Security Issues from Gender Perspectives: Nagorno Karabakh through the Eyes of Armenian and Azerbaijani Women

Anna Sarkisyan

Anna Sarkisyan Center for Gender and Leadership Studies

This study/report is made possible by the generous support of the American People through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents of this study/report are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government.

Yerevan, 2014

Contents List of Tables, Figures, Tests ...... 2 Abstract ...... 3 Legal Framework ...... 7 Domestic: Armenia ...... 7 Domestic: Azerbaijan ...... 8 International Treaties, Convention, Agreements ...... 9 General Data, Caucasus Barometer 2011 ...... 11 Model Methodology ...... 18 Hypothesis Testing ...... 24 Conclusion ...... 26 Recommendations ...... 28 List of Sources ...... 29

List of Tables, Figures, Tests Table 1. Education, Armenia ...... 11 Table 2. Education, Azerbaijan ...... 11 Table 3. Employment status, Armenia ...... 12 Table 4. Employment status, Azerbaijan ...... 12 Table 5. Marital Status, Armenia ...... 12 Table 6. Marital Status, Azerbaijan ...... 13 Table 7. Ideal Number of Children in the Family, Armenia ...... 13 Table 8. Ideal Number of Children in the Family, Azerbaijan ...... 14 Table 9. When will the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict be resolved? ...... 15 Table 10. Nagorno Karabakh possible status, Armenia ...... 15 Table 11. Nagorno Karabakh possible status, Azerbaijan ...... 16 Table 12. Involvement of Third Countries and Organizations in Conflict Resolution, Armenia ...... 17 Table 13. Involvement of Third Countries and Organizations in Conflict Resolution, Azerbaijan ...... 17

Figure 1. Typical Female Respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan, peace ...... 19 Figure 2. Typical Male Respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan, peace ...... 20 Figure 3. Typical Female Respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan, use of force ...... 21 Figure 4. Typical Male Respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan, use of force ...... 22

Test 1. Hypothesis Testing, Armenia ...... 24 Test 2. Hypothesis Testing, Azerbaijan ...... 24 Test 3. Hypothesis Testing, Men ...... 25 Test 4. Hypothesis Testing, Men ...... 25

Abstract This study aims at exploring gender-based differences towards the perceptions of Nagorno Karabakh conflict in Armenia and Azerbaijan through analyzing the Caucasus Barometer 2011 data. Patriarchal traditions and norms in both countries, as well as being involved in a conflict since their independence, made the societies make choices for their daily lives and future developments. The paper provides an insight on an average description of women and men in Armenia and Azerbaijan that determine their behavior towards the resolution of Nagorno Karabakh conflict. Background

Over the past years, more conflicts emerged then ever before. Military expenditure has grown globally by roughly 2% each year, often due to arising conflicts, which causes States to increase the budget for national security, rather than increasing human security to achieve sustainable peace1.

Women's peace-building and reconstruction efforts must be supported, not only because it is the right thing to do, but also because most nations consumed by conflict need the strength of their women. The women are the ones who held their families and communities together during the worst of the fighting, even while on the run from armies. They keep a measure of stability during times of chaos and during displacement. Now, as peace accords are negotiated and countries are rebuilt, those contributions must be recognized2.

“Despite the progress made, much, much more remains to be done. While women have made significant advances in many societies, women’s concerns are still given second priority almost everywhere. Women face discrimination and marginalization in subtle as well as in flagrant ways. Women do not share equally in the fruits of production. Women constitute 70 per cent of the world’s poor”3.

Nagorno Karabakh conflict that busted out in the late 80-ies transformed to a large scale war that to many estimates claimed 40 000 lives, those being only military casualties, as there are no clear number of victims among civilians4. And as it usually the case with armed conflicts, women bear the hardships and losses being affected both personally and throughout the society and the state.

Twenty years passed from the ceasefire in 1994 in Artsakh (Nagorno Karabakh), but the latent conflict is still there. And though people live their peaceful life with all the public and state institution in place, children play in yards and old men and women occupied with their daily activities, everybody is still concerned with the news from the borderline.

1 Women and Armed Conflict – 20 Years after Beijing, http://www.wilpfinternational.org/women-and-armed-conflict-20-years-after- beijing/ 2 Women, War and Peace: The Independent Experts’ Assessment on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Women’s Role in Peace-building, http://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2002/1/women-war- peace-the-independent-experts-assessment-on-the-impact-of-armed-conflict-on- women-and-women-s-role-in-peace-building-progress-of-the-world-s-women-2002- vol-1#view 3 Boutros-Ghali, Closing Statement, Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing, China, 1995, http://www.un.org/documents/ga/conf177/aconf177-20add1en.htm 4 Karabakh Conflict, Variants of Settlement: Concepts and Reality, Ali Abasov, Haroutiun Khachatrian, Baku-Yerevan, 2006 Artsakh women have always been active in the domestic political, economic, social and cultural life. Every encounter with those women who kindly shared their stories and perception for this study made me admire the calm and stoic strength that they live the war out. Behind them lies a hard and full of grievances life. Entire continuum of day-to-day care, support, peace keeping and peace building activities shaped the unsustainable peace they now have for their families in Artsakh. All the ten stories, though not explicitly by the storytellers, indicate the crucial role women played throughout the war and afterwards. Their contribution to the development and protection of their rights for life and dignity not only for themselves but also for the entire population is undeniable. Women in Artsakh managed to transcend the war and to sustain the peace; they managed to transcend the ruined lives and to revive; they managed to transcend the ruined lives and to revive; they managed to transcend the societal changes and to take the responsibility of breadwinner in the family as they lost father, husbands and sons; they managed to transcend the apathy and rebuild the hope for future.

Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Republic was a typical Soviet area with international composition of population. Along with agricultural activities, economic, political and social life was active and in late 1980ies even more active all the Soviet area witnessed the beginning of Perestroyka and Glasnost. And, naturally enough, all the women who shared their experience for this study were engaged in a very diverse range of spheres: teachers, medical workers/doctors, political activitists, etc. Some were refugees from Azerbaijan. You would hardly recognize a circus actress in a woman who lost all her beauty at the war.

“The family was against my participation in the military activities: but the situation did not leave any chance to stay aside. I am not sure about the women from Armenia, but all those who lived at that time in Karabakh did not think twice to join the army. I remember the first gathering. Though I have always been analyzing the situation as an historian, the scale of the gatherings surprised me: I did not understand what these people could achieve through this civic engagement. I did not participate in the first gatherings. I do not even remember how I got engaged to the meetings. Later, I have thoroughly understood the meaning of this movement… The time dictated all our behavior: it’s not that we were born Robin Hoods, not at all… At the time we considered this as something that is not appropriate for women. But now I am definitely convinced that women have a great role during the war: your being side by side by men at the war help them be more confident and responsible for their deeds (a woman of 51 years old).

The society went through dramatic changes with the conflict in place. The ceasefire in 1994 resulted in emptiness in people’s mind, though for a very short period of time.

“Before the war the woman was a wife, a friend and housekeeper, at the war she was a leader, and after the war she became a breadwinner. The war made the woman more confident and decisive. She became stronger (a woman of 62 years old).” “Women went a step forward the men at and after the war. They covered the guns by Russian and Azerbaijani troops by themselves, and this was a turning point when women took the leading positions after the war (a woman of 66 years old).”

Going through the reports and other literature on women in peace and conflicts, gender reports from different parts of the globe that stress the gender based violence and sexual abuse, harassment, exploitation and slavery, it should be stressed boldly that Karabakhi women avoided those kind of atrocities at the war and afterwards. This may be explained by the fact that by the time the war busted out everybody regardless of their sex got engaged in the war to protect their families and lives. There was a common goal. Unlike other conflicts globally, where women were victims of domestic conflicts, there was no alternative point for people in Karabakh and there was no gap between men and women in this regard.

“It was a period of survival, and it was hard to analyze whatever happened at that time. The only thing I remember clearly is that no women stopped their men (husbands, fathers, sons) from leaving for the frontline. ” (a woman of 62 years old).

“We understood painfully well what it meant to be a mother and a woman living through the orphanhood and losses of the war. My colleague and I took 100 children to Moscow for rehabilitation in 1992. We could only there realize all the ugliness of the war: I prohibited my children to call me mum as children in our camp lost either one or two of their parents, and me and my colleague were mothers to all of them” (a woman of 60 years old).

Legal Framework

Domestic: Armenia Constitution of Republic of Armenia (CRA)

Women in Armenia enjoyed equal political, economic and cultural rights still in the beginning of 20th century when Armenia declared its first independent republic in May 1918. Every person of 20 years old, including refugees residing within the territory of RA was granted a voting right by the Electoral Code of 1919.

Later, after regaining the independence in 1991, Armenia adopted the Constitution (CRA) that actually did not have any gender specific provisions stating “The human being, his/her dignity and the fundamental human rights and freedoms are an ultimate value” (Article 3, CRA). The 1995 edition did not specify any differentiation based on gender and other personal characteristics as Article 14 followed on: “Human dignity shall be respected and protected by the state as an inviolable foundation of human rights and freedoms”. The amendment to the CRA in 2005 introduced Article 14.1 that states, “Everyone shall be equal before the law. Any discrimination based on any ground such as sex, race, colour, ethnic or social origin, genetic features, language, religion or belief, political or any other opinion, membership of a national minority, property, birth, disability, age or other personal or social circumstances shall be prohibited.”5

Law on Human Right Defender

The Law on Human Rights Defender established Human Rights Defender’s office in Armenia in 2004. Paragraph 1 of Article 8 of that law, any individual, regardless of nationality, citizenship, place of residence, sex, race, age, political or other views or capacity, can appeal to the Human Rights Defender6.

Concept Paper on Gender Policy, Government of RA

In February 2010 The Government Session introduced the Gender Policy Concept paper that comprehensively addressed the equal enjoyment of rights in all spheres of economic, political, social and cultural lives regardless of sex. The Gender Policy Concept Paper (hereinafter the Concept Paper) defines the primary directions and general strategy of a state policy in relation to men and women and refers to the equal enjoyment of rights and opportunities by all citizens in all spheres of social life regardless of their sex7.

