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What's Trending? #Sexualassault: an Exploratory Study of Social Media Coverage of Teen Sexual Assaults

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What's Trending? #Sexualassault: an Exploratory Study of Social Media Coverage of Teen Sexual Assaults VOLUME 18, ISSUE 1, PAGES 88–105 (2017) Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society E-ISSN 2332-886X Available online at https://ccjls.scholasticahq.com/ What’s Trending? #SexualAssault: An Exploratory Study of Social Media Coverage of Teen Sexual Assaults Ashley Wellman, Frances Reddington, and Karlie Clark University of Central Missouri A B S T R A C T A N D A R T I C L E I N F O R M A T I O N Social media play a significant role in the lives of many, particularly teenagers. For heavy users of social media, great significance is attributed to the messages posted in the virtual world. In the aftermath of sexual assault, victims, offenders, friends, family, the community, and virtual strangers have the ability to weigh in on the assault. Little research has explored these societal reactions on social media. The current exploratory, qualitative study examines social media responses to four highly publicized cases of teenage sexual assault: Daisy Coleman, Jane Doe, Audrie Pott, and Jada. Five major themes were identified via thematic analysis, including victim blaming/shaming, offender support, family/survivor utilization, victim support, and offender blaming. A thematic map, definitions, and examples of these themes are provided within. Consistent with commonly held rape myth beliefs, victim blaming/shaming appeared as the most common reaction on social media, with a large parallel response of offender support. Victim support emerged as a popular theme only after family members and the survivor spoke out, facts of the rape emerged, and media attention grew. The theme of offender blame was the most difficult to find amid the messages targeting the victim. The discussion highlights the significance of major trends, relationships among themes, and the potential repercussions of such social media presentations. Additional recommendations for education on the reality of sexual assault and awareness of healthy and responsible social media usage are disclosed. Article History: Keywords: sexual assault, social media, victimization, teens, rape myths Received 28 March 2016 Received in revised form 28 November 2016 © 2017 Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society and The Western Society of Criminology Accepted 04 January 2017 Hosting by Scholastica. All rights reserved. Although research demonstrates that sexual continued support of rape myths by survivors, their assault victimization can occur at any age (Kilpatrick, support systems, law enforcement officials, and the Edmunds, & Seymour, 1992; Tjaden & Thoennes, general public may be a major reason for this lack of 2000), younger individuals are at an increased risk. In disclosure. fact, 79% of sexual assaults are perpetrated against Social media have become a way for teenagers to victims younger than 24 years of age, while ages 12 to learn of and pass judgement about sexual assault, as 17 account for 32.8% of cases (Office for Victims of teens account for a large proportion of social media Crime, 2014). Rape continues to be the least reported consumers. Ninety percent of teens use social media of all crimes (Truman & Langton, 2015), and the daily, while 25% state they are using it constantly Corresponding author: Ashley Wellman, Humphrey 300, University of Central Missouri, Warrensburg, MO 64093, United States. Email: [email protected]. SOCIAL MEDIA COVERAGE OF TEEN SEXUAL ASSAULTS 89 throughout the day (Lenhart, 2015). Moreover, for report that 25 to 35% of respondents support rape many teenagers, social media have become more than myths (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). These attitudes just a way to connect. It has become a tool to define that directly endorse victim blaming have a dramatic one’s self-worth and to fulfill an emotional need (Kim effect on the pervasiveness of rape myths (Suarez & & Lee, 2011; Rosen, Whaling, Carrier, & Cheever, Gaddalla, 2010). Although many people may be 2013; Sas, Dix, Hart, & Su, 2009). The purpose of this hesitant to blame the victim directly, it is common for exploratory, qualitative study is to identify and explore respondents to attribute blame to the victim’s actions major themes that are present within the context of such as drinking, flirtatious behavior, or clothing social media reactions to teenage sexual assault. The choice (McMahon, 2010). Among college students, research utilizes four highly publicized sexual assault Buddie and Miller (2001) found that the majority of cases: Daisy Coleman, Jane Doe, Audrie Pott, and their sample subscribed to at least some of these Jada. The literature review provides an overview of myths. rape myth acceptance, rape myths in the media, and Overwhelmingly, studies