© Kamla-Raj 2012 J Biodiversity, 3(2): 85-129 (2012)

Life on an Edge among the Changpas of Changthang,

Veena Bhasin*

Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, Delhi 110 007,

KEYWORDS Pastoral Nomads. Conventional Energy Sources. Soci-eco-geographic Marginalisation. Social Behaviour. Natural Environment.

ABSTRACT The Buddhist Changpas-pastoral nomads of Changthang, Ladakh form an ethnic entity. Like other nomads in the world, the pastoral nomads of Changthang are a minority, suffering problems of under representation, social, economic and geographic marginalisation. The region is extremely poor in conventional energy sources (fossils, fuel and wood) and has almost no industrially exploitable resources. Natural environmental limitations dictate many aspects of traditional life, especially settlement pattern and economic system. Among the Changpas, the pastoral mode of livelihood is an evident attempt to adapt to a natural environment, which provides no plants as food that can support humans and has no potential for growing food crops. Under such conditions, the only solution is to domesticate large herds of various animals, which can feed off the plants and in return, the animals can sustain humans. Since, the ecological conditions of Changthang are not favourable for crop growing, the Changpas raise large herds of sheep and goats as well as transport animals like yaks and horses. These animals provide the Changpas with meat, milk, varieties of wool, which they use themselves and barter for grains and other utilities. This economic interdependence of nomadic pastoral and settled population has been an important characteristic of the society in this area. The Changpas social behaviour is, in part, a response to constraints and opportunities of the natural environment. Both stability and change are outcomes of response to the immediate needs of daily life. The basic form of social organisation in the area was rural, and social relations among the agriculturalists, nomadic and semi-nomadic groups were based on trade and exchange of essential commodities. The Changpas’ subsistence level pastoral economy, traditional social and religio-cultural systems are composite part of cold desert’s ecological system. Their way of life shows a capacity to adapt themselves to the rugged cold desert environment. The Changpas possess a high degree of specialised knowledge and a flexible social organisation to make viable the mobile mode of production. Despite the ecological constraints, the Changpas were managing their environment for making a living without outside intervention. Their own societal controls like polyandry and cutting of excess animals, helped in turn by their customary rights and equity in resource allocation has helped them. The Changpas are organised using a patrilineal idiom, all members being patrilineal descendants of the founding ancestor. Rangeland, livestock, manpower and the considerable knowledge of the skills necessary to exploit them effectively are the principle economic resources of the Changpas of Changthang. Resource management in a risky environment illustrates the skills of the Changpas for survival. Traditional practices of Changpas, such as the rotation of grazing areas and use of reserve pastures in case of natural calamities help manage the variability of ecosystem and bail out pastures from a state of permanent degradation. Each animal has its own specific characteristics and adaptation to the environment. Rearing together different animals maximised the use of vegetation in the pasture. Different animals graze on different plants. In recent decades, the Changpas of Changthang have been experiencing changes due to external pressures that have altered political, economic and social landscapes. Traditionally, the Changpas were self-sufficient and livestock were providing them with their food and lodging. In recent decades, continuous massive defense investments and improvement in communications; proliferation of government departments; introduction of development plans; provision for basic amenities, alterations in traditional subsistence economy, its commercialisation and extension of know-how through government departments and non-government organisations and tourism has led to a higher motivation among local people for better standards of living. Increasing administrative and market integration and population growth over the years have weakened socio-homeostasis with no functional substitutes for restoring positive social system. For centuries, pastoralists in Changthang have lived in the context of environmental uncertainty and have developed a diverse range of strategies, institutions and network to minimise this unpredict-ability and risk. Pastoral management strategies, which may have worked previously, may or may not be sufficient now. The three communities of Samad, Korzok and responded differently to these changes. Various pressures with an ever-increasing rate of change necessitated the adoption of new strategies for survival.

INTRODUCTION a cold desert. The local Changpas practice yak, sheep and goat rearing as a part of their subsis- The present study deals with the pastoral tence. Maintenance of such herds was possible adaptations of the Changpas of Changthang, only through a skillful organisation of the mi- Ladakh in India (Fig. 1), which underwent dra- gration movements to avail pastures in certain matic changes in the last few decades. Ladakh is niche or at certain times in the particular envi- ronment of the cold desert. Changthang region *Retired Professor saw a number of changes with major conse- 86 VEENA BHASIN STATE Data not available DISTRICT STATE CAPITAL STATE HEADQUARTERS: DISTRICT N A INTERNATIONAL

BOUNDARIES

T I B E T E B I T C H I N A N I H C KILOMETRES 25 0 50 100 (Ladakh) 50 C H I N A N I H C HIMACHAL PRADESH Doda

Kathua Anantnag PUNJAB Udhampur N A Pulwama I N D I A I D N I Jammu Badgam administrative divisions 1981 Punch Kupwara Rajouri Baramula AFGHANISTAN JAMMU SRINAGAR

P A K I S T A N Jammu and Fig. 1. LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 87 quences for the Changpas, the pastoral nomads or decrease adaptive capacity. Steward (1955) of the area. This paper is based on information claimed that environment and culture are not gathered from the field areas of Changthang, separate spheres but are involved in dialectic Ladakh, in 1990, inhabited by Changpas1. After interplay or what is called feedback or reciprocal 12 years, I had the opportunity to revisit the causality (Kaplan and Manners 1972: 79). The area with the World Wide Fund for Nature-India concept of reciprocal causality involves two (WWF). In 1990, Changthang area was in the ideas: that neither environment nor culture is a ‘Restricted Areas Zone’ and was accessible to “given” but each is defined in terms of others, citizens of India that too with prior permission and the environment plays an active part, not from Deputy Commissioner’s Office in Leh. This just a limiting or selective role in human affairs. area has evolved and witnessed change. The The relative influence of environment and cul- focus of this study is the response of traditional ture in feedback relationships is not equal (Ka- pastoral nomads to the changes and implica- plan and Manners 1972). According to this view, tions of this response for the region. sometimes culture plays a more active role and sometimes environment has an upper hand. Conceptual Framework In the mountains, the notion of cultural ad- aptations supplied one of the main conceptual The present study discusses the system of approaches. Rhoades and Thompson (1975) livestock production and management typical described two such strategies-generalised and to Changthang region (Ladakh), including the specialised. In generalised strategies, popula- ecological, economic, cultural and political fac- tion exploits all the local zones. In specialised tors. It aims to understand the adaptation of tra- strategy, population exploits only one zone. ditional subsistence techniques to its particular Werge (1979) described three strategies in Cen- environment, together with the far-reaching so- tral Andes- the compact, similar to generalized, cio-economic alterations imposed on this tradi- the archipelago (suggested by Murra 1972 for tional system by external factors. Adaptation is precontact cases) in which migration helps in a key concept in anthropology and anthropo- exploiting widely dispersed zones and dispersed. logical studies focusing on pastoral subsistence The dispersed strategy was based on barter sys- and its relations to environment can be traced tem by exchanging products of one ecological back to 1940s (Evans-Pritchard 1940; Gulliver zone with another ecological zone, thus creat- 1955; Stenning 1959). The concept of adapta- ing a symbiotic chain. Forman (1978) added a tion of human system to global change is very fourth ‘mixed’ strategy. Mixed strategy suggests broad. Adaptation is a necessary strategy at all a direct human access to two or more zones with scales to compliment changes. Adaptation has indirect access to other zones through commu- the potential to reduce adverse effects. Adapta- nities based in them or through commerce. Tho- tion can be defined as adjustments of a system mas (1979) has stressed on multiple resource to reduce vulnerability and to increase the resil- bases, emphasising local conditions and a high ience of a system to change, in this case, the degree of behavioural flexibility at the individu- socio-economic system. Adaptation is a dynamic al, household and community levels and relates process that delves in to the deepest recesses these patterns to five specific response types: of creativity. Overcoming adversity is what stim- rotation, regulation, cooperation, mobility and ulates growth and development. storage. Adaptive capacity is an important concept The social impulsive forces of adaptive ca- for understanding adaptation and is a set of pacity are varied but may include broad struc- mechanisms that a society possesses to sur- tures such as economic and political processes, vive change. The adaptive capacity is motivat- as well as processes, which operate at the local ed by factors operating at many levels-both scale such as access to decision-making, and physical and social. “Adaptations can occur at the structure of social network and relationships multiple scales and what may be adaptive today within the community. Steward (1955) believed in response to perceived change may not be that some sectors of the culture are more prone tomorrow” (Nelson et al. 2007, cf. Galvin 2009). to a strong, environmental relationship than oth- Physical constraints are important but in most ers and this he refers to as a “culture core”. Cul- cases, it is the social processes which increase ture core consists of economic sector of soci- 88 VEENA BHASIN ety; those features that are “mostly related to on social relations. In addition to environment, subsistence activities and economic arrange- there are external forces imposed either by polit- ments” (Steward 1955: 37). Pastoral management ical events during the course of history or by or governance over natural resource use sur- diffusion including contact with people of a dif- rounds the center of pastoral adaptive capacity, ferent origin and innovations made by commu- which includes both formal and informal institu- nity during the course of time which induce tions. Pastoral systems are under numerous con- change in the community. straints and pastoralists are adapting and trying to remain flexible. The natural state of pastoral Pastoral Nomads system is one of change and it is not easy to assess the state of adaptation. As change is of- Pastoral economy of nomads depends on the ten unpredictable, the system should be flexible utilisation of pastures markedly seasonal in their enough to respond to changes for maintaining occurrence. Nomads raise mixed herds of sheep the smooth run of the society (Nelson et al. 2007). and goats for animals and animal products, and A numbers of changes are taking place in the domesticate yaks, horses etc. for their products pastoral systems worldwide. We cannot say as well as for transportation of goods and hu- whether the responses are increasing the adap- man beings. The whole group migrates in units tive capacity of pastoral system to change or, between lowland and highland pastures. All conversely, increasing vulnerability. For a long nomads distinguish themselves from their neigh- time, pastoralists have lived in the context of bours and business partners as a social group environmental uncertainty and have developed of livestock proprietors and traders. Nomads a diverse range of strategies, institutions and utilise pastures to which they claim right of ac- network to minimise this unpredictability and cess based on customary law. However, they risk. However, the systems that are adaptive pay grazing taxes to state or individuals. They under one set of socio-economic circumstances barter animals and animal products for grain and may be less successful when conditions change. other necessities of life. They do not invest Among pastoral nomads, there are two types of heavily in landed property. In the absence of adaptations that lead to a change: situations permanent settlements, the residential pattern is where conditions force nomads to look for other characterised by the encampment of tents near alternatives, sedentarise or emigrate. The pas- the grazing area. Traditionally, mountain nomads toral nomads are increasingly responding to were engaged in a few side activities and trans- change by opting out of the nomadic way of life actions beyond animal husbandry such as trans- through sedentarisation. In other cases, the no- portation and other commercial activities. Some mads continue with the dispersed resource-used of these traditions have changed drastically in strategies and try to find out alternatives in the recent years. place of origin itself. In order to provide sound policy advice, it is important to gain knowledge STUDY AREA: CHANGTHANG of these formal and informal strategies in the light of increasing climatic variability, growing The Changthang region in the Indian Trans- competition for pasture, population rise and de- Himalayan area of Ladakh represents the west- velopment. The environmental conditions in the ern extension of the Tibetan Plateau, an impor- area under investigation, the Changthang, Lada- tant highland grazing system. It is a cold desert, kh, constitute a significant factor in the socio- one of India’s five listed ‘bio-diversity’ regions, cultural system of the area. The above stated with a short summer and Arctic like winter, of sparse cause-effect is not linear, but more of a circular vegetation with a unique biotope, whose wetlands system with a good deal of feedback. At this are recognised for indigenous and migrating birds point, it may be stated that social relations, tech- and surrounding grasslands and marshes. nology and environment may be treated as vari- Changthang sub-division with an area of 21,000 ables, which are part of a system. The three vari- square kilometers, occupies a strategic position, ables are interrelated and interdependent and sharing border with both and Pakistan (Fig. the functioning of system may change in any 2). The cold desert-like landscape and vast plains one of the variables e.g. an economic change of Changthang share the area and climate with the could have an effect on environment as well as adjoining region of . It has an extremely short LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 89 CHINA TIBET kms 54 108 Jara La Lanska La Kone La Yangi Dawan P. Yangi 0 Haji Langar Dimja La Panpong Tso Sumna Traggar Khurnak Fort CHANG-THANG: LADAKH DISTRICT Demchok Kepsang La Qizil Jilga

