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This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Low Income Employment in Dhaka: Women’s Lives, Agency and Identity Bethany Jennings Doctor of Philosophy in Social Work The University of Edinburgh 2018 Statement of Authorship I, Bethany Jennings, confirm that this thesis presented has: i) been composed entirely by myself, ii) been solely the result of my own work, iii) not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. ii Abstract Over the past thirty-five years, an increasing number of women have been working outside their homes in Bangladesh, particularly in the country’s largest city Dhaka. A key factor has been the growing garments industry and rapid urbanisation. Research exploring these demographic changes reveals a complex picture of women’s situations. While conditions are often extremely poor and pay is low, new forms of work provide women with opportunities that were otherwise rarely available to them and bring them into spaces that were in the past dominated by men. Selling sex demonstrates a form of employment that brings similar dilemmas; while it is often violent and highly stigmatised, women have fought for their right to engage in this type of work. This complex reality is central to the research questions of my PhD study. How do women in these different yet overlapping contexts understand their experiences and manage their identities? Have new employment opportunities and urban living situations fundamentally changed women’s positions? To answer these questions, I spent fourteen months conducting ethnographic research. I began by living in an area with a low-income population and talking with women about their experiences of work. I then met with women who sold sex, visited their homes and places of work. Through observations and in-depth interviews, I was able to explore the spaces women occupied, how they managed their multiple identities and utilised their agency. I found that while there were significant social changes occurring for participants, underlining belief systems saw more gradual change. To accommodate various ideological influences, beliefs were highly complex and often seemed contradictory. I argue that women use the means available to them to manage and improve their situations within significant structural restrictions. Women outside the sex industry maintained their precarious identity as a ‘good woman’, while pushing boundaries and utilising opportunities. Women who sold sex capitalised on their identity as a ‘bad woman’ to access services and to be part of activist groups but tried to hide this identity when it was detrimental, which was generally the case. They continued to experience high levels of violence, stigma and social exclusion. In conclusion, I argue that a better understanding of women’s responses to social changes and how they manage their positions is essential to work with women to improve the services and policies that affect their lives. iii Lay Summary Over the past thirty-five years, Bangladesh has seen enormous changes, particularly for women. The capital, Dhaka, has grown into a mega city and millions of women have begun to work outside their homes in garments factories. The garments industry has been praised for giving women new work opportunities but also criticised for its poor pay and conditions. There have been similar debates about women who sell sex. While some people view it as a legitimate form of work, others argue that it is harmful for women. I wanted to know how women involved in urban work felt about these issues, how it affected their views of themselves, and whether women’s position in society had changed. To find out, I spent fourteen months in Dhaka. For a year, I lived in an area where women had different jobs including in garments factories, domestic work, small businesses, and informal work from home. I got to know these women and their families by visiting their homes and the places of work. I then got to know a group of women who sold sex. I visited their homes and the areas that they worked from. I discussed experiences of work and life with both groups of women, and I recorded some of these discussions. I found that there were many changes happening for women, but underlying beliefs about women saw more gradual change. They had to constrain their behaviour to be accepted by their communities and to maintain a ‘good’ reputation. However, many women gained independence because of their work: they did not have to rely on their husband’s income and this increased the choices available to them. Even so, there were many negative aspects of their work including low pay, poor conditions, insecurity and mistreatment. Despite restrictions and difficulties, women used the resources available to them to improve their lives and push boundaries. Women who sold sex were able to access some services because of their stigmatised identity and they were more likely to fight for their rights than the first group of women. There were some situations in which women who sold sex were able to hide their identity but they were excluded from most communities and so formed their own communities. They experienced high levels of violence and stigma. I argue that having a better understanding of women’s lives can help improve the policies and services that affect their lives. iv Acknowledgements I am thankful for all the people who have helped me along this PhD journey. This thesis would not be possible without your support! I would like to begin by thanking my family. My parents’ courage, generosity and compassion has always been an inspiration to me. I am grateful for their continuous love and support. I am particularly thankful to my dad for spending too many hours of his holiday proofreading this thesis. My siblings share with me my crazy, unique background. I am grateful that I have four other people in the world who understand what it’s like to grow up between Bangladesh and Oldham, to have summer holidays in Arkansas and to listen to Grandad’s stories about Jamaica! Thank you, Nathaniel, Hannah, Sarah and Andrew, for your friendship and support. I am also grateful to my siblings in-law, Donna and James, for being family, and my nieces and nephews, Micah, Tabitha, Asher and Fiona Rose, for being adorably entertaining! I am extremely grateful to my supervisors, Viv Cree and Steve Kirkwood, who have been encouraging and supportive throughout this process. I cannot thank you enough for all your time and patience. I couldn’t have finished this thesis without you! My uncle, Jacob Baroi, made the arrangements for me to live in the first area of my research. I am very grateful to him for making the research possible and for all the ways that he supported me; through providing office space, introductions, conversations, insights and countless other ways. I am also thankful for his dedication to the community that many of my research participants belonged to. I know that he is greatly appreciated for his care and concern. I would like to thank all the staff at his organisation, USPT, for the time and support that they gave me. There were a number of organisations that made it possible for me to do this research. I am grateful to the ESRC for providing my funding and the Department of Anthropology at the University of Dhaka for allowing me to be affiliated with them. I would like to particularly thank Professor Saifur Rashid who made the affiliation possible and was so generous with his time and support. I would like to thank Nari Pokko, SEEP, SWN, and CUP for introducing me to participants for the second part of my research. I am particularly grateful to Hosneara apa for her friendship, time and insights. I would like to thank Lotte Hoek for looking at draft chapters, suggesting reading and providing helpful feedback, and Tuhin Islam for meeting with me during my fieldwork. v I am grateful to friends who have enriched my life. Angelo, Delwar, Josep, Ruth, Christina, Chulani, Mary, Mishu, and the green fingers allotment crew, thank you for making my time in the beautiful city of Edinburgh such a fun experience. Concia and her boys, thank you for making your annual trip to visit me in Edinburgh. Thank you to Samira, Robin, and Lorina (and family) for your support during my fieldwork in Dhaka. Finally, even though it is unlikely that they will read this thesis, I will be eternally grateful to the women who made it possible by participating in my research. They gave me their time, told me their stories and shared their lives with me. I learnt more from them than I could have hoped for, and I am thankful for their acceptance and generosity. vi Table of Contents Statement of Authorship ...........................................................................................................

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