Climate: What We Know and What We Don’T Summary of the Lecture by Professor Murry Salby
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European Parliament Elections 2014
European Parliament Elections 2014 Updated 12 March 2014 Overview of Candidates in the United Kingdom Contents 1.0 INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 2 2.0 CANDIDATE SELECTION PROCESS ............................................................................................. 2 3.0 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS: VOTING METHOD IN THE UK ................................................................ 3 4.0 PRELIMINARY OVERVIEW OF CANDIDATES BY UK CONSTITUENCY ............................................ 3 5.0 ANNEX: LIST OF SITTING UK MEMBERS OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ................................ 16 6.0 ABOUT US ............................................................................................................................. 17 All images used in this briefing are © Barryob / Wikimedia Commons / CC-BY-SA-3.0 / GFDL © DeHavilland EU Ltd 2014. All rights reserved. 1 | 18 European Parliament Elections 2014 1.0 Introduction This briefing is part of DeHavilland EU’s Foresight Report series on the 2014 European elections and provides a preliminary overview of the candidates standing in the UK for election to the European Parliament in 2014. In the United Kingdom, the election for the country’s 73 Members of the European Parliament will be held on Thursday 22 May 2014. The elections come at a crucial junction for UK-EU relations, and are likely to have far-reaching consequences for the UK’s relationship with the rest of Europe: a surge in support for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) could lead to a Britain that is increasingly dis-engaged from the EU policy-making process. In parallel, the current UK Government is also conducting a review of the EU’s powers and Prime Minister David Cameron has repeatedly pushed for a ‘repatriation’ of powers from the European to the national level. These long-term political developments aside, the elections will also have more direct and tangible consequences. -
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity A dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy , Claire Elizabeth Harris Department of Politics, University of Sheffield September 2005 Acknowledgements There are so many people I'd like to thank for helping me through the roller-coaster experience of academic research and thesis submission. Firstly, without funding from the ESRC, this research would not have taken place. I'd like to say thank you to them for placing their faith in my research proposal. I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Andrew Taylor. Without his good humour, sound advice and constant support and encouragement I would not have reached the point of completion. Having a supervisor who is always ready and willing to offer advice or just chat about the progression of the thesis is such a source of support. Thank you too, to Andrew Gamble, whose comments on the final draft proved invaluable. I'd also like to thank Pat Seyd, whose supervision in the first half of the research process ensured I continued to the second half, his advice, experience and support guided me through the challenges of research. I'd like to say thank you to all three of the above who made the change of supervisors as smooth as it could have been. I cannot easily put into words the huge effect Sarah Cooke had on my experience of academic research. From the beginnings of ESRC application to the final frantic submission process, Sarah was always there for me to pester for help and advice. -
Lord-Pearsons-Letter-Of-Complaint-To
COMPLAINT: COVERAGE BY “TODAY”, SINCE THE WILSON REPORT, OF THE CASE FOR THE UK TO WITHDRAW FROM THE EU. BACKGROUND The 2005 Wilson Report into the BBC’s coverage of EU affairs was the Corporation’s first published independent analysis of its output. Its committee of inquiry was chaired by Lord Wilson of Dinton, formerly Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Civil Service. This complaint is that the BBC has not delivered the improvements it promised in its response to that report, of its coverage of EU affairs. This applies particularly to the debate about the UK’s withdrawal from the EU. The Wilson Report was published in January 2005. It was critical of parts of the relevant output. It said: …we do think there is a serious problem. Although the BBC wishes to be impartial in its news coverage of the EU it is not succeeding. Whatever the intention, nobody thinks the outcome is impartial. There is strong disagreement about the net balance but all parties show remarkable unity in identifying the elements of the problem. Sometimes being attacked from all sides is a sign that an organisation is getting it right. That is not so here. It is a sign that the BBC is getting it wrong, and our main conclusion is that urgent action is required to put this right. The problem can be summarised under a number of headings which we analyse below.1 Institutional mindset. Giving the audience the information it needs to make up its own mind is a proper and important role for the BBC and one which it must carry out. -