Jangal Indus Lungbale Pamzal Mahe Tso Morori Tso Peldo Chung Tosh Chhumed Mandaltong Kiari Qizil Langar CHANG-THANG

Shyak Upehi Sutak Tiska Qora Tagh P. Qora Tagh Rumtse LEH P. Saser Shaksgam P. Lun Sankar Rong Debring Shyak Chukirmo Muldem Phyang Thoyor Ringdangdo Mune Padam Kuru

Dansam Hanupatta Yutchung Zoskar Ating Lamayuru Ringdom Gompa Yuldo Khapalu Bardumal HIMACHAL PRADESH Mulbekh Panikar Tolti KARGIL Skinmang Askole Amarnath Parkutta

UDHAMPUR Skardu Punjab

GILGIT KATHUA

Indus

SRINAGAR RIASI KASHMIR NORTH GILGIT WAZARAT JAMMU Fig. 2. Chang-Thang: Ladakh district 90 VEENA BHASIN growing season, a short tourism period and re- enable improved communication network in the mains covered under the blanket of ice and snow region, facilitating economical ferrying of sup- for six months in a year. Changthang, in Ladakh plies as well as promotion of tourism. occupies the upper reaches of river Indus and block includes three nomadic communities: the its tributaries and besides the plateau, compris- Changpas of Samad, Korzok and Kharnak respec- es mountains separating the main drainage tively referred as Samadpa, Korzokpa and Khar- courses. The ridge of the Tso, separates nakpa, who use a large rangeland - - Khar- two valleys of Rupshu, the Tsomorari and the nak for grazing their animals. Pangolumba. Snowline in Rupshu is up to 6500 In discussing the adaptations of Changpas metres. The climate is severe and extreme dry. One pastoral life, it is essential to know something about gets sunburnt and frost bite on the same day. Its the topography, water sources, grazing sources main habitats are rangelands (especially high alti- and other elements of physical environment that tude pastures) and wet lands (lakes and marshes). make pastoralism viable in Changthang. Changthang is a relatively low productive area with a low density of human population but there is Topographical Features stiff competition for the forage resources between wildlife and the herds of the nomads as livestock Changthang (Chang-north, thang-plain) lit- raising is the mainstay of sustenance and liveli- erally means the “north plain” but in common hood. parlance an elevated plain or wide open valley, Changthang accommodates 41 villages and too high and too cold for any but pastoral use. hamlets, inhabited by about 8,000 settled and no- Topographical features include gorges and vast madic pastoralist population (Kitchlu 1997). Ti- plateaus (sometimes 50-60 kilometres long and 20- betan Refugees, who crossed the border during 30 kilometres wide grounds) which range from un- early 1960 and remained within Indian Territory, dulating to sloping lands. The absence of consis- joined the existing population. It consists of two tent slope did not allow water to drain away. Rath- administrative blocks – Durbook and Nyoma with er the undulating land formed itself into a huge 23 villages. Out of which 18 are in Nyoma block basin, into which snowmelt streams flew, and find- and five in Durbook. The area is restricted and ing no outlet settled into the great lakes. The outsiders need a permit to go beyond Nyoma. Due Changthang region forms the Western extension to the strategic position of the sub-division, there of the Tibetan plateau and lies mostly above 4,500 is massive military presence. A well-maintained m. The area lies approximately between 330 10’ to motorable road (highway) which passes through 330 30’N and 770 55’to 780 20’E. The Changthang Nyoma traverses the area, facilitating the troop’s area is characterised by little rainfall and snowfall movement, which is stationed in Nyoma. (only three inches of precipitation on an average per year). It is a cold desert with large dry steppes Nyoma Block in open valleys. The temperature in Changthang during summer (from April to September) varies This is one of the coldest blocks of the dis- from 6.1 to 13.2 with the highest average of 17°C in trict at an altitude of approximate 13,000 to 14,000 July-August, During winter months, temperature feet from the sea level. Owing to a harsh terrain, decreases far below the freezing point (Khan and difficult approach, severe winter and lack of in- Wani 1986). frastructural facilities, the block is backward and The soils of the area are shallow with poor people live below poverty line. The block splits physical condones like sandy to sandy-loam tex- up diagonally by the river Indus. Strategically ture, higher rate of infiltration and percolation. The the block is very important as it is bounded in surface of the hills is chiefly disintegrated rocks, north and east by China. and and the surface of the valley is earth or gravel. The Army have jointly developed an Advanced Land- combined effects of environmental factors limit the ing Ground (ALG) for extreme weather condi- natural vegetation of Rupshu-Kharnak and make tions at Nyoma, 23km from Line of Actual Con- agriculture a difficult proposition. The vast, undu- trol from China. This would ensure that move- lating, high altitude plains are, however, well suit- ment in the area continues when road traffic gets able for mobile pastoralism and are being managed affected during the harsh winters. It will also by Changpas as such. LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 91

