maybe those foundhere can help with this query. They are RIDAL, Howe. THOMPSON, Anson, both killed 17/02/17. CHEETHAM,Hawke 04/02/17. SIDDONS, Hood 05/02/17, and CURRIE, Drake 26/02/17. Also in this cluster are artillerymen fromlate February 1917 and soldiers killed September 1918.

1348. References :-

CWGC. Fr. 514. (1928). Cemetery Register. QUEENS CEMETERY. Bucquoy.

CVVGC. M.R. 21. (1930). Memorial Register. THIEPVAL MEMORIAL.

FALLS. C. (1940) MILITARYOPERATIONS. France and Belgium 1917. IWM Department of Books, London.

PAGE. C. (1999) COMMAND IN THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION: A military Biography of Brigadier General A.M. Asquith DSQ,_Spellmount, Staplehurst.

PIGEON. T. (1998). BOOM RAVINE. Somme. Pen & Sword. (Battleground Europe Series). Barnsley.

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It is hoped that the next few cemeteries covered will be some of those along the Ancre Valley.

The author would like to thank Tony Froom forhis help with this article.

Trevor Tasker

14 Rosehill Terrace Mount Pleasant Swansea SAl 6JN

* * * * * *

1349. R.N.D. PERSONALITY PLY 810/S Pte. Herbert LEWIS The naughtiest Royal Marine of WWl?

By John H. Morcombe.

I refer to page 761 (issue 9) of the RND which mentions Herbert Lewis 2RM. "This man is an old offender & well known to the police." It has inspired John Morcombe to produce this item, stating - "The date given by the APM for his desertion & subsequent arrest does not concur with his servicepapers." John continues - "I had singled him out prior to reading the APM entry as the worst behaved Marine I have yet come across." :-

One occasionally finds men such as Herbert Lewis, who stand out via their mass of recorded offences. There are other contenders for his title, but Herbert, having first deserted only four days after enlistment, set an early precedent for his futureconduct.

The Plymouth 800 series short-service RMLI were recruited from between late January to July 1915. Enlistment had slowed to a comparative trickle of volunteers by early 1915, but the quality of the recruits was unusually high. Three won MM's & one a DCM & MM:-

PLY 823/S Pte. Ralph HancockMM; Portsmouth/2RM,KIA 2RM('X' TMB) 25/8/17. PLY 827/S Cpl. Isaac Larter MM; Cyclists Coy. & 2RM(MTMB), DOW lRM(MTMB) 17/6/18. PLY 839/SUCpl. W.H. Gardner MM; Cyclists Coy, 2RM('X' TMB) & lRM(MTMB). PLY 884/SSgt. George H. Hastings DCM MM;2RM & lRM from28/4/18. A furtherfive received commissions from the ranks:- PLY 825/S Sgt. Colin Alvey; Portsmouth/2RM18/7/15-18/8/17. PLY 831/S UCpL J. Walton; Cyclists Coy, 2RM('X'TMB)& lRM('X' TMB) from28/4/18. PLY 833/S Cpl. J.W. Leech;Cyclists Coy, 2RM('Z' & 'Y' TMB)& lRM('Y' TMB) from28/4/18. PLY 842/SSgt. Wm. Jones; 2RM Gallipoli & 1RM(1918). PLY 887IS Sgt. Thos. E. Williams; 2RM.

Herbert was an exception from this high standard of recruit:-

1/2/15 Enlisted at Plymouth age 23. Born:St. Nicholas, Lincoln 6/9/1891. Ht: 5 ft.7 & Yzins. Sallow complexion. Blue eyes. Dark Brown hair. Occupation: Labourer (General). 4/2/15 Deserted at Plymouth. 19/3/15 Recovered fromDesertion. 26/3/15 Charge of Desertion reduced to "Absence": 7 days in cells & forfeits45 days pay. Herbert was verylucky to receive such a light sentence. Undoubtedly there were mitigating circumstances & the Marine authoritiesgave him thechance to redeem himself. 16/4/15 Transferredto Plymouth Division at Gosport. A large section of Plymouth Short-Service Marines were seconded to the Portsmouth Division at Forton Barracks, Gosport, at this time; reinforcements for the Portsmouth Battalion RMLI. The first batch of Plymouth 800's were drafted to Gallipoli with the first RND reinforcements (along with the Collingwood, Hawke & Benbow Bns.) leaving England 9/5/15. Herbert avoided this draftdue to his earlier 'absence' & consequent lack of training.