European Elections in the UK Media Briefing 7Th May 2014 UKIP and the 2014 European Parliament Elections
European Elections in the UK Media Briefing 7th May 2014 UKIP and the 2014 European Parliament elections Dr Philip Lynch ([email protected]) & Dr Richard Whitaker ([email protected]) University of Leicester UKIP and the 2014 European Elections Philip Lynch ( [email protected], @drphiliplynch ) and Richard Whitaker ( [email protected], @rickwhitaker ) Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Leicester UKIP go into the 2014 European elections in a far stronger position than they did five years earlier. The crucial differences are first, that UKIP have not experienced the decline in support in general election polling that they normally do after a European election. On the contrary, they are now consistently placed in third position in polls of general election vote intentions. Second, their ratings in polls of European election vote intention are some ten points higher on average than they were in the run up to the 2009 contest for seats in the European Parliament (EP). Third, they have more than double the number of members and a much better, even if still small base in local councils having secured 147 seats in the 2013 local elections. Fourth, while they have benefitted in the past from Conservative supporters lending UKIP their vote, they are in an even better position to do so this time around given that the Tories are now in government. On top of that, if UKIP’s campaign to win even more support from working class voters is successful, they will make headway in areas where Labour are traditionally strong. The presence of the Liberal Democrats in government alongside the collapse of the BNP add to the auspicious conditions for UKIP in 2014. -
Conservative Party Leaders and Officials Since 1975
BRIEFING PAPER Number 07154, 6 February 2020 Conservative Party and Compiled by officials since 1975 Sarah Dobson This List notes Conservative Party leaders and officials since 1975. Further reading Conservative Party website Conservative Party structure and organisation [pdf] Constitution of the Conservative Party: includes leadership election rules and procedures for selecting candidates. Oliver Letwin, Hearts and Minds: The Battle for the Conservative Party from Thatcher to the Present, Biteback, 2017 Tim Bale, The Conservative Party: From Thatcher to Cameron, Polity Press, 2016 Robert Blake, The Conservative Party from Peel to Major, Faber & Faber, 2011 Leadership elections The Commons Library briefing Leadership Elections: Conservative Party, 11 July 2016, looks at the current and previous rules for the election of the leader of the Conservative Party. Current state of the parties The current composition of the House of Commons and links to the websites of all the parties represented in the Commons can be found on the Parliament website: current state of the parties. www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary Conservative Party leaders and officials since 1975 Leader start end Margaret Thatcher Feb 1975 Nov 1990 John Major Nov 1990 Jun 1997 William Hague Jun 1997 Sep 2001 Iain Duncan Smith Sep 2001 Nov 2003 Michael Howard Nov 2003 Dec 2005 David Cameron Dec 2005 Jul 2016 Theresa May Jul 2016 Jun 2019 Boris Johnson Jul 2019 present Deputy Leader # start end William Whitelaw Feb 1975 Aug 1991 Peter Lilley Jun 1998 Jun 1999 Michael Ancram Sep 2001 Dec 2005 George Osborne * Dec 2005 July 2016 William Hague * Dec 2009 May 2015 # There has not always been a deputy leader and it is often an official title of a senior Conservative politician. -
European Parliament Elections 2014 RESEARCH PAPER 14/32 11 June 2014
European Parliament Elections 2014 RESEARCH PAPER 14/32 11 June 2014 Elections to the European Parliament were held across the 28 states of the European Union between 22 and 25 May 2014. The UK elections were held concurrently with council elections in England and Northern Ireland on 22 May. The UK now has 73 MEPs, up from 72 at the last election, distributed between 12 regions. UKIP won 24 seats, Labour 20, the Conservatives 19, and the Green Party three. The Liberal Democrats won only one seat, down from 11 at the 2009 European election. The BNP lost both of the two seats they had won for the first time at the previous election. UKIP won the popular vote overall, and in six of the nine regions in England. Labour won the popular vote in Wales and the SNP won in Scotland. Across the UK as a whole turnout was 35%. Across Europe there was an increase in the number of seats held by Eurosceptic parties, although more centrist parties in established pro-European groups were still in the majority. The exact political balance of the new Parliament depends on the formation of the political groups. Turnout across the EU was 43%. It was relatively low in some of the newer Member States. Part 1 of this paper presents the full results of the UK elections, including regional analysis and local-level data. Part 2 presents a summary of the results across the EU, together with country-level summaries based on data from official national sources. Oliver Hawkins Vaughne Miller Recent Research Papers 14/22 Accident & Emergency Performance: England 2013/14. -