Flora and Fauna of these lakes harbour populations of endan- gered Tibetan argali sheep (Ovis ammon hodg- Rangelands of Changthang, which are a re- soni), blue sheep (Pseudois nayaur) and Tibet- pository of forage, support a large number of live- an wild ass (Equas ), as well as wetlands stock and wild ungulates in resource-limited envi- used for breeding by migratory birds. These ronments. In the higher pastures, more than two areas have been traditionally used as grazing hundred species of wild plants grow. The most grounds by the local Changpas, and are now palatable of these are species of Astragalus, Arte- subject to increasing tourism. misia, Agropyron, Festuca, Orzopris, Lolium and Stipa. Gyabshen (Chenopodia, Eurotia ceratoides) Rangelands is a common shrub in the area. Its density, cover and biomass were highest in the lower slopes and Changthang Plateau consists mainly of sandy plains; while it was completely absent in the rangelands. The Scrub steppe (Caragana-Eu- marsh meadows. It has an important place in this rotia, Artemisia, and Tanacetum), Desert steppe cold and arid ecosystem. The plant has a woody (Stipa-Allysum-Oxytropis and Leymus secali- rootstock and aerial shoots. The Changpas de- nus), wet and marsh meadows dominated by pend on the thick rootstock of this plant for their sedges and cushion-like vegetation or fell fields firewood requirement Tedunga is another bush at high altitude are four distinct physiognomic that grows in the area. This bush helps in keeping units of vegetation. All water bodies or wetlands the soil together. With the increasing pressure of of Changthang have extended marshes. These tourism and trekkers and grazing animals, people marshy meadows form a part of the pastures are cutting it down randomly in large quantities to and support maximum number of livestock dur- hoard it. Changthang is short of fuel wood and ing crucial winter months. This specific eco-sys- people use bushes and roots of different grasses tem (ponds, small lakes, rivers, brooks and wet as fuel. The Changpa women regularly collect sheep mound covered marshes) offer large diversity of and goat pellets for fuel because it burns for a flora within the harsh high altitude environment. longer time and emits more heat. In addition to domesticated animal popula- ECOLOGICAL ADAPTATIONS tion of sheep, goats, yaks and horses, the area IN CHANGTHANG abounds in other animals as well. Significant mammals include the Blue sheep or bharal The Changpas integrate Changthang’s verti- (Pseudois nayaur nayauar), Siberian or Hima- cal and horizontal life zones for making a living. In layan Ibex (Cra ibex), Ladakh Urial or shapu addition to the nomad Changpas, other groups (Ovis vignei), Tibetan Argali (Pantholops hodg- that regard themselves as directly derived from the soni), Tibetan gazelle (Procapra pictieandata), Changpas or claim a common or collateral ances- Kiang (Equus kiang) and Tibetan wolf (Conis try also reside here. In most of the villages of the lupus chanku). Snow leopard (Uncia uncial), a regions through which the Changpas migrate, is a flagship species is most significant. considerable sedentary population of the Chang- pas. In some of the villages, the whole population Wetlands looks upon itself as a settled section of the tribe, while in other places the settlers are dispersed as South Changthang has several wetlands, individuals or in small family groups. lakes and streams, including three big ones- Tso- The ecological adaptations among the Chang- Moriri and Pangong-Tso and Tso-Kar, extended pas of Changthang are as follows: (1) Transhu- marshes and seasonal rivers carrying melting mance based on sheep, goats, yaks and horse herd- water during early summer. Lakes, ponds and ing without agriculture as practiced by the Chang- marshes form a significant water-reservoir net- pas of the high plateaus of Rupshu, Kharnak and work. The three wetlands, especially Tso-Moriri Karzok region. In Rupshu and Khamak, the entire and Tso-Kar, host many species of flora and fau- population lead a nomadic life whereas in Karzok na. Ponds, lakes and seasonal streams contain about ninety per cent population move from one fresh water while bigger lakes (like Tso-Moriri ecological zone to another; (2) Transhumance based and Pangong) contain brackish or even highly on goats and sheep rearing with marginal agricul- concentrated salt water (Tso-Kar). The basins ture as practiced by the Changpas of and 92 VEENA BHASIN

Chumoor. In summer, they cultivate their lands and es of Kuyul, Damchok, , Nyoma, Ney, grow barley. As they have more goats and sheep, Kesar and Linkchey situated along the Indus Riv- they graze their animals at higher mountain val- er. Agriculture is the way of life of people. The leys; and (3) Sedentary farming with limited live- people here are almost completely dependent on stock raising as practiced by the people of Kuyul, artificial irrigation. Channels draw water from natu- Damchok, Kery, Chumathang, Nyoma, Ney, Kesar, ral rivers and streams in the area under the Linkchey etc. settled along the river. They general- super-vision of “Churpan”. ly raise one crop annually and produce wheat and barley. Besides this, they cultivate vegetables like Lunpa Cultural Area turnip, potatoes and peas. Some villagers also grow mustard. Lun-pas, the residents of Kerey and Chumoor Though it is claimed that at one time all the villages in the northern region of Great Himalayan people living on the Changthang were nomadic range are semi-transhumants. Here, they have few pastoralists, today however, in Indian Changth- cultivated fields where they grow barley in sum- ang both nomadic pastoralists and those practic- mer. As they have large number of sheep and ing agriculture exist with the latter domesticating goats, they migrate to higher mountain valleys or livestock and practicing agriculture as well. Tradi- pastures zone with their flocks. Both Kerey and tionally, there were only two nomadic pastoralist Chumoor villages are high plateus at 5500 and 6500 groups living in Changthang namely- Kharnak, and metres above sea level. As these villages are locat- Rupshu. Rupshu is the area near Lake Tso-Moriri ed along the higher narrow valleys, they are popu- and is made up of two parts, Samad which means larly known as Lunpas. Even under adverse weath- the lower part, and Korzok, which means upper er conditions, these people are able to grow barley, part of the larger area (ICIMOD 1998). Changth- peas and turnips with simple technology. Besides ang sub-division can tentatively be divided into agricultural work, many families are engaged in two major cultural areas-the Drok and Rong. The pastoral and trading activities. They rear sheep, Drok culture area corresponds to transhumant changra goats for wool and Pashmina. A family in Changpas and Rong culture to semi-transhumants Kerey has an average of five yaks, 4 demos, 10 Lon-pas and sedentany Rongpas. The Changpas are traditionally and still predominantly pashmina sheep and 15 goats, whereas in Chumoor, the av- goat breeders. They lead nomadic life on the up- erage family has 15 yaks, 10 demos, 20 sheep and land valleys. They graze their animals on pastures 25 goats. Eighty per cent of Chumoor families live at upper slopes known as Brog (Pronounced as in rebos while on pastoral duties. The rest of the Drok). They spend their whole life in large, porta- households arrange with families who migrate with ble yak-hair tents (rebos). They have permanent their tents to take their animals for grazing on cash winter villages where old and retired Changpas and kind payment. In the Kerey village, only 32 per stay in stone houses. They use different valleys cent families have tents and are engaged in tran- for winter and summer grazing and use different shumant activities, while rest 60 per cent families parts of the valley for a particular period. The no- are engaged in agriculture and trade. mads of Rupshu used grazing land, which stretched from the Taklangla pass in eastern Ladakh in the Changpa Nomads (Drok-pa) west into Tibet in the east and the area included Nyoma and near the Tibetan border (Jina The people who inhabit the high plateaus of 1995). Strict communal laws regulate their grazing Rupshu-Kharnak of Changthang are the Chang- movements. The economic strategies of Chang- pa nomads. They domesticate large number of pas in this region seem to be the utilisation of dif- sheep, pashmina goats, yaks and horses. Howev- ferent biotopes at varying altitudes er, while the “Changpa” is the generic term, they are not a single homogeneous community. Rong Cultural Area Groups are divided by their place of origin, each having its own chief and its specified grazing Rong cultural area lies in the high altitude moun- areas. Ladakh is home to 14 such groups, vary- tain valleys and along the narrow valleys of High ing in size from 20 to 176 families, the average Mountain in the north. The cultivated areas and being about 130. While local variations exist, settled population of Rong-pas inhabit the villag- essentially all the groups share the same way of LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 93 life and the account given here applies in gener- SETTLEMENTS IN CHANGTHANG al to the Changpas living throughout Ladakh. The three nomadic Changpa groups that in- Korzok habit the high plateaus of Rupshu-Kharnak are composed of three independent groups located The village of Korzok is located on a small at Kharnak, Samad and Korzok form the subject hill at the south-west corner of Kyangdum along of this study. These pastoral nomads are said to the north-west side of Tso-Moriri in the Rukchen valley of . Korzok in local language have moved into Ladakh from the adjoining Tibet- means “middle of the body” and also “middle of an Changthang or from the region known as Mountains”. According to the Changpas, Kor- Zhang-Zhung lying on the western edge of Tibet- zok derived its name from two words; Kor, which an Plateau. refers to the livestock owned by the gompa, and Traditionally, the rangeland of Changthang zok where goods are stored. It lies approximately was and is state-owned and individuals had/ between the north lat-itude 32° 58' and the east have usufruct rights. An average family owns longitude 78 015' at the height of 4600 metres. over one to two hundred goats and sheep, sev- The Korzok area falls within the Nyoma Block and eral yaks and a few horses. Traditionally, Rup- includes the semi-nomadic villages of Sumdo and shu was spread into a large area. For the purpose Angkung. The history of Changthang indicates of administration and distribution of grazing lands that the powerful feudal lords called the Rupshu for livestock, the Rupshu goba divided the region ‘goba’ once ruled it. The goba had organised the into two areas: Sadod, the upper area and Samad, nomadic groups and systematically planned the the lower area. The Rupshu goba managed both resource use. After these gobas lost their power in Korzok and Samad. Since Sadod was recognised the 17th century, the smaller villages organised with Korzok, it came to be known as Korzok, and themselves and elected headmen who now come Samad was referred as Rupshu. By 1940, the pow- to be called goba. During Rupshu ‘goba’ reign, er of Rupshu goba weakened and Rupshu area ten mud houses and one gompa were situated at broke away from his rule and had a new goba. Karzok. At present, there are 50 houses in the Samad and Korzok, which were part of the Rup- village, but the floating population of the no- shu, split in the 1950 into two independent units. mads, pitching their tents in summer, adds to the Despite the fact that Samad has its own gompa, increase in number. the Korzok gompa acts as a major cohesive force The 300 hundred years old Korzok gompa as and the nomads meet annually at the Korzok seen now is said to have been re-built in the 19th gompa for religious ceremonies. century on the right bank of . The The Changpas being nomads do not live in gompa belongs to the Drukpa sect and houses permanent houses or practice agriculture, but they 35 lamas. This gompa is a focal points of the do have permanent structures in the area either for region of Rupshu and the goba its chief author- storage or for shelter. Korzok, Thugje and Dat are ity. All the Changpas gather once a year to cel- the permanent winter settlements of the Changpas ebrate a festival. At the end of July or early Au- of Korzok, Samad and Kharnak respectively. In gust, the festival of the gompa takes place ac- Samad and Kharnak the whole community leads companied by lavish feast. There is a nunnery transhumant life, while in Karzok, 90 percent are in Yagang. After the construction of the gompa transhumant and ten per cent lead a sedentary way the Changpas gave up their animistic religion of life. Including the permanent settlements at Ko- and adopted . The Korzok gompa rzok, Sumdo and Angkung, the total population in owns livestock to ensure a supply of butter for Rupshu-Kharnak constitute a little over two per butter lamps. The sale of their wool and fabrics cent of Leh District population. The three groups goes towards the maintenance of the building, share the same way of life raising pashmina goats, and the expenses of the lamas who reside there. sheep and yaks on natural pasturelands. They make The Changpas pay taxes to the gompa and the full use of animals, using wool, hair and tendons to money collected is used during festivals. The make clothes, tents blankets, carpets, ropes and home of the Rupshu goba is located next to pack bags, the hide and stomach for containers, Korzok gompa. The village was an important dung for fuel, and sustenance from meat and milk. stage on the old trade route with Spiti. Motor- In the past, the Changpas traded salt and wool, able road has reached this main village on the which they exchanged for barley. western bank of Tso-Moriri. 94 VEENA BHASIN