1350. 25/5/15 Deserted at Portsmouth. Herbert therefore avoided the secondRND draft to Gallipoli, whichsailed 24/6/15. 10/7/15 Arrested by Civil Police at Portsmouth. 2317/15 Di.strict Court Martial at Cambridge Bks Portsmouth: (i) WOAS deserting His Majesty's service, in that he, at FortonBks. Gosport, absented himself from 9pm 25/5/15, till apprehendedby the Civil Police at Highland Rd. Bridge, Southsea, Portsmouth at I l.30pm the 10/7/15. (ii) Losing by neglect his equipment & clothing: Sentenced to Detention for six months. 84 days remitted by order of Major Gen. Blewitt CB, Portsmouth Garrison 24/7/15. To Military Detention Barracks, Gosport. Herbert's imprisonment ensured that he completely missed service at Gallipoli (not a bad idea). 14/10/15 Released fromPrison to Fo1ton Bks. Portsmouth, 16 days remission earned. Herbert was not deterred by his imprisonment& soon began to disappear from barracks regularly. 19/10/15 Absent from 9.30pm until 12 midnight 20th & 2151 inst: 14 days CB & forfeits 2 days pay. 11 29/10/15 Breaking out of Camp whilst a defaulterbetween the hours of 8 & 9pm on the 29 ' inst. & remaining absent until apprehendedby the Marine Police at Gosport at 9.50pm the 29th inst: 4 days detention. th th 6/11/15 Absent from 9 .30pm the 6 inst. until l l .30pm the 7 inst: 14 days CB & forfeits 2 days pay. 26/11/15 Absent from 9.30pm 26th inst. until 9.20pm 28th inst: 7 days detention & forfeits 3 days pay. 5/12/15 Embarked SS "Northland" Draftfor 2RM. Disembarked Alex. 17/12/15. Four days after Herbert arrived in Egypt, he cleared off again! 21/12/15 Absent fromBase Depot, Alex. 1/1/16 Breaking out of Camp between 8 & 9pm 21112/15 & remaining absent until arrested by Military Police at 12.30pm 1/1116 thereby evading embarkation: 21 days FP No.1. Now on 'Active Service' Herbert received a heftysentence. Thedraft he evaded embarked aboard theHMT "Arcadian" 29/12/15; but due to congestion at Mudros, returned to Alex. 6/1/16. 18/2/16 Embarked HMT "Llandovery Castle", RND Draftto Mudros; joined 2RM at Stavros 28/2/16. 7/5/15 Embarked with2RM aboard HMT "Briton" at Mudros, arrived Marseille 12/5/16. Herbert's first period of service with 2RM passed unusually peacefully. However, immediately on arrival in France:- 18/5/15 Breaking out of Camp & remaining absent from 21.30 13/5/16 until arrested at 21.00 14/5/15: 7 days FP No.2 & deprived 5 days pay. (A fairly lightsentence). 25/6/16 To 2°d Field Amb. (ex-'C' Coy. 2RM): Shrapnel wound R.Leg, slight, to duty 26/6/16. 19/7/16 Attachedto 255th TrnmellingCoy; rejoined 2RM 15/8/16. 6/9/16 Absent from 8.30am 10/9/16 Rejoined 2RM under arrest. 16/9/16 Field General Court Martial at Bully Grenay: WOAS deserting his Majesty's Service, in that he, at Fosse 10, absented himselffrom his Battn. from 8.30am on 6/9/16, until apprehended at Coupigny about llam on the 10/9/16 by the Military Police, whereby he evaded a tour of duty in the Trenches with his Battn. knowing full well that his Battn. would proceed to the Trenches on the 7/9/16. Accused was found ''Not Guilty'' on this charge but was found "Guilty'' on the charge of "Absence without leave": Sentenced to 2 years IHL, theGOC 1881h Bde. Commuted the sentenceto 56 days FP No. l. 18/10/16 To 200 Field Amb. (ex-'C' Coy. 2R.Iv1) Pyrexia, to CRS same date. (Noted in 2n<1 FA admission book as undergoing 56 daysFP No. I). h 23/10/16 To 261 Gen. Hosp. Etaples - Pyrexia; discharged to Base Depot, Etaples 24/ l 0/ 16. 12/11/16 Joined RND Base Depot Calais. 17/11/16 Proceeded to rejoin 2RM. (However, Herbertdecided not to). 23/11/16 RejoinedBase Depot Calais under Escort, from Fort Risbon, Calais. 5/12/16 Rejoined 2RM. 20/12/16 Field General Court Martial at Vron: WOAS absenting himself without leave: Sentencedto I 8 months IHL, confirmed by Brig.Gen. R.E.S. Prentice who commuted the sentence to one of 90 days FP No.l. 4/2/17 To 3rd Field Amb: Diarrhoea; from 3rd Field Amb. to unit 17/2/17. 26/2/17 Rejoine,d 2RM. 28/4/17 Posted "Missing" from 2RM at Gavrelle. 31/7/17 Now reported wounded 28/4/17, shrapnel wound head & POW Germany. 13/12/18 Repatriated to UK Discharged Demobilised 12/3/19 (28 days demob. leave to 9/4/19) Gen. Character: 'Good' (actuallyequates to bad). Address on discharge: 5 GordonRow, NorthGate, Newark, Notts. 4/4/19 Paid War Gratuity£24/10/-