The document noted that gender equality promotes sustainable development, improvement of democratic processes and organization of vital social activities on the bases of true equality, solidarity, cooperation and tolerance for all social groups, as well as the efficient

5 Constitution of Republic of Armenia, 6 Law on Human Rights Defender http://www.parliament.am/legislation.php?sel=show&ID=1457&lang=eng 7 Excerpt from the Protocol from the Government Session, 11 February, 2010, http://www.un.am/res/Gender%20TG%20docs/national/Gender-Concept- Paper_Engl_2010.pdf use of human potential and raising the quality of life8.

The Concept Paper sought to outline the mechanism to comply with main domestic law and regulation and with international commitments. An Action Plan for 2011-2015 was developed in May 2011 as an implementation tool to adjust policies and procedures to ensure equal rights and opportunities for men and women for all spheres of life. The Action Plan particularly embraced the Power and Decision-Making, Socioeconomic, Education, Health, Culture and Public Information, Gender-Based Violence and Human Trafficking Prevention sectors.9

Armenian legislature, gender neutral previously, was being updated to react to the new realm in social, economic, political and cultural spheres. The new Labour Code adopted in 2004 had new provision to protect men and women from violation of equal rights, to provide with equal rights of men and women in employment relationship, etc10.

On May 20 2013 National Assembly of Armenia adopted the law on Equal rights and equal opportunities for men and women that entered into force on June 29 2013. The law defines equal opportunities and rights in political, social, economic, cultural and public sphere for men and women and regulates the issues in regards of the violations of those rights and opportunities.

Domestic: Azerbaijan Constitution of Republic of Azerbaijan

Constitution of Republic of Azerbaijan adopted in 1995 is gender neutral. Amendments and adds on to the Constitution were incorporated in 2002 and 2009. Whenever the human rights are concerned, people of the country are not treated gender specifically. Article 12 of the Constitution provides that “The highest priority objective of the state: I. Ensuring the rights and liberties of a person and a citizen, decent living conditions for the citizens of the Republic of Azerbaijan is the highest objective of the State. II. Rights and liberties of a person and citizen listed in the present Constitution are implemented in accordance with international treaties wherein the Azerbaijan Republic is one of the parties.”11 Point IV of the Article 34 of the Constitution on right for marriage provides that “Rights of wife and husband are equal. Care and education of children constitute both right and responsibility of parents.”12

8 Excerpt from the Protocol from the Government Session, 11 February, 2010, http://www.un.am/res/Gender%20TG%20docs/national/Gender-Concept- Paper_Engl_2010.pdf 9 Republic of Armenia Gender Policy Strategic Action Plan for 2011-2015, http://www.un.am/res/Gender%20TG%20docs/national/2011- 2015_Gender%20Policy_NAP-Eng.pdf 10 The Labour Code or RA, http://www.ilo.org/dyn/travail/docs/961/Labour%20Code%20ENG.pdf 11 http://azerbaijan.az/portal/General/Constitution/doc/constitution_e.pdf 12 ibid. International Treaties, Convention, Agreements

The 1979 UN Convention on Elimination of All Kind of Discrimination against Women is the most comprehensive international document ratified by 187 out of 194 countries so far. As the Convention is ratified, countries take all the responsibilities to implement the provisions by taking appropriate measures.

Armenia ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (hereinafter the Convention or CEDAW) on June 9, 1993. It thereby assumed a vast array of obligations that entailed the implementation of comprehensive measures aimed at eliminating discrimination and ensuring full development and advancement of women in the political, social, economic and cultural life of the country. The CEDAW is specific in that it makes it incumbent on a State Party to take all appropriate measures to change imbedded mental structures and to modify social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women. Furthermore, accession to the Convention means that a State Party not only declares respect for equal rights of men and women but also takes on a responsibility to ensure equal opportunities for their enjoyment. Besides, the Convention is construed as an “affirmative action” pro- gram; hence, the State Party has agreed to the principle of granting preferential rights, which is outlined in the CEDAW. The main specific feature of the Convention is that it requires monitoring the State Parties’ compliance with its provisions. The existence of the CEDAW Committee as an expert body coordinating the system of monitoring grounded in the Convention does undoubtedly enhance the latter’s effectiveness in comparison with other documents that declare gender equality. The necessity of fulfilling the obligations under the Convention is reflected in virtually all subsequent international documents on gender equality, in particular in the Beijing Platform for Action13 and in the Millennium Development Goals. Armenia endorsed both documents (Implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in the Republic of Armenia in 2002-2007, Alternative Report, Armenian Association of Women with University Education).

Beijing Platform for Action

Security Council Resolution 132514 was adopted in 2000 to reaffirm the role of women in the preventing armed conflicts, contributing to peace negotiations, peace building, peacekeeping, and post-conflict reconstruction. It also provided for equal participation in the post-conflict development and revival.

Security Council Resolution 182015 was adopted unanimously in 2008 in regards of sexual violence impeding international peace and security. It targets at protecting

13 The Platform for Action is an agenda for women's empowerment (Beijing, China, September1995). http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/beijing/platform/plat1.htm#statement 14 http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/1325(2000) 15 http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/1820(2008) women and girls from any kind of sexual violence during armed conflicts and reaffirms the provision of SCR 1325.

Security Council Resolution 188816 adopted unanimously in 2009 urged the states to abstain from use of sexual violence and equipped them with tools to develop particular measures locally.