The Changpa community at Korzok is com- camp of Indo-Tibetan Border Force (ITBF) has posed of two parts, the permanently settled (yul- come up adjacent to the village. The Changpas pa) located in the village of Korzok and the no- have built rooms around the Korzok gompa, madic pastoral population, the Changpas. In where they store the surplus things that they do Korzok, the Changpas are agro-pastoralists. not require when they are on the move. The They arrange for their livestock grazing with oth- Changpas of Korzok spend five months of winter er family members who lead a nomadic way of in the valleys around Teygajung and Chumur in life. Karzok is one of the two-three places in the extreme cold. Snow comes down from heights Rupshu, where there is cultivation. Some 12 to valleys. Therefore, the better pastures in winter acres of land is sown with naked barley (which are all higher up, and access requires much climb- does not always ripen) and only five acres in ing by the livestock and herders. In early June, the Rupshu. These fields are at a lower level on the community divides into two groups one moving periphery of the lake. around the Tso Moriri and the other heading south. They divert water from streams of melting They reunite one month later at Korzok Phu, where snow. They do not use water of the lake as it is they spend the next two months. They enjoy their too brackish. Besides the stream, there is a pe- summer near Korzok, because of good pasture of rennial spring flowing down the mountainside. Korzok Phu, snowmelt stream and easy access to The villagers have dug a nallah along the high- basic services in Korzok. In mid-September, they er slope and diverted this spring water to the start migrating to Tatsang Tso basin, north to Ko- village. This water is for drinking and is kept out rzok village where they stay for the next two and a of reach of animals. The hill stream has two chan- half months. With the beginning of winter, they nels, one for the working of the watermill and began their month long journey, around the Tso another for irrigation. At the time of the field- Moriri towards their winter pastures at Teygajung work, from1989-1994, in Korzok village there were and Chumur. Like Korzok, they have their encamp- 27 permanent settlers. There were a number of ments at Chumur where they have storehouses, stone and brick storehouses and a number of livestock pens and fields for growing fodder. Dur- large, traditional two-storey homes. Facilities in ing their winter migration, though they are far off the village include a primary school. In 1994, but are better placed than the Samad and Kharnak Ladakh Nutrition Project (LNP) conducted a Changpas as they have a medical facility of MCA study. It was found that only 40% Changpa chil- nearby at Chumoor and another at ITBF station. dren were attending school as compared to 69% They also have a resident amchi who migrates to of the settled population (Ladakh Nutrition Teygajung with them each winter. Project 1995:29). The government has arranged The Korzok village is still a trading outpost for teachers to travel with them to see them through the pashmina wool. Many nomads’ goat herders till the fifth grade. They can move to special pass through this village trading their precious state-run schools after that for higher educa- wool before the wool gets exported to Kashmir to tion. The Changpas who have means to edu- be manufactured into pashmina shawls. The vil- cate their children send them to boarding schools lage does experience its fare share of comings and in Leh. A survey of residential schools in and goings of tourists, traders and the nomadic Chang- around Leh was conducted in 2001. It was found pas. Tso-Moriri is a major tourist attraction in this that admission records from nine hostels and area. At the time of my visit in 2002, Korzok was in residential schools have 54 students from Rup- the middle of a major change. There was brisk con- shu-Kharnak with twice as many males as fe- struction work everywhere. It seems that the males (Goodall 2004). There is a Maternity and Changpa are going to change their way of life. Child Care (MAC) Centre, which despite being Korzok, being the only established village besides fully equipped and having both a salaried med- the lake has become an important destination for ical officer and assistant remains locked and un- all visitors to Rupshu. It has 70 dwellings and few attended. People have to go to Nyoma, 95 kms small shops, a small restaurant and number of white away to avail the facility of Public Health Centre tents pitched by the tour operators for the tourists (PHC). However, the area remains cut-off for four offering accommodation and catering. The only months during winter and people have to rely restaurant also had rooms with an electric light, on the amchi. There is one ration shop, a guest which was solar powered via an accumulator. The house and teashop in the village. A permanent marshes of Tso-Moriri, famous for water birds at- LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 95 tract number of tourists. There is one PWD guest- in the early mornings and evenings. The Thugje house with two bedrooms. The local tour opera- gompa comes under the authority of the Rim- tors provide tented accommodation to the tour- poche of Korzok. The Changpas of Korzok and ists. Changpas have stared constructing small pri- Samad have mutual dependency in religious vate lodges at Korzok for tourists. Commercial de- matters. The Samad Changpas donate money to velopment of the area is only a matter of time. There Korzok gompa for its upkeep and send young is good road and electricity is in the offing. The boys to Korzok gompa for religious training. The renovation of the old gompa is taking place with Korzok Changpas in return send their lamas to the contributions of Changpas. Under World Wide conduct the religious ceremonies of the Samad Fund (WWF) - India project Conservation Com- Changpas. A Canadian NGO is building a hos- mittee and Nature Club has been established for pital and warehouse for food. The village is in Korzok village with locals. complete rebuilding, probably with the money Falling within the jurisdiction of Korzok are the that comes from the sale of the pashmina. two small settlements of Angkung and Sumdo All the Samad Changpas have at least one Gongma. The village of Sumdo Gongma is situated storage room in Thugje where they keep extra 25 kilometres from Mahe Bridge along the road to food and equipment, while the Tibetan Refu- Korzok. It is composed of 8 households. There is gees have their storehouses at Nuruchen, adja- one stream which is fed by the snow and glacier cent to a smaller fresh water lake- Startsabuk melt. It is the main source of irrigation to their fields Tso, south of Tso-Kar. Previously, there were located near the village. For the drinking water they fields at Nuruchen for growing barley. These have a natural spring near the village which flows fields are no longer in use. There are two other throughout the village. They live in stone houses buildings at Thugje, one of Sheep Husbandry which have been provided with the solar panels Department (SHD) of Government of Jammu and by the local government. The Angkung village, Kashmir, and the other of Medical Department. situated in Puga valley consists of 14 households. Thugje has a water pump facility funded by the Semi-nomadic people who cultivate barley in the water-shed development programme and imple- fields adjacent to their respective villages inhabit mented by the Sheep Husbandry Department in both the villages. One or two households in rota- 2002, in addition to a natural spring in the wet- tion manage livestock grazing collectively. land. Samad lacks education and medical facili- ties. There is no amchi (traditional doctor) or Samad (Rupshu) health visitor. In case of an emergency, the peo- ple of Samad have to go to Nyoma Primary Health Samad Rokchen is located between the pas- Centre. In serious cases, the patients are trans- tures of the neighbouring nomadic communities ferred to Leh hospital. Likewise, a mobile prima- of Kharnak and Korzok and to the east of Leh- ry school was started but it proved of little help Manali road. It falls in the Nyoma Block. The to the migratory population. area is connected by dirt tracks to Leh-Manali Samad is commonly known as Rupshu. How- road or via upper Indus valley at Mahe Bridge ever, in this study it will be referred to as Samad. and over Polo Kongla Pass. The Changpas and The Changpas of Samad are pastoralists. The the Tibetan Refugees (TR), who came here after Samad grazing area stretches from Taklangla 1960, inhabit Samad. According to Hagalia (2004), pass in the east of Pang and Polokanga in the there were 60 families with 300 members of the west. They spend their summer in Skyang- Changpas and 22 families with approximately 150 chuthang, their summer grazing area, just west members of Tibetan Refugees in 2002-2003. The of Tso-Kar Basin, along the Leh-Manali High- community headquarters is located at Thugje way. The Changpas stay here with their live- along the northern extent of Tso-Kar. This set- stock from June to November and graze their tlement comprises of a gompa, where two lamas herds in groups, the grazing area decided by stay throughout the year and a small cluster of their goba by a throw of dice. They spend their stone houses and dwellings for elderly people winters in Tso-Kar Basin. The Tso-Kar Basin is who choose to remain sedentary. The Thugje the catchment area of Tso-Kar Lake. The Tso- gompa is located above the village. This area is Kar Basin is characterised by cold and long win- not only barren but is known for the fast blow- ters with heavy snowfall. Accessibility of grass ing winds, sand storms and extreme temperature and water is a limiting factor and the community 96 VEENA BHASIN divides in to small groups of five to fifteen tents. ment with older stone houses and some newer During winters, they move in clock-wise direc- buildings built by the government lately to ease tion around the Tso-Kar basin. Hagalia (2004) the life of the Kharnak nomads. There is a main states that the Changpa of Samad move between gompa in Kharnak, which facilitates the celebra- four different areas in the Tso-Kar basin during tions of on his birthday (6thof July) the winter- (1) Pankanugu and Thugje; (2) when a large number of nomads gather here. Napokhar; (3) Stasafuk and Nyangjungrak; and This gompa has an important place in the reli- (4) Togra, Nigur, Zirguland Zomolong. The last gious life of the Kharnak Changpas. All the Khar- one is their emergency area and is used during nak Changpas have a religious commitment to the worst period with heavy snowfall (for de- travel regularly to the gompa in Dat to offer tails see Hagalia 2004). The Tibetan Refugees prayers to one of the most important gods. Two use Rigultang area as a winter pasture. The num- Changpas of Kharnak daily throughout the year ber of livestock in the Tso-Kar basin has ap- undertake this long journey on rotating basis. parently doubled since the 1960’s, especially Motorable road has reached Dat; until 2004 the after the influx of Tibetan immigrants in the area. road was up to Zara. From Zara it is a six hours Apart from the Tibetan Refugees, the Samad walk to Dat. The nomads of Kharnak, migrate Changpas share their traditional grazing area at regularly between Khar and Dat. In the sum- Zara with the Changpas of Kharnak, as part of mers family members or hired shepherds take an intervillage dispute settlement negotiated in sheep and goats for grazing in Lungmoche, Ya- the late 1980s. The movement pattern of Samad gang, Spangchen and Zara camps. Yaks and Changpa consists of pre-decided areas of en- horses are sent to pastures in the adjacent high- campments. However, the availability of the re- er valleys. Only the milking female yaks, she- sources decides the duration at one camp. Like goats and ewes are kept in the main encamp- the other Changpas, Samad Changapas have to ment Ldad, which is divided between two local- graze the Thugje gompa animals in rotation. The ities Dango and Shehyen about 1.5 km. apart. families, who are in charge of gompa animals, Pogmar is a small nomadic settlement in the Khar- get the best grazing areas. They move to that nak and the Changpas settle here during au- area with the gompa animals along with their tumns. In Kharnak, while in summer, people live own herd. The other Changpas move to another in rebos, in winter they reside in one room hous- site with their herds. The third group of TRs es clustered in the villages. The whole commu- moves to a separate area. The Changpas of Sa- nity occupies a small territory. In summers, they mad, Korzok and Kharnak visit each other on pitch their rebos side by side in a row. At their festivals and other social occasions as some of winter quarters, they have a compact settlement them are related to each other through marriage with tiny stone houses sharing a common wall. and pledge brotherhood. Kharnak Changpas camps are typified by plen- ty of permanent structures –pits and stone Kharnak boundary walls, pens, store rooms, sheds, wa- termills. All these permanent structures are pri- The whole area between Khar and Leh- vate. They belong to the people who built them, Manali road is Kharnak. It is called Kharnak even if they moved away years ago and settled after an old fort-”black fort” high above the Sora elsewhere. In case, even temporarily, if anyone valley. In comparison to Korzok, Kharnak is a wants to use the structures, which is not one’s small village with an area of 27.5 hectares and own, it is punishable. inhabited by 335 Kharnakpa, 158 males and 177 Traditionally, besides herding, the Chang- females (Census of India 2001). According to pas of Kharnak were earning a small part of their the census carried by Leh Nutrition Project in living from agriculture and haymaking. They 1993, the community consists of 67 families with grew barley and peas on patches of land which a total population of 363. However, more than 25 could be irrigated. Traditionally, these fields were families have out-migrated to Kharnakling, at the giving good yields as these were grown and outskirts of Leh in search of education and med- looked after appropriately. Since the closure of ical facilities. Dat (Ldad) is a permanent settle- the border and development of lucrative pash- ment, but is not permanently settled. The very mina wool trade, nomads prefer to keep more old and children stay here. It is a winter settle- goats than to grow barley on the stony fields. LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 97