1351. Later entries on ADMI 59/176 (PRO RMLI service register) reads: "In Civil Custody on charge of Larceny, see 864/1/25." "Rl34 issued 2/7/38". 14/15 Star, BWM & Vic. issued early 1920s.

Note:- Details from papersat the Fleet Air Arm Museum & PRO.

There must have been some redeeming features for Herbert; he escaped imprisonment in France, despite continually 'hopping it' & was returned to 2RM under Field Punishment. Possibly he was judged a useful man in the line; somebody in high authority definitely thought so. He missed the Battles of Beaumont Hamel & Miraumont due to illness & not from misconduct. Had he not been captured at Gavrelle, I feel sure he would have continued his wayward course through 1917 & 18. However, he was now a problem for the Germans. Herbert's character on discharge, while anything but "Good" could have been far worse. His character up to his capture at Gavrelle was: 267 days "Indifferent"(the worst); 134 days "Good" (bad); & 258 days "Fair" (bloody awful). Only from December 1916 & as a POW was his character the norm: "VG" & by virtue of this he was saved from the worst character assessment of "Indifferent"as meted out to Marines of similar ilk.

John Morcombe has completed a book about his great uncle from Barnsley: CH 19403 Pte. John (Jack) Clegg RMLI, which includes the service histories of the other (approx 140) Barnsley Marine Volunteers in WWl, entitled: "Ifyour alive speak, ifdead don't bother. "Jack Clegg served with the RND Cyclist Coy. at Gallipoli & with lRM in France. This is an excellent piece of work & a must for all RND enthusiasts. The extensive research involved in this project is also highlighted by the very useful list of appendices, which will be a helpful tool for all RND Historians. It contains excellent photographs & maps & I recommend that all RND readers acquire a copy. Please see enclosed leaflet to place your order.

If any reader wishes to discuss their own RND research, please feel free to contact :-

JohnMorcombe at 26 Lance Way, High Wycombe, Bucks. HP13 7BU.

Or (best) Tel: 01494 814787.

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1352. If you have an article, papers or photographs on any subject concerning the R.N.D. I will be pleased to hear from you.

Next issue, number 15 will be published in December 2000.

It will contain :- Part 3 of the experiences of Reginald Gale in the Divisional Engineers - Signals at Gallipoli.

Report on the Battle of Drocourt - Queant Line of 30th August to sth September 1918.

Extracts from the letters of The Hon Kenneth Robert Dundas, Lieutenant, R.N.V.R. Collingwood and Anson Battalion.

Article by John Bailey of the Essex Branch of W.F.A. on A.P. Herbert.

Examination of Major General Sir Archibald Paris on his actions at Antwerp.

Report by General Sir Ian Hamilton on the condition of the Royal Naval Division at Gallipoli.

And so much more.

If you enjoyed the R.N.D. please tell a friend. Remember all back numbers are still available.

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1353. Below:- Shows Joe Murray assisting Jim Dodds to his seat at the R.N.D. Memorial, 1354. Ceremony on 31" May 1981. From the Joseph Murray papers. Top photograph :- I would like to thank bis daughter in law, Vera Murray for forwardingthe photograph to me. The last annual meeting of the Royal Naval Division Association held at Greenwich, London on 31" May 1981. Mrs Una Trussler of North Devon writes:-Joseph Murray, Hood Battalion is on the far left of the photograph. 'My father James Dodds, of Drake, who counted Joe Murray amongst bis friends, is standing 2"d left They were both from Durham.'---- She continues :- 'It grieves me that the memorial at Greenwich can only be viewed from the road and lies dirty and neglected, can nothing be done about this ? I last saw it about 3 years ago and it was green with moss and looked so sad. Hardly a fitting way to remember so many brave young men who died in the R.N.D.'

Something is being done. A committee under the chairmanship of Lieutenant General Sir Robin Ross bas been formed and is working to have the R.N.D. memorial returned, back to it's original location, next to the Old Admiralty Building on Horse Guards Parade.