Security Council Resolution 188917 adopted in 2009 aimed at strengthening the implementation and monitoring of SCR 1325. It particularly addressed the participation of women in peace processes, the mapping of needs of women and girls in post-conflict areas and requested the Secretary General to share implementation indicators of SCR 1325.

Security Council Resolution 196018 was adopted in 2010 to respond to the slow implementation and progress of to protect women and children and against sexual violence in armed conflicts. The Resolution was criticized for only targeting the issue sexual violence and not providing for women equal participation in development processes.

Security Council Resolution 210619 adopted in 2013 noted the importance of comprehensive approach for transitional justice, recognized the importance of timely, accurate and objective information for prevention and response, urged to for further deploy the Women Protection Advisors in accordance with SCR 1888, to distinguish the role of Gender Advisors to ensure gender mainstreaming in the policies and procedures, etc.

Security Council Resolution 212220 adopted in 2013 encouraged member state to ensure sufficient funding mechanisms to enhance the work of women organizations, encouraged police and troop contributing countries to increase the presence of women in military and police troops, stressed the continued effort to eliminate obstacles for women to access justice in conflict and post conflict formats.

16 http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/1888(2009) 17 http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/1889(2009) 18 http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/1960(2010) 19 http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/2106(2013) 20 http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/2122(2013) General Data, Caucasus Barometer 2011 The study addressed the general statistics on the public perceptions of people in Armenia and Azerbaijan regarding different aspects of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict within Caucasus Barometer 2011 data. This would be a background for further elaborating the model of the typical male and female respondents in two countries who tend to solve the conflict peacefully or by the use of force. Sixty two percent of Armenian women have secondary education versus 51.5% of Armenian men.

Table 1. Education, Armenia

Female Male Education, Armenia Frequency Valid Percent Frequency Valid Percent No primary education 13 1.0 6 .6 Primary education 37 2.9 41 3.9 Incomplete secondary education 85 6.6 130 12.3 Completed secondary education 437 33.7 298 28.1 Secondary technical education 371 28.6 249 23.5 Incomplete higher education 57 4.4 48 4.5 Completed higher education 291 22.4 272 25.7 Post-graduate degree 6 .5 15 1.4 Total 1297 100.0 1059 100.0

In Azerbaijan the proportion for secondary education that is again the most crowded group is almost the same, 62% for both women and men.

Table 2. Education, Azerbaijan

Female Male Education, Azerbaijan Frequency Valid Percent Frequency Valid Percent No primary education 10 1.4 3 .4 Primary education 19 2.7 15 1.9 Incomplete secondary education 107 15.4 85 10.9 Completed secondary education 321 46.1 398 50.8 Secondary technical education 114 16.4 89 11.4 Incomplete higher education 18 2.6 28 3.6 Completed higher education 108 15.5 163 20.8 Post-graduate degree 2 .3 Total 697 100.0 783 100.0

Unemployment rates seemed to be high in both countries: a vast majority of Armenian women (71.1%) are unemployed versus 28.9% of women who reported to be employed. (Table 3) Azerbaijani women follow the same pattern: 73.5% are unemployed with 26.5% being employed (Table 4). According to the World Bank data, the unemployed rate in 2011 in Armenia was 18.4%, while in Azerbaijan the estimated rate was 5.4%21. This allows to conclude that the unemployment in Armenia is of more forced (objective) nature while in Azerbaijan women choose to stay at home and be housewives.

Table 3. Employment status, Armenia

Female Male Employment status, Armenia Frequency Valid Percent Frequency Valid Percent No 926 71.1 505 47.5 Yes 376 28.9 558 52.5 Total 1302 100.0 1063 100.0

Table 4. Employment status, Azerbaijan

Female Male Employment status, Azerbaijan Frequency Valid Percent Frequency Valid Percent No 513 73.5 314 40.1 Yes 185 26.5 469 59.9 Total 698 100.0 783 100.0

The majority of Armenians are married officially with a state registration (40% of women and 53.6% of men), and the official state marriage seems to be more important for men than women. Widows form the second group within surveyed women (22.3%). This puts an additional responsibility on the woman in the household (Table 5).

Table 5. Marital Status, Armenia

Female Male Marital status, Armenia Frequency Valid Percent Frequency Valid Percent Never married 171 13.2 170 16.0 Married: official state marriage only, no religious ceremony 519 40.0 568 53.6 Married: religious ceremony only, not registered with state 26 2.0 17 1.6 Married: both state marriage and religious ceremony 146 11.2 175 16.5 Cohabiting without civil or religious marriage 55 4.2 47 4.4 Divorced 73 5.6 11 1.0 Separated 19 1.5 5 .5

21 The World Bank World Development Indicators, http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.UEM.TOTL.ZS Widow/Widower 289 22.3 67 6.3 Total 1298 100.0 1060 100.0

In Azerbaijan, the largest group for women and men is the one that unifies married people both with state registration and religious ceremony: 48% of women and 64% of men. Widows form the second group: 23.1% of women reported to have lost their husbands (Table 6).