In September, just before harvesting, they cut tlement was established in 1982. The settlers of grass from specific valleys that they do not visit this settlement are nomadic groups consisting throughout the growing season. Due to eco- of traditional herders who move with their ani- nomic changes and government schemes of for- mals. In Changthang, the Tibetans have been age supply and supply of grains, salt and kero- rehabilitated at nine different places-Hanle, Chu- sene oil through Public Distribution System, mur, Samad, Lower Sumdo, Nyoma, Chusul, Kag- these fields have not been sown for the last many shung, Samled, Puga and Kharnak. The Tibet- years. ans of the first five camps practice both agricul- Before the border dispute between India and ture and pastoralism. The Tibetans of the other China, the Changpas of Kharnak were illegally four camps are pastoralists. At present, the ref- taking their livestock for winter grazing to Tso- ugees share the pastures with the local nomads, Kar basin, the traditional pastures of the Samad but mostly live in separate campsites or settle- Changpas. After the closure of the border, the ments. The cooperative society supplies ration, Kharnakpa faced many problems as the Chang- fodder and other essential commodities. The pas of Samad started claiming their traditional average distance from Leh city is about 300 km rights of grazing their livestock in winter at Tso- to any of these clusters. More than 2500 Tibet- Kar basin. Life became difficult for the Chang- an refugees live in this settlement. A settlement pas of Kharnak as their own traditional winter officer, appointed by the Central Tibetan Ad- pastureland have extreme weather conditions. ministration looks after the internal and external Rupshu (Samad) goba donated Yarang-a part of matters of the community. Each camp has an Rupshu plain in the Kharnak valley to Hemis elected camp leader who is assisted by group gompa. Hemis gompa in turn gave Yarang to the leaders. The camp leaders implement the devel- Changpas of Kharnak for which they have to opment programmes in their encampments. Set- pay to gompa about175 grams pashmina per tlement officers works in consultation with the goat as tax. In addition, the Changpas of Khar- camp leaders. A group leader’s job is to act as an nak are using Spangchen, another area that be- intermediary with relevant authorities, pass on longs to Rupshu from the last 30 years. They information, settle disputes and collect money. were facing severe drought that threatened the Group leaders are chosen on the basis of their well-being of their animals and even the ability personality and their capacity and capability to to survive as nomads. The District Council de- stand for their villages. cided to let the Kharnak people use the grazing area at Zara for 20 days after the 21st of June, Hanle which is a part of the summer pastureland that lies under the grazing unit of Samad. If they Hanle village is a little known Changpa settle- exceed the limit of their stay, they are not al- ment in the eastern Hanle valley bordering China lowed to stay there next season. Over the past (300km2; 320 N, 780 E), a remote area that still needs two decades, out-migration has reduced the size a permit. Hanley valley is an important area for of Kharnakpa by 50. They have been lured away wildlife conservation. There is a 17th century gom- by prospects in the city, having access to prop- pa on the ancient trade route that once linked the er schools and medical facilities, electricity, warm kingdoms of Ladakh and Tibet. The gompa is not houses, stores and entertainment. well-maintained and is a crumbling stone edifice where ten lamas live and another 33 come regularly Tibetan Refugees (TRs) for prayers. In Hanle Valley, world’s highest obser- vatory – the Indian Astronomical Observatory is Another group inhabiting the Changthang operating since 2001. Enforced isolation has slowed area is that of the Tibetan Refugees. In the 1950, the pace of development and change in the Hanle Chinese forces invaded Tibet, resulting in the valley. However, with the start of construction of uprising in 1959. The Dalai Lama sought the observatory in the 1990s, the things started refuge in India and since then has been followed changing. The government facility uses solar gen- by the Tibetans. The Government of India ac- erated power and remains in touch with the re- commodated these Tibetan Refugees in differ- search institutions around the world through sat- ent settlements after the war of 1962 between ellite links and the Internet. Access to electricity is India and China. The Changthang Tibetan set- still sporadic for most of the villagers. Hanle does 98 VEENA BHASIN not form part of the study, but is being referred ang sub-division of Ladakh and are associated with here as a part of the Changthang, which has expe- other groups through economic exchanges. rienced the same process what other Changpas The three Changpa communities of Changth- did. However, they reoriented their economic re- ang fall somewhere between the categories of sources and did not resort to out-migration, as a nomads and semi-nomads. The three groups number of Changpas did. share the same way of life raising pashmina goats, sheep and yaks on natural pasturelands. Present- Changpas ly, their main source of earning is ‘pashmina wool’. The Changpas have not been referred in the pas- The people of Changthang, the Changpas are toral studies because of their relatively small num- of Tibetan race and are not different from other ber but they do exhibit the form of economic and Ladakhis in their customs and religion. Changpas social organisation characterstics of nomadic pas- have a projecting chin, typical Mongolian eyes toral societies. and large and flat noses. “Long hair, which surely The household is represented by a main and has not made the acquaintance of brush and comb subsidiary tent (rebo). It is a basic unit of social for years if ever, and which ends in a pigtail, sur- and economic organisation. The black tents are mount faces unaccustomed to washing, but well pitched over a 70-90 centimetre deep rectangu- acquainted with smoky fires” (Heber and Heber lar pit dug in the ground. Next to its dwelling 1923). Young ones have started adorning chic, place, each family sets up large stones around shorter hairstyles in place of their long greasy plaits which they tie up their yak calves or to which and trendy outfits have replaced their traditional women fix their back-strap looms and the men robes. The Changpas speak Changkyet/chanskat, their fixed heddle looms. Every household also a Tibetan dialect. possesses an enclosure to pen sheep and goats The Changpa’s ancestors followed an animis- during the night. In some encampments, water- tic religion called . They were defeated in se- mills for grinding grains are seen on the streams ries of battles and forced to live a nomadic life. running nearby. In order to maintain viability, After that, they adopted of Ka- Changpa nomads adapt to environmental insta- rGyud-pa sect. Central Ladakh influences many bility and contingent through a variety of so- customs and the religious life of the Changpas. cial-ecological mechanisms and processes such The Changpas of Korzok and Samad narrate the as mobility, diversity (keeping different types of legendary and historical traditions and attribute livestock, exploiting different resources) and the creations of the first humans, the mountains common property regimes. The pastures around around them, the sheep, the goats, horses and yaks are all divided between nomad households, reg- and everything they possess to mythical heroes. ulated internally and defended from encroach- These pastoral nomads are said to have moved ment. The grazing pattern of the three communi- into Ladakh from the adjoining Tibetan Changth- ties consist of fixed spatial movements, i.e., the ang or from the region known as Zhang-Zhung areas used for grazing are the same but duration lying on the western edge of Tibetan Plateau. of stay at a particular pasture may change ac- Throughout the Changthang region, the tradition- cording to the availability of pasture and water. al way of life is nomadic pastoralism or pastoralism Each community follows a year round migration with seasonal mobility. This has developed over cycle, living in tents and grazing their herds of hundreds of years and the Changpas have acquired sheep, goats, yaks and horses on communally an ecological knowledge of their natural environ- regulated allotted pastures. They usually make ment. Varieties of livestock and grazing land man- and break a camp about six to ten times a year, agement have enabled them to survive in an ex- making only short moves between a series of tremely harsh environment by seasonal mobility camping grounds. Their migration cycle is and with the help of a strong social organisation. around various high altitude pastures of Rup- As Kazanov (1984) aptly described that there is no shu Rangeland. The nomads of Korzok and Sa- purely pastoral society; each is interdependent with mad used the grazing areas of Rupshu plains the larger world, and migration between nomad including Korzok and Samad. For winter graz- groups, as well as from town to country, is often ing, they used to move towards Skagjung, near the norm. The Changpas are a tribe of tent-dwell- Tibet border. However, after the closure of bor- ing pastoral nomads who migrate in the Changth- der, they have changed their winter pastures. LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 99