RESTORING BRITISHNESS a Cultural Policy for an Independent Britain RESTORING BRITISHNESS
Policy Statement RESTORING BRITISHNESS A cultural policy for an independent Britain RESTORING BRITISHNESS A CULTURAL POLICY FOR AN INDEPENDENT BRITAIN A POLICY STATEMENT January 2010 Contents 1. Introduction page 3 2. The Problem: Britain and Britishness under pressure page 4 3. Executive Summary page 5 4. Britishness Defined page 7 5.Threats to Britishness : The Politically Correct “Liberal page 8 Elite” 6. Threats to Britishness: Threat of Nationalism page 11 7. Threats to Britishness: Extremist Islam page 12 8. Threats to Britishness: Foreign ownership, Short-termism and page 13 the Treasury 9. Threats to Britishness: European Union (EU) page 14 10. Threats to Britishness: Americanisation page 16 11. Restoring Britishness: Political, Legal & Economic Measures page 18 12. Restoring Britishness: Media, Cultural & Sporting Measures page 22 13. Restoring Britishness: Educational, Art and Music Measures page 26 References, Appendix & Bibliography page 28 Acknowledgements page 29 1. Introduction Britain and Britishness are in trouble. They are being attacked and undermined, both externally and internally. They are threatened by the European Union (EU) and corporatist Americanised pressures from without, and betrayed by misguided politically correct ideology, extremist Islam and errant nationalism from within. Decades of withering attacks on the concepts of patriotism and sovereignty, and an uncharitable reading of British history have led many to conclude that Britain is a country undeserving of affection and loyalty. Britain now suffers directly and indirectly from having an anti-British British establishment born of a 1960s self-loathing. The European Union (EU) remains a threat to Britishness as it undermines the once proud status Britain had as an independent state. -
The UK's Liabilities to the Financial Mechanisms of the European Union
The UK’s liabilities to the financial mechanisms of the European Union By Bob Lyddon Lyddon Consulting Services Limited The UK’s liabilities to the financial mechanisms of the European Union By Bob Lyddon Lyddon Consulting Services Limited ISBN: 978-0-9564614-6-9 Published in May 2016 by The Bruges Group, 214 Linen Hall, 162-168 Regent Street, London W1B 5TB www.brugesgroup.com Follow us on twitter @brugesgroup Find our facebook group: The Bruges Group Bruges Group publications are not intended to represent a corporate view of European and international developments. Contributions are chosen on the basis of their intellectual rigour and their ability to open up new avenues for debate. Table of Contents Preface ............................................................................................................................................................................................................. 4 Author biography ........................................................................................................................................................................................ 5 Source Documents ..................................................................................................................................................................................... 6 Glossary .......................................................................................................................................................................................................... 7 Executive Summary -
Collective Responsibility
BRIEFING PAPER Number 7755, 14 November 2016 By Michael Everett Collective responsibility Contents: 1. What is collective responsibility? 2. Conventions of collective responsibility 3. Agreements to differ and departures from collective responsibility 4. Early Origins and Development www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Collective responsibility Contents Summary 3 1. What is collective responsibility? 4 1.1 At what point does collective responsibility apply? 5 1.2 Does collective responsibility always apply? 5 1.3 The distinction between collective and individual ministerial responsibility 5 1.4 Collective responsibility and the devolved administrations 6 2. Conventions of collective responsibility 7 2.1 A convention rather than a constitutional requirement 7 2.2 What does the convention mean in practice? 8 2.3 Enforcing collective responsibility 10 2.4 Constitutional significance of collective responsibility 11 3. Agreements to differ and departures from collective responsibility 13 3.1 Departures from collective responsibility 13 3.2 Examples of departures from collective responsibility 15 Heathrow Airport, 2016 15 Referendum on the UK’s membership of the European Union, 2016 17 Agreements to differ under the Coalition Government, 2010-2015 20 Hospital rationalisation in Scotland, 2003 21 3.3 European Direct Assembly Elections, 1977 22 European Economic Community Referendum, 1975 23 Differences between the 2016 and 1975 agreements to differ 26 Tariffs Policy, -
European Policy Briefs Produced by the Federal Trust