Table 6. Marital Status, Azerbaijan

Female Male Marital status, Azerbaijan Frequency Valid Percent Frequency Valid Percent Never married 81 11.6 153 19.7 Married: official state marriage only, no religious ceremony 67 9.6 80 10.3 Married: religious ceremony only, not registered with state 7 1.0 8 1.0 Married: both state marriage and religious ceremony 335 48.0 496 64.0 Cohabiting without civil or religious marriage 2 .3 4 .5 Divorced 30 4.3 4 .5 Separated 13 1.9 2 .3 Widow/Widower 161 23.1 28 3.6 Total 696 99.7 775 100.0

Armenia and Azerbaijan featured as more traditional and patriarchal societies historically, and the institute of family is respected and deeply rooted in both countries. Armenian women and men almost equally perceive three children as the ideal number of children in the family. While Armenian and Azerbaijani men have equal consideration for one child as the ideal number of children in the family (2.2% of Armenian and 3.1% of Azerbaijani men), Armenian and Azerbaijani women have twice different perception of having one child: 34 women (2.7%) and 15 women (2.2%) respectively reported of having one child as an ideal number of children in the family (Table 7 and Table 8).

Table 7. Ideal Number of Children in the Family, Armenia

Ideal number of children per family, Female Male Armenia Frequency Valid Percent Frequency Valid Percent 0 1 .1 1 34 2.7 23 2.2 2 370 29.0 229 22.0 3 531 41.6 430 41.3 4 278 21.8 231 22.2 5 46 3.6 76 7.3 6 8 .6 20 1.9 7 2 .2 11 1.1 8 1 .1 8 .8 10 6 .5 14 1.3

Total 1277 100.0 1042 100.0

Azerbaijani respondents consider two children as the ideal number of children in the family (Table 8).

Table 8. Ideal Number of Children in the Family, Azerbaijan

Ideal number of children per family, Female Male Azerbaijan Frequency Valid Percent Frequency Valid Percent

1 15 2.2 24 3.1 2 301 43.5 332 43.2 3 199 28.8 231 30.0 4 141 20.4 145 18.9 5 23 3.3 24 3.1 6 8 1.2 9 1.2 8 1 .1 1 .1 10 4 .6 3 .4 Total 692 100.0 769 100.0

One of the objectives of the study is to explore the differences in perception by Armenian and Azerbaijan women and men. A bunch of questions in regards of Nagorno Karbakh conflict was asked in Armenia and Azerbaijan with an aim to touch upon the perceptions of two societies. The following tables will present figures on different aspects of conflict as perceived by people in Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Women and men in Azerbaijan seem to be more optimistic about the future solution of the conflict: only 16.2% of Azerbaijan women think that he conflict will never be resolved while 40.3% of Armenian women reported that the conflict will be never be resolved. The majority of Azerbaijani women (34.9%) and men (38.6%) think that the conflict will be resolved in 2-5 years. The second largest group of Armenian women (19.9%) and men (20.6%) equally consider the conflict to be resolved in more than 10 years. The comparison within the gender groups notes that 4.9% of Armenian women consider the conflict resolved versus 5%of Azerbaijani women who think alike. In men groups the figures are 10.2% and 3.8% for Armenians and Azerbaijanis accordingly (Table 9).

Table 9. When will the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict be resolved?

Women Men

Valid Valid Country Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Armenia Valid It has already been resolved 36 4.9 72 10.2

Within the next year 48 6.6 28 3.9 In 2-5 years 125 17.1 125 17.6 In 6-10 years 81 11.1 82 11.6 In more than 10 years 145 19.9 146 20.6 Never 294 40.3 256 36.1 Total 729 100.0 709 100.0 Total 1302 1063 Women Men Valid Valid Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Azerbaijan Valid It has already been resolved 22 5.0 21 3.8

Within the next year 38 8.7 51 9.3 In 2-5 years 153 34.9 211 38.6 In 6-10 years 89 20.3 88 16.1 In more than 10 years 66 15.0 93 17.0 Never 71 16.2 83 15.2 Total 439 100.0 547 100.0 Total 698 783

Various settings for Nagorno Karabakh were suggested to the respondents in Armenian and Azerbaijan. While the answer “definitely favour” for having Nagorno Karabakh as a formal part of Armenia almost equally distributed between women (66.5%) and men (65.7%) in Armenia, 93.9% of men and 94.6% of women in Armenian would never accept the status of Nagorno Karabakh with a high degree of autonomy in Azerbaijan (Table 10).

Table 10. Nagorno Karabakh possible status, Armenia

Men Women Accept Accept under under certain certain Never circumstan Definitely Never circumsta Definitely accept ces favor accept nces favor Have Nagorno-Karabakh as a formal part of Armenia 15.4% 18.9% 65.7% 13.5% 20.1% 66.5% Have Nagorno-Karabakh as an 17.7% 22.7% 59.6% 15.3% 21.7% 63.0% independent country Create an administrative region jointly governed by Arm and Aze 94.4% 3.9% 1.6% 92.1% 6.0% 1.9% Have Nagorno-Karabakh with high 93.9% 3.2% 2.8% 94.6% 3.2% 2.2% degree of autonomy within Aze Have Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan without autonomy 92.0% 3.5% 4.5% 92.2% 2.6% 5.2%

Ninety six per cent of Azerbaijani women and 94.3% of men voted for having Nagorno Karabakh in Azerbaijan without autonomy. Azerbaijani women (99.2%) and men (99.1%) almost equally would never accept Nagorno Karabakh as a formal part of Armenia (Table 11).