The Karzok and Samad communities have been manage common-property resources sustainably divided into three groups regarding movement (Brombely 1992; McCay and Acheson 1987). pattern. Three-four families from each commu- Moreover, common property arrangements in nity are selected on rotation basis that graze the marginal areas can provide important resources livestock of Korzok and Thugje gompa respec- and benefits for the poor populations. As can tively, in addition to their own livestock. The be seen among the Changpas and Bhutias of nomads of Kharnak used grazing land of east Lachen and Lachung( North Sikkim), where Rupshu called the Kharnak valley. The third shared rights can lead to a more equitable distri- group is of Tibetan Refugees, who graze their bution of scarce or dispersed resources and re- own animals. All the three groups use the same, duce risk in the face of environmental uncertain- different as well as overlapping grazing areas, ty (Bhasin 1994, 1996). Contrary to orthodox eco- depending upon the quality of pasture and the nomic understanding, common property rights availability of water. Changpas use dung of cat- have not led to over exploitation of resources tle and wild asses and bushes like rilmang, rik- and change in property rights. The pressure of pa, burtse and tama as fuel. Quantity of water var- population growth has been identified as an im- ies in different areas during dif-ferent seasons. portant factor for bringing change in property Apart from accessibility of water and pastures, the rights. Traditionally, the region’s population was Changpas also change sites due to disease out- kept under control by practices of fraternal poly- break, festivals, and social gatherings and loca- andry, primogeniture and monastism. However, lised drought. with the changes in traditional laws and advent of the Tibetan Refugees in Changthang, the MAKING A LIVING human population and livestock number has in- creased on land, but has not brought change in Rangeland, livestock, manpower and the property rights. considerable knowledge of the skills necessary In Changthang, vegetation is extremely scant, here and there is some green by a spring or along to exploit them effectively are the principle eco- the moistened bank of a stream and other water nomic resources. The environment is semi-arid bodies; and on some hillsides is thin herbage. It is and arid grassland, interspersed with ecologi- this herbage, which supports the flocks and herds, cally significant wetland areas. Ecological fac- which in turn sustain the small population of the tors and extreme weather conditions of Changth- area. The Changpas have neither crop-residue ang restrict land use. Like all societies, the pas- option nor any institutional arrangement with toral nomads also have a set of institutions that other communities for grazing their animals as combine natural resources, technology and la- Gaddis of Bharmour inHimachal Pradesh have bour to produce foods and goods. Division of (Bhasin 1989). The Changpas have only access labour, co-operation and labour play their part to their traditional grazing in different valleys in in the production of food and goods. The cli- summers and winters. Single resource competi- mate, the flora and fauna, water supply and veg- tors always have framework to overcome scarci- etation are the controlling factors of pastoral ty and conflicts due to internal pressures (pop- economy, which are used according to the cul- ulation growth, growth in herd size and change tural sanctions. of activity) and external pressures (climate changes and environmental degradation) as their Land resources are limited. Spatial mobility is required to achieve a balance between man, animals and Land in Rupshu-Kharnak is managed as a Com- pastures. The organisation of spatial movements mon Property Resource. Blaiki and Brookfield is important in pastoral communities. Among the (1987) define common property resources as re- Changpas, these movements are regular and sources that are “subject to individual use but cyclic between the areas of summer pastures not to individual possession”, has a limited num- and winter pastures. ber of users with independent use rights, and The Changpas have communal pastureland have users organised as a “collectivity and to- with strong community regulation of land us- gether have the right to exclude others who are age. The Changpas follow the traditional sys- not members of the collectivity”. Many studies tem of grazing where in headman- the goba (head- have shown that people can work together to man) decides areas for animal grazing. 100 VEENA BHASIN