TTHEHE FEDERALFEDERAL TRUSTTRUST TTHEHE FEDERALFEDERALfor education TRUSTTRUST & research enlightening the debate on good governance EuropeanPolicyBrief Mar 2006 • Issue 25 • The Federal Trust, 7 Graphite Square, Vauxhall Walk, London SE11 5EE • www.fedtrust.co.uk To leave or not to leave? The Conservatives and the European People's Party in the European Parliament David Cameron, the new leader of the Conservative Party, has been accused by his critics of favouring style over substance, and yet on one issue his position has been very clear: he wants to see the Conservatives leave their current political group in the European Parliament (EP). This party group, known as the European People's Party-European Democrats (EPP-ED), is currently the largest in the EP, with 264 seats, of which British Conservatives hold 27.1 David Cameron believes that the views and aims of the group are fundamentally at odds with Conservative beliefs. In particular, he argues that the Conservatives do not share the EPP-ED's pro-integrationist ambitions. He has also claimed that on free trade and the transatlantic partnership the group does not have the same views as the Conservatives. An objective assessment of the choices facing the Conservatives shows that a decision to leave the EPP-ED will have mixed consequences. The legislative influence of the Party in the European Parliament would probably be reduced, while the organisational benefits are not entirely clear. In addition, the areas of disagreement with the EPP are not the matters the Parliament concerns itself with most. On the economic issues, which dominate the agenda of the European Parliament, the Conservatives are probably closest to the EPP out of all the existing party groups. -
The Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001 the Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001
8 Philip Lynch The Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001 The Conservatives and Europe, 1997–2001 Philip Lynch As Conservatives reflected on the 1997 general election, they could agree that the issue of Britain’s relationship with the European Union (EU) was a significant factor in their defeat. But they disagreed over how and why ‘Europe’ had contributed to the party’s demise. Euro-sceptics blamed John Major’s European policy. For Euro-sceptics, Major had accepted develop- ments in the European Union that ran counter to the Thatcherite defence of the nation state and promotion of the free market by signing the Maastricht Treaty. This opened a schism in the Conservative Party that Major exacer- bated by paying insufficient attention to the growth of Euro-sceptic sentiment. Membership of the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) prolonged recession and undermined the party’s reputation for economic competence. Finally, Euro-sceptics argued that Major’s unwillingness to rule out British entry into the single currency for at least the next Parliament left the party unable to capitalise on the Euro-scepticism that prevailed in the electorate. Pro-Europeans and Major loyalists saw things differently. They believed that Major had acted in the national interest at Maastricht by signing a Treaty that allowed Britain to influence the development of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) without being bound to join it. Pro-Europeans noted that Thatcher had agreed to an equivalent, if not greater, loss of sovereignty by signing the Single European Act. They believed that much of the party could and should have united around Major’s ‘wait and see’ policy on EMU entry. -
Lord Cecil Parkinson 1
Lord Cecil Parkinson 1 Trade minister in Margaret Thatcher's first government in 1979, Cecil Parkinson went on to become Conservative Party chairman. He was instrumental in privatizing Britain's state-owned enterprises, particularly electricity. In this interview, Parkinson discusses the rethink of the British Conservative Party in the 1970s, Margaret Thatcher's leadership in the Falklands War, the coal miners' strike, and the privatization of state-owned industries. Rethinking the Conservative Party, and the Role of Keith Joseph INTERVIEWER: Let's talk about Margaret Thatcher during the '70s. After the defeat of [Prime Minister Ted] Heath, Margaret Thatcher almost goes back to school. She and Keith Joseph go to Ralph Harris [at the Institute for Economic Affairs] and say, "Give us a reading list." What's going on here? What's Margaret really doing? LORD CECIL PARKINSON: I think Margaret was very happy with the Heath manifesto. If you look at the Heath manifesto, it was almost a mirror image of her 1979 manifesto. All the things—cutting back the role of the state, getting rid of the nationalized industries, curbing the train unions, cutting of taxes, controlling public expenditure—it's all there. It's a very, very good manifesto. And I've heard her recently compliment him on the 1970 manifesto, which was a slightly sort of backhanded compliment, really. What troubled her was that we could be bounced out of it. We could be moved from doing the things which we knew were right and doing things which we secretly knew were wrong because of circumstances, and I think instinctively she felt this was wrong, but she didn't have the sort of intellectual backup, she felt, to back up her instincts.