Table 11. Nagorno Karabakh possible status, Azerbaijan

Men Women Accept Accept under under certain certain Never circumstan Definitely Never circumsta Definitely accept ces favor accept nces favor Have Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan without autonomy 1.6% 4.1% 94.3% .5% 3.4% 96.2% Have Nagorno-Karabakh with a high degree of autonomy within 42.4% 29.6% 28.0% 47.2% 29.8% 23.0% Azerbaijan Create an administrative region 92.8% 6.3% .8% 93.8% 5.2% 1.0% jointly governed by Arm and Aze Have Nagorno-Karabakh as an independent country 88.3% 9.6% 2.1% 92.3% 6.7% 1.0% Have Nagorno-Karabakh as a formal part of Armenia 99.1% .8% .1% 99.2% .6% .2%

As the Nagorno Karabakh conflict is not being solved and treated only by conflicting parties, international organizations and other states are involved in facilitating peace negotiations. The majority of Armenian women (79.9%) and men (84.2%) would like to have Russia more involved in finding a solution to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict. The second largest group for women (57.7%) and men (60.5%) seek for France to be more involved in conflict resolution. 82.5% of women and 81.8% of men would not like Turkey to be involved in finding a solution for the conflict at all (Table 12). The distribution in answers seems logical in the light of Armenian foreign policy: France is a friendly country historically, and lack of diplomatic relationship and not recognizing Armenian Genocide explains the level of involvement Armenian people consider for the conflict resolution.

Table 12. Involvement of Third Countries and Organizations in Conflict Resolution, Armenia

Not involved at all Less involved More involved Female Male Female Male Female Male Should Russia be ... in finding a solution for the NK conflict? 7.4% 5.7% 12.7% 10.1% 79.9% 84.2% Should the United States be ... in finding a solution for the NK conflict? 29.8% 32.3% 24.9% 25.8% 45.3% 41.9%

Should France be ... in finding a solution for the NK conflict? 21.0% 19.7% 21.3% 19.8% 57.7% 60.5% Should Turkey be ... in finding a solution for the NK conflict? 82.5% 81.8% 9.7% 8.5% 7.9% 9.6%

Should EU be ... in finding a solution 18.5% 22.4% 26.9% 26.0% 54.6% 51.7% for the NK conflict?

The largest group of Azerbaijani women (91.8%) and men (91.2%) would like to have Turkey more involved in Nagorno Karabakh conflict resolution. Fifty six per cent of Azerbaijani women and 59.3% of men would like to have Russia more involved in finding a solution for the conflict. Fifty two per cent of women and 54.9% of men would not like to have France involved in the conflict resolution at all. Interestingly, France historically is considered a friendly country to Armenia, which may cause the distribution of answers in the way Azerbaijani respondents reacted to the option.

Table 13. Involvement of Third Countries and Organizations in Conflict Resolution, Azerbaijan

Not involved at all Less involved More involved Female Male Female Male Female Male Should Russia be ... in finding a solution for the NK conflict? 20.1% 19.2% 23.0% 21.4% 56.9% 59.3% Should the United States be ... in finding a solution for the NK conflict? 26.6% 27.1% 35.1% 36.6% 38.4% 36.3%

Should France be ... in finding a solution for the NK conflict? 52.8% 54.9% 31.0% 29.0% 16.2% 16.2% Should Turkey be ... in finding a solution for the NK conflict? 2.3% 3.2% 6.0% 5.6% 91.8% 91.2%

Should EU be ... in finding a solution 19.8% 23.1% 38.2% 31.8% 42.0% 45.1% for the NK conflict?

Model Methodology

The paper addressed the perception of men and women in Armenia and Azerbaijan towards the solution of Nagorno Karabakh conflict. Two research questions were put forward 1. What are the socio-economic characteristics of females in Armenia and Azerbaijan concerned with Nagorno-Karabakh issue solution? And 2. How do those determinants differ from the same by males in Armenia and Azerbaijan?

Caucasus Barometer Methodology Representative of total adult (18+) population Proportional representation of demographic and geographic groups Multi-stage cluster sampling, sampling error is ± 2.3% Household selection: Random walk method Respondent selection: Kish table Face-to-face interviews in local languages

Model Methodology Since the study key indicators relate to Armenia and Azerbaijan, the CB 2011 database was filtered in a way to keep all the relevant info for the analysis. As the hypothesis was built around question NK4 (In your opinion, how likely is it to find a solution to the Nagorno Karabakh conflict within the next 5 years by use of force or peacefully?) only those respondents that provided a single answer to each of the options were explored in the database. Thus, the question answers were grouped into two categories: likely and unlikely. As a result a new variable was introduced that combined two components of the question into one. Those respondents who provided answers to both of the initial questions with the same connotation were not considered for the model. Hence, 1407 respondents in Armenia and 1028 in Azerbaijan were considered for the study. IBM SPSS Statistics 22 was used for data analysis. A two-step cluster analysis tool was run for seven variables (level of education, ideal number of children in the family, marital status, personal income, household size, employment status and age) to get typical male and female identities that determine the support for conflict resolution by use of force or peacefully.