have found that men the impact of these myths on survivors. Literature support pro-rape attitudes and are quicker to adopt continues with teen social media usage, the impact on rape myth beliefs than women (Brady, Chrisler, wellbeing, and the coverage of sexual assault on such Hosdale, Osowiecki, & Veal, 1991; Check & platforms. The qualitative methodology, case Malamuth, 1983; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; summaries, and thematic development are described. Russell, 1990; Suarez & Gaddalla, 2010; Whatlet, The results provide an overview of social media 1996). Suarez and Gaddalla (2010), in a meta-analysis, responses to these cases by theme, each highlighted found that oppressive attitudes towards women, sexist with social media messages. A final reflection details beliefs, and approval of interpersonal violence were the reality of sexual assault, repercussions that can highly predictive of rape myth acceptance. Social develop when sexual assault becomes fodder for social position may also influence one’s understanding of media dissection, and the need for further education on these misinformed stances on sexual assault. safe social media behavior. Membership into an elite group, such as an athletic team, military branch, or fraternal organization, is Literature Review associated with a higher level of rape myth acceptance (Crosset, Ptackek, McDonald, & Benedict, 1996; Koss Rape Myth Acceptance & Cleveland, 1996; Suarez & Gaddalla, 2010). Burt (1980) was one of the pioneers of defining Effects of Rape Myths on Sexual Assault Survivors and measuring the impact of rape myths, which are Research recognizes that survivors are often stereotypical false beliefs about rape. These myths revictimized by the lack of social support they receive place responsibility with the victim, creating an postrape (Yamawaki, Darby, & Queiroz, 2007). One antagonistic environment for survivors of sexual of the most significant sources of judgment can come assault. Accountability for the perpetrator is often from the victim’s social network (Ullman, 1996). By minimized by rape myths that attribute the sexual displaying an adherence to rape myths, friends and assault to various factors, from an uncontrollable sex family demonstrate the cultural belief that the blame drive to alcohol use. Additionally, these myths often for sexual assault lies with the victim (Burt, 1980). imply that a “certain kind of woman” gets raped, that Victim-blaming tends to be even more common when women’s behavior and clothes contribute to their rape, the perpetrator is an acquaintance instead of a stranger and that many women lie about their victimization (Abrams, Viki, Masser, & Bohner, 2003; Monson, (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). Examples of such Langhinrichsen-Rohling, & Binderup, 2000) or when myths include “she is saying it was rape because she the victim is a member of a minority group (Tillman, wants to protect her reputation,” “she asked for it by Bryant-Davis, Smith, & Marks, 2010). wearing those clothes,” and “she had it coming Survivors often display these rape myth beliefs because she was drinking.” These myths help to through expressions of self-blame, guilt, and difficulty remove blame from the offender (Suarez & Gaddalla, defining their assault as rape, thus often choosing to 2010). As a result, these commonly held beliefs remain quiet in fear they will not be believed or contribute to a denial of injury and a lack of justice for supported (Finkelson & Oswalt, 1995; Heath, Lynch, those victimized, and they negate blaming the Fritch, McArthur, & Smith, 2011; Starzynsky, perpetrator. Ullman, Filipas, & Townsend, 2005). Scholars have Researchers have explored adherence to these found that those who are raped by an acquaintance and ideas and potential repercussions, often measuring possess a belief in rape myths are less likely to report attitudes via rape myth acceptance scales (Burt, 1980; their assault to law enforcement (Heath, Lynch, Fritch, Payne, Lonsway, & Fitzgerald, 1999). Researchers & Wong, 2013). Minority women are more likely to Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society – Volume 18, Issue 1 90 WELLMAN, REDDINGTON, & ROSE subscribe to rape myths and to internalize their assault, online daily; half of these teenagers go online several keeping the rape to themselves (Tillman et al., 2010; times a day, and almost one out of four teens rate their Heath et al., 2013). Survivors who report a lack of online usage as constant. Much of this online activity support are also likely to avoid seeking prosecution of comes in the form of social media. Seventy-one the rapist (Anders & Christopher, 2011). percent of teens say they are on Facebook, over half use Instagram, 41% use Snapchat, and 33% use Presentation of Rape Myths in the Media Twitter (Lenhart, 2015). The media have reinforced rape myth beliefs. When exploring personality, popularity, and self- Research notes that
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