Table 1: Land utilisation in the Kharnak, Samad- hooves cut the turfs, exposing the top soil, which Rakchen and Korzok areas of Changthang is blown away by the wind. It is feared that this Place Total Unirri- Cultural Area shift can lead to degradation of rangeland decline irrigated gated waste not of pasture quality. The mortality rate for goats is area cultivable higher that that of sheep, so the higher number of goats reduces the risk of individual household. Kharnak 9.3 4.1 10.9 3.2 Samad As the area abounds in wildlife as well, there is Rakchen 2.0 4.5 4.5 2.0 interaction between domestic livestock and wild- Korzok 20.6 0.4 25.9 11.4 life in selected areas. The existence of competitive Source: Census of India 2001 and interference interactionsbetween wild ungu- lates and livestock husbandry is cause of worry In areas where irrigation is possible, the Chang- for the Changpas as well as conservationists. pas made an effort to grow some crop. Human Labour Livestock The three Changpa communities inhabiting The Changthang area is home to about these vast rangelands of Changthang are small 140,000 domesticated livestock, 90% represented in number. The Korzok with an area of 58.3 by sheep and goats, whereas the remaining 10% hectares and 72 households is inhabited by 1209 are yak (and other crossbreed between Yak and pastoral nomads (643males and 566 females). Out Cow) and horses (Kurup 1996). In 2007, according of this 882(447 males and 405 females) are Chang- to official records, the number of pashmina goats pa nomads (Census of India 2001). Samad- and sheep kept by Changpas was about 170,590 Rakchen with an area of 12.6 hectares and 98 and 52,549 respectively. The Changpas domesti- households is inhabited by 517(280 males and cate a mix of yaks, goats, sheep and horses. Com- 237 females) people. The area is inhabited by position of the Changpas herd is not random, but the 365 Changpas (198 males and 167 females) is an adaptive response to environment, which they and Tibetan Refugees (TR), who came here after inhabit, and the resources available to them. The 1960. At the time of Hagalia’s field work there herd of different animals takes full advantage of were 60 families with 300 members of the Chang- the use of vegetation in the same pasture as differ- pas and 22 families with approximately 150 mem- ent animals graze on different plants making effi- bers of the Tibetan Refugees in 2002-2003 (Haga- cient use of resources. Different animals also pro- lia 2004). In comparison to Korzok, Kharnak is a vide diversified products for self-consumption or small village with an area of 27.5 hectares and sale. The flocks must include sheep and goats as inhabited by the 335 Kharnakpa, 158 males and producers, yaks to transport the belongings on 177 females (Census of India 2001). the migrations and a dog to guard for the herd and In Changthang, as in other parts of Ladakh, tent. Traditionally, the Changpas raised large herds. every male, female, adult and child, if he she is Raising large herds was a part of strategy to sus- physically fit and old enough to work, partici- tain breeding herd with a sufficient number of fe- pates in economic activities. Men and women males in milk at any time of the year. In 1960s, the both contribute towards household economy wealthy nomads had large herds with around 1,000 participating in herding, processing the animal sheep and goats, around 100 yaks and 15 horses products (milking, combing of pashmina and and poorest households had 150-200 sheep and wool, spinning and weaving); household work goats, four yaks and two horses. In 1990, an aver- (cooking, washing, cleaning, bringing water and age household had about 300 sheep and goats, fuel etc.); trading; child-care and socialisation five-six yaks and a few horses. However, there is of children; social obligations and village du- increase in number of goats because of increase in ties. value of pashmina. Although sheep produces more The division of pastoral labour responsibili- wool, they as compared to goats are less hardy ties is organised by sex and age. Men’s work and give less milk and meat. Goats are also able to has generally been associated with herd man- live on poorer pastures than sheep, but at the same agement and women’s work with the children time tend to destroy the pasture after they have and house. The pastoral gender division of la- grazed for a certain length of time, as their sharp bour assigns women few major herding respon- LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 101 sibilities over large stock. However, Women are women are helped in self-earning through im- closely involved in caring for young and sick proved weaving technology. It is true that these livestock as well as for animals kept near the interventions have created more work for these homestead. In addition women and children also already burdened women but have enhanced herd sheep and goat, while men are away for their economic value. pashmina combing in July. Men can and do Disposal of animals and their by-products carry out feminine tasks of cooking and caring are looked after by the men. Though the women for children, and women can and do assume male do not directly indulge in trading, they too get tasks, especially when men are absent. involved sometimes. In the absence of men, trad- The Changpas depend on natural resourc- ers come and talk to these women who convey es, particularly for fuel, fodder and water. Wom- the negotiations to their husbands. As such, en look after collection of all the three. In the women do not have marketing links. Howev- Changthang the women collect animal dung, er, sometimes their woven things are picked up which is used as fuel as there are no forests in by some non-government organisations. They this cold desert. At campsites, the animals are sometimes serve consumer’s needs by a chain tethered in les. It takes months for one group to of middle men who act as intermediaries between return to the same spot. After settling, the wom- producers and consumers. In summer and au- en collect animal’s dung, and use it as fuel espe- tumn months, shepherds have to make longer cially when it is scarce during the long winters. movements for the livestock grazing. The women actively take part in milking along with males besides processing the milk into stor- Characterstics of the Traditional ing form – butter, churpi etc., that are to be ex- Productive System changed for grains in the subsequent time. In addition to processing of milk, pastoral women Animal husbandry is a way of life, and the also process the wool, fibres and hides. Among Changpas whole existence revolves around the migration of their flocks in search of pastures. Their the Changpa nomads, though women are in- production system involves raising yaks, sheep, volved in all spheres of pastoral life and their goats and horses; harvesting their products; pay- involvement in their subsistence economic ac- ing a portion to gompa as taxes; consuming a por- tivities is much bigger, they are not given the tion; and bartering yet another portion along with portfolio of trade. salt to obtain grain and other necessities like tea The socio-economical relevance of the and other consumables. The Changpas follow a Changpa women and their contribution in live- number of conscious strategies which aim at cop- stock production in the study area is only sup- ing with the hazards of pastoral life and survival in portive. In all the three communities, milk pro- the cold desert. As environment is not conducive duction does not generates a surplus above to any other form of land use, no grazing land is household and herd consumption requirements, irrigated, fertilized or sown. Animal husbandry in the women do not benefit by taking it to local Changthang is found effectively exploiting the markets and to small town processing centres. single short growing season during which, both The Changpas are far from trading towns and frost and dry, high-velocity winds are common. In cities and women do not participates in all stag- Changthang, green foliage appears in late April or es of economic production. The Changpa men early May on snowmelt or spring-fed wet mead- indulge in salt and pashmina trade and women ows, riverbanks or lake banks that just covers a keep out of it. These women do contribute to small part of the summer grazing area. household economy but are not part of the pas- Diversity and mobility characterises the pas- toral production. The Changpa women apart from toral productive system of the Changpas. The strat- performing their household duties, take on small egies of the Changpas include the manipulation of business, run shops or work as porters as and the natural resources through livestock manage- when need arise. ment (species diversification, herd disposal, herd Absence of infrastructure and preservation maximisation), mobility, building up of social ex- technology has so far prevented the most wom- change networks and systems of risk-sharing. en’s direct access to urban consumers. Howev- During the summers, yaks are set free in mountain er, presently by the Integrated Rural Develop- pastures. The female yaks (bri) ewes and female ment Programme and Allied Programme, the goats are kept with households and taken out each 102 VEENA BHASIN day for grazing. The winters are difficult times for sumption and its long staple serves as a raw human as well as livestock population. The Chang- material for carpet industry. Its value as pack ani- pas rely almost entirely on standing forage during mal is of importance. Because of its larger size winter. The livestock are fattened as much as pos- and height, sheep helps in carrying salt from the sible during the summer, so that they can with- lake site and in exchange of salt, it helps in bring- stand the long winter with only scant vegetation, ing grain. supplemented by fodder that has been cut locally The most important animal of the Changpas’ or purchased ahead of winter. Different animals herd is Changra (pashmina) goat, the products of also provide diversified products for self-consump- which provide the main subsistence. Changra is tion or sale. In terms of productive roles, yaks are a small goat of longhaired species. The lena wool main milk producers as they have long lactating from which the beautiful pashmina shawls are period. Goats and sheep are kept mainly for pash- made is soft, silky undergrowth at the root of mina, wool, meat and barter. Only during difficult the long hair of these smaller goats. times, they resort to selling goats. They slaughter Each household keeps at least, one or two animals from the flock before the winter, so as to horses, which Changpas use for riding and as avoid wasting scarce fodder on animals which have transport between the settlements, to other vil- outlived their usefulness. The Changpas keep few lages or for visiting gompas of Korzok or Thugje. pastures to be used in case of emergency. The horses are expensive to keep, as they have to be stall fed for nine months in a year with two Animals and Their By-products kilograms of fodder daily. Horses play minor role in the Changpa economy, but are kept for The Changpas rear yak, an animal splendid- prestige and as a symbol of wealth. Changpas ly adapted to high altitude (thin air and low at- domesticate large hairy dogs for controlling their mospheric pressure) and cold environment of livestock. They guard the encampments at night, Changthang. Yaks are uniformly brown or black and warn the community of the presence of in colour. If by chance a white yak is born, this is wolves or snow leopard. They do not like dedicated to high Lamas. Yaks are given nose strangers roaming near their encampments. ring to help control while working. They raise yaks for their transportation value, milk and butter, Seasonal Work meat, hide, wool and hair. A female yak gives milk throughout the year, approximately between 100- To all intend and purposes, there are only 110 liters annually. In the periods of maximal pro- two seasons in Changthang, as in rest of Lada- duction of milk, the Changpas consume it fresh kh; a short torrid summer and a long icy winter. and process some for storage. By processing The winter, which lasts from September to May three liters of milk, the Changpa women make 250 is, devoted to spinning and weaving, food pres- grams of butter. However, quality and quantity of ervation and religious activities. In summer sea- butter depends on weather conditions, pastures, son, Changpas are busy combing pashmina, fertility of the female( one calf every second year) cutting sheep wool, spinning and weaving, milk- and the feed for the livestock. Their coarse belly ing and processesing milk. hair (stipa) is spun and woven into tent material During Nonember-December, the three and Changpas use their soft wool (khullu) for Changpa communities arrive at winter camps making ropes and blankets. The Changpas cut near their respective permanent winter villages these long black hairs of yaks only after they from where they make well-established moves with attain their full length. Yaks provide heavy trans- their livestock to nearby pastures. In December, portation and have great endurance to extreme arrangements for the losar (Ladakhi New Year) cold weather. festival are made, which goes on for five days. The Changpas domesticate huniya sheep They slaughter animals. Slaughtering at this time which provide food, clothing, and hides and of year is for self-consumption as well as mar- carriage. The sheep give milk from June to Au- keting. January is the time for lambing and Feb- gust. This big-boned animal lives comfortably ruary for kidding. The Changpas are busy tak- at 4,500 metres thriving on the scanty grasses and ing care of pregnant females and their newborns. desert plants. It gives large quantities of rather Due to cold and adverse weather conditions, coarse wool, used for making clothes for self-con- mortality rate is very high. Apart from helping LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 103 men in their work and normal household work, age. Kids and lambs are kept in separate area, so women assemble outside the rebo for spinning that they cannot drink milk from their mothers. and weaving. While the men take sheep and Kids and lambs are tied up to avoid their wan- goats to graze, the women clean the les to col- dering or disappearance. The women milk sheep lect dung and wool. The men and women follow and goats. During milking the sheep and goats normal routines- looking after household work, are tied necks to neck, but with alternate heads grazing livestock, spinning and weaving. Feb- looking in opposite direction. After milking, they ruary to April is the tough time due to snow, are freed by simple expedient of pulling the end blizzards and consequent starvation. of the rope. Each member helps while settling In the beginning of May, they start prepar- down the animals for night. Summers is the time ing for summer grazing. The heavy clothes, of maximal production of milk, it is taken fresh heavy tents, and equipment not going to be used and is also processed. Women are busy pro- in summer are set aside for store houses. During cessesing extra milk, which can be stored and summer months, the Changpa women are busy utilised/bartered when the need arises. milking the sheep and goats and processesing In winters, the women get up a little later and the extra milk into various products in addition shepherds return a little early. They do not re- to routine work. The men are busy combing turn to rebo for lunch. The shepherds take some pashmina and cutting of sheep wool. The wom- tsampa and tea for the pastures while others en take care of milk and men take care of pashmi- have their meals in the rebo. The women clean na and wool. the pen and collect dung to be used as fuel after During the months of August and Septem- drying. During the day time, the women sit out- ber, the Changpas head towards Korzok gompa side and weave in the sun. In the evening men and stay together for prayers and religious cer- go up in the hills to collect yak dung and plant emony. For this ceremony, the men have to make roots to be used as fuel. At the start of the win- preparations for the religious sermons to be de- ter, animals are slaughtered for meat, which is eaten fresh, smoked, salted or dried to be used livered by the Korzok head lama. In November, in future. the preparations for winter quarters begin. Shearing Work Schedule Wool is shorn once a year (in late July). The The work schedule for the Changpas varies yield is about half kilogram per animal. The for summers and winters. This routine keeps on Changpas use sheep wool, goat hair, and yak changing for the women according to season. hair and yak wool for weaving. They start with In summer, the women get up early in the morn- combing of pashmina from the goats in late May, ing to make gur-gur tea for the men, who take followed by removal of hair and wool from Yaks animals out in the morning. The Changpas graze and ends with shearing of sheep. The Chang- their animals in two groups. In one group sheep pas do not use pashmina themselves but sell it. and goats are taken and in another the female Wool is spun in to thread. Shearing is finished yaks. Both groups graze at a distance. The old before the annual prayer ceremony that falls men and women with small children stay in the around the end of July or the first week of Au- rebo. They milk the animals before the animals gust. They start selling pashmina only after the go out for grazing. In summers, the herders’ completion of the annual prayer ceremony, which come for lunch to their respective rebos by 11 in lasts for ten days. At the end of the ceremony the morning. The old men and women at rebo Lamas burn thread crosses (mdos) to symbolise milk the sheep and goats. After milking they are the expulsion of the previous years’ sins. again taken to pasture from where they return Shearing the sheep, combing pashmina out to rebo in the evening. During the time when of the goats, cutting goat hair, and removing the men take animals for grazing, the women in hair and wool are male occupation. It is a major the rebo finish their domestic work and weave event and work teams deb-she (reciprocal agree- and the men at home make ropes and complete ment of physical labour or goods) is prearranged. other odd jobs. Lambs and kids are herded sep- These work teams are planned only for sheep arately from adults. Herders return in the evening shearing; rest of the shearing is by family mem- and separate sheep and goats according to their bers only. Each family owns implements for shear- 104 VEENA BHASIN ing and combing pashmina (metal shears for herders at the time of lambing. For weaning, they cutting wool, as well as goat and yak hair; comb keep the lamb temporarily in a different flock from for removing pashmina). The traditional combs that of its mother. were locally made from yak horn or wood. To- The Changpas face many constraints in breed- day, however, these traditional combs are not in ing, feeding, keeping changra goats in good health fashion; instead, combs made of steel are used. and even marketing its products. There are no buck The comb consists of heavy wires bound to- exchange programmes as breeding buck user gether by finer wires, and each line is curled at groups have not been formed. Besides the natural the tip into a hook. The lena as it is combed out constraints like adverse climate, extreme aridity, contains an admixture of coarse hairs as well as wider temperature fluctuations, scarce precipita- dirt and the animal’s bodily secretions. After tion, the livestock suffers from malnutrition. Short- combing, the animal’s shaggy outer coat, made age of dry and green fodder results in high mortal- up of coarse hair, is cut with metal shears. The ity rates. Changpas remove pashmina by combing. Dur- ing winter, it lies close against the goat’s body, Slaughtering providing insulation against the bitter cold. Af- ter the complition of winter months, as the goats The Changpas resort to slaughtering mainly in eat new grass that lena rises above the surface the beginning of winters as it serves so many func- of the animal’s body and can be combed out tions. Animals are healthy at this time of year after easily. Changpas comb few goats at a time, gen- summer and autumn grazing and are slaughtered erally in the morning before they leave for the before the losar, their New Year. It is a tradition as pastures and some times in the evening as well well, as it provides meat in large quantities for fes- if there is sufficient light. The lena is removed tival feasting. When a yak has to be slaughtered, in stages to keep the animal warm, and save it two-three families mutually slaughter a yak which from exposure. The sudden cold can be injuri- they share and in exchange, a small sum of money ous to goats’ health. The lena from old and frail is paid to the owner. Yak meat forms an important goats is removed in the last till end of August. part of their diet in winter months as accessibility It is said that the pashm grows faster on stron- of milk is reduced. Consumption of meat is re- duced in summer. They eat dry meat from winter ger goats, while on the less robust it takes time slaughter or fresh meat is taken in case of injured (for further details see Bhasin 2012). or weak animal. The Changpas accord special reverence to 2 Sacrificial slaughtering takes place as family the sacred sheep . They leave a tuft of hair un- ritual in order to protect individual members cut on the upper back, so that they can be easily against adversity or to purify them when they distinguished from the rest of the flock. This have broken a rule or taboo. Many social activ- bears a resemblance to the offering oa scarves ities are accompanied by the sacrifice of ani- to these particular goats. The same is done for mals. the consecrated sheep at the time of shearing3. PASTURE ALLOCATION AND Lambing PASTORAL CYCLE