Level of education - the education in the CB 2011 was split into three categories – 1- primary education, 2-secondary education and 3-higher education. Ideal number of children was grouped into three groups, 1- 0-2, 2- 3, 3 -4+ Marital status 1-single, 2-married Personal income 1-low, 2-medium, 3- high Household size – 1-small, 2-medium, 3-high Employment status – 0 - unemployed, 1 - employed

A typical female respondent in Armenia supporting the peaceful solution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict within next five years would be a person with a secondary education, ideally with 3 children in the family, married, with a medium income level, with a small household (1-3 members), unemployed and about of 48 years old. (Figure 1.)

A typical female respondent in Azerbaijan supporting the peaceful solution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict within next five years would be a person with a secondary education, ideally with up to 2 children in the family, married, with a medium income level, with a small household (1-3 members), unemployed and about of 44 years old. (Figure 1.)

Figure 1. Typical Female Respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan, peace

A typical male respondent in Armenia supporting the peaceful solution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict within next five years would be a person with a secondary education, ideally with 3 children in the family, married, with a medium income level, in a small household (1-3 members), employed and about of 49 years old. (Figure 2.)

A typical male respondent in Azerbaijan supporting the peaceful solution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict within next five years would be a person with a secondary education, ideally with up to 2 children in the family, married, with a low income level, in a small household (1-3 members), employed and about of 41 years old. (Figure 2.)

Figure 2. Typical Male Respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan, peace

For the sake of the study we have also looked at the differences of men and women who opt for the solution of the conflict by the use of force.

A typical female respondent in Armenia supporting the solution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict by use of force within next five years would be a person with a secondary education, ideally with 3 children in the family, married, with a medium income level, in a small household (1-3 members), employed and about of 47 years old. (Figure 3.)

A typical female respondent in Azerbaijan supporting the solution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict by use of force within next five years would be a person with a secondary education, ideally with up to 2 children in the family, married, with a medium income level, in a small household (1-3 members), employed and about of 44 years old. (Figure 3.)

Figure 3. Typical Female Respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan, use of force

A typical male respondent in Armenia supporting the solution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict by use of force within next five years would be a person with a secondary education, ideally with 3 children in the family, married, with a medium income level, in a small household (1-3 members), unemployed and about of 49 years old. (Figure 4.)

A typical male respondent in Azerbaijan supporting the solution of the Nagorno Karabakh conflict by use of force within next five years would be a person with a secondary education, ideally with up to 2 children in the family, married, with a high level of income, in a small household (1-3 members), unemployed and about of 41 years old. (Figure 4.)

Figure 4. Typical Male Respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan, use of force

As we may see from the analysis, typical women in Armenia and Azerbaijan who tend to solve the conflict peacefully are not very much different. Even the opposite, they seem to have quite similar determinants for the estimated variables. They have different perceptions on the ideal number of children in the family and the household size having the rest of the determinants absolutely similar to each other. We have the same evidence for men: males in Armenia and Azerbaijan have almost the same profile with different perceptions on the ideal number of children in the family and the household size. Both groups within the “peace” cluster have an older respondent in Armenia compared to the respondent in Azerbaijan.

Female respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan who support the solution of the conflict by the use of force, besides reporting on the same differences in the ideal number of children in the family and household size, are different from females supporting the peaceful solution by the employment status: women in the “peace” cluster for both Armenia and Azerbaijan are more unemployed versus employed women in the “force” cluster. Armenian female respondent is on average older compared to her Azerbaijani peer.

Male respondents in Armenia and Azerbaijan who support the use of force for the conflict resolution have the same determinants with different perception on the ideal number of children in the family and household size. They are different from the males in the “peace” cluster by the employment status: men in the “peace” cluster are employed versus unemployed men in the “force” cluster. And again, Armenian male respondent is on average older compared to his Azerbaijani peer.

Hypothesis Testing

Security considerations have been prominent for the South Caucasus region for more than two decades in the contemporary history. Having the state as the primary level dealing with security issues, we currently need to identify other means to reconcile the relations between countries, and here individual perceptions become more and more involved and important.

The study hypothesized that women are more inclined to solve the conflict peacefully than men are in Armenia and Azerbaijan. Using Pearson Qui Square hypothesis testing technique the study states that the difference is not significant in the case of Armenia (Test 1.), while in Azerbaijan the differences are significant (Test 2.).

Test 1. Hypothesis Testing, Armenia

Armenia Force Peace Total Male Count 142 533 675 % 21.0% 79.0% 100.0% Female Count 137 595 732 % 18.7% 81.3% 100.0% Asymp. Sig. (2- Value df sided) Pearson Chi-Square 1.190a 1 .275

Test 2. Hypothesis Testing, Azerbaijan

Azerbaijan Force Peace Total Male Count 275 287 562 % 48.9% 51.1% 100.0%

Female Count 184 282 466 % 39.5% 60.5% 100.0%

Value df Asymp. Sig. (2- sided) Pearson Chi-Square 9.201a 1 .002 The significance in perceptions between men in Armenia and Azerbaijan was also tested through the same testing tool. This additional hypothesis that men in Armenia and Azerbaijan equally tend to solve the Nagorno Karabakh conflict peacefully was rejected by the Pearson Chi Square test (Test 3). The same hypothesis for women in Armenia and Azerbaijan was also rejected by the test (Test 4.)

Test 3. Hypothesis Testing, Men

Men Force Peace Total Armenia Count 142 533 675 % 21.0% 79.0% 100.0% Azerbaijan Count 275 287 562 % 48.9% 51.1% 100.0% Asymp. Sig. (2- Value df sided) Pearson Chi-Square 106.788a 1 .000

Test 4. Hypothesis Testing, Women

Women Force Peace Total Armenia Count 137 595 732 % 18.7% 81.3% 100.0% Azerbaijan Count 184 282 466 % 39.5% 60.5% 100.0% Asymp. Sig. (2- Value df sided) Pearson Chi-Square 62.616a 1 .000

Test 3 shows that men in Armenia are more inclined to solve the Nagorno Kaabakh conflict peacefully than men in Azerbaijan. Test 4 indicates that women in Armenia are more inclined to solve the Nagorno Karabakh conflict peacefully that women in Azerbaijan. Conclusion Remarks on the Quantitative Component

This study hypothesized that generally speaking when compared to each other men are more violent than women, and when in conflicts women tend to solve it peacefully. The discussion in the theory and literature argues that men are genetically more predisposed to violence (Fukuyama). While Fukuyama refers to neo-Darwinist research to suggest the notion22, Barbara Ehrenreich in her article “Men Hate War too” argues that despite the current academic bias against "essentialist" or genetic explanations of behavior, this evidence shows that males are indeed more likely to fight, murder, loot, pillage, and, of course, rape than females. The question remains, however, whether this apparently innate male predilection has much to do with the subjects that concern Fukuyama -- war, international relations, and politics23.

Without trying to fit the theories and proclaim the genetic predisposition, the CB 2011 data analysis provide evidence that men in Armenia and Azerbaijan are more porne to solve the Nagorno Karabakh conflict by the use of force and that women are more prone to solve the conflict peacefully. Furthermore, women in Armenian when compared to the their peers in Azerbaijan have higher percentage to solve the conflict peacefully.

Remarks on the Qualitative Component

Women and men play different roles as social actors and also have different needs and interests. In the three phases of a conflict (before, during and after) women can play different roles and work proactively to secure peace24.

“Before the war the woman was a wife, a friend and housekeeper, at the war she was a leader, and after the war she became a breadwinner. The war made the woman more confident and decisive. She became stronger” (a woman, 60 years old).

Women in wartime show tremendous courage and resilience as survivors and as heads of house- holds - a role for which many of them have had little or no preparation for and which is made more difficult by the social constraints often imposed on them. The terms “vulnerable” and “victim” are not synonymous with “women”25.

While exploring the experience of other conflicts and the theoretical background of women in conflicts and wars, it became obvious that Nagono Karabakh conflict is

22 Gender, Conflict and Development, Tsjeard Bouta, Georg Freks, Ian Bannon, The World Bank, 2005 23 Fukuyama's Follies: So What if Women Ruled the World? http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/54628/barbara-ehrenreich-katha-pollitt-et- al/fukuyamas-follies-so-what-if-women-ruled-the-world 24 Focus: Women, Gender and Armed Conflicts in ADC – October 2009 | 9 25 Women Facing War, International Committee of the Red Cross, 2001 different in terms of the women participation in the three stages of the conflict (pre conflict, at the conflict ad after the conflict). As the causes of the conflict are deeply rooted in the history and have a very strong emotional and belonging background, (Karabakhi) women at war did not suffer severely from the atrocities that women in conflicts and wars usually suffer from: gender based violence, rape, slavery, etc. The society perceived the war as a common challenge to overcome and everybody felt obliged to contribute to the stop the war, to defend the right for living of their families and build a sustainable peace, regardless of gender.

“It was a period of survival, and it was hard to analyze whatever happened at that time. The only thing I remember clearly is that no women stopped their men (husbands, fathers, sons) from leaving for the frontline” (a woman of 60 years old).

All the Karabakhi women participating in the survey noted that whatever role they had at the war and after that, they have been treated with the highest level of respect and appreciation. Gender issues were out of agenda at that time. Overwhelming efforts to restore peace and provide a secure future for their families did not leave any room for treating women otherwise, as they stood for the families, for the army they fought for in different roles and for the country in general.

“Our society recovered faster than other conflicting regions. This might be due to the sense of justice for whatever we fought for” (a woman of 60 years old).

Recommendations

The quantitative data analysis and qualitative in depth interviews provide ground for the following recommendations:

1. Women de facto play a very active role in the society. This activism should be formalized to have more women on the decision making level. 2. Women are more inclined to solve conflict peacefully in both countries than men do. This should be taken into consideration for peace building efforts in the region. 3. Security sector institutions should have a balanced ratio of men and women to ensure they are representative of the wider society. 4. In-depth interviewees firmly stated that women should be definitely part of the negotiation process. 5. Women, and particularly mothers of soldiers of both countries should meet regularly to support peace-building efforts by the governments. 6. Civil society organizations should support women activism through dialogue projects in the region. 7. To have gender disaggregated statistics and to incorporate gender objectives into existing gender mainstreaming. 8. Existing government bodies that address women activism and participation on the state building efforts should be empowered. List of Sources

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