Lambing in the Changthang takes place in Unlike much of , where command the months of Februray/March every year when economies over-ride traditional access rights, the the weather is extremely cold and harsh. Because Changpas have communal pastureland with strong of the extreme cold at this time of the year, mor- community regulation of land usage. The Chang- tality rate is high among newborn lambs and pas of Korzok, Samad and Kharnak have their tra- kids. To avoid freezing of newborn kids, they ditional summer and winter pastures. .A unique dry them up immediately with dirt. During lamb- feature of the traditional pastoral system is the ing, the Changpas sleep nearby the pregnant complex administrative system of pasture alloca- females of the herd, so that they can take steps to tion and reallocation by the goba. The goba’ has save kids there and then. A large number of lamb- a list of all the pasturelands and the families who ing sheds have been built in various parts of has access to particular pastures. He allocates plots Changthang, to reduce the mortality rates. These of pastures to individual households, which then sheds are built at the place near the camps of the have exclusive usufruct rights over them for a giv- LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 105 en period. The Changthang is divided into number livestock in Changthang, the Changpas of Samad of named pastures of varying size, each with de- and Korzok were required to alter their migration limited borders recorded in register book. The pattern, frequency of moves and reducing their boundaries separating the grazing grounds of one herd size. The Samad Changpas faces another dif- village from another often follows physiographic ficulty regarding winter grazing. While the Samad features like rivers or ridges. The Changpas tacti- Changpas were visiting Skagjung pastures, their cally make lha-tho at such places where there are traditional pastures near Tso-Kar were being used no natural features to mark boundary lines. Even by the Changpas of Kharnak. However, this con- then, at times, transgression of the inter-village flict has been resolved to some extent, but the Sa- boundaries leads to disputes. The goba and mem- mad Changpas are facing difficulties in forcing bers at the block level solve these disputes. The them to move out of pastures near Tso-Kar. Changpa households can use only their assigned pastures. Each pasture is painstakingly suitable Pastoral Cycle for a fixed number of animals calculated locally on their own system. Thus, access to pasture with The organisation of spatial movements is particular characterstics is allotted to a particular important in pastoral communities to achieve a household with some combination of animals, to- balance between man, animals and pastures. taling to a specified number. Each pasture is ex- The movement pattern of the Changpas of three pected to sustain only what is considered an ap- communities consists of fixed spatial movements propriate number of livestock. Triennial censuses and flexible sequential movements. Among the of adult animals determine each household’s herd Changpas, these movements are regular and size and its allocation of pastures and taxes. Addi- cyclic between the areas of summer pastures tional pastures are allocated to household whose and winter pastures i.e. general areas used for herds have increased and are taken from those grazing remains the same year after year. Each whose herds have decreased. The whole area un- move and stay at a place depends on the avail- der his control is divided in to two zones—one for ability of grass and water. As soon as they no- gompa animal grazing and the other for communi- tice the reduction of water and shrinkage of pas- ty animal grazing. Every year three families select- ture, they convey the information is immediate- ed by goba in rotation take dkor- gompa’s lie- ly to the goba. Apart from the availability of stock for grazing with their own herds to allotted water and pasture, the Changpas change sites pastures (lungrung). The community and gompa due to disease outbreak, festivals, and social animals graze at pastures, which are far off from gatherings and localised drought. The decision each other. In addition, one selected family has of breaking a camp is taken in advance by goba to take all community as well as gompa horses and his advisory committee. He calls a meeting for grazing. The gompa animals graze on the best and explains the next move. Each family starts pastures and so do the animals of the caretaker preparing for the next move. The Changpas move families. The families who look after gompa ani- with their bag and baggage (tents, stove, food, mals are in an advantageous position as their ani- clothes, carpets and other household items). mals have good graze, along with gompa animals. They keep extra food and equipment not need- The community‘s pastures are strictly guarded and ed immediately in the store houses in the winter the locals exercise the right to fine any outsiders villages. The day of departure is decided be- who illegally graze their animals there. The whole forehand; as all the camps are supposed to dis- community separates in summer and frequent dis- mantle in one go4. Few Changpas are sent to tant pastures, but reunites in winter. The annex- collect yaks and horses pasturing in the higher ation of by the Chines during the war valleys. The yaks are rounded up and loaded. of 1962 led to many changes in the life of the Chang- They take out saddle bags and wash clothes pas. Historically, Aksai Chin was part of the king- etc., if a water source is nearby. If the water dom of Ladakh, which had either remained an in- source is far off they wait for the next stop over. dependent kingdom or under the rule of Kashmir. Carpets and blankets are laid across their backs, Prior to this war, the Changpas of Samad and Ko- followed by stove, butter-tea maker, and hand- rzok had their winter pastures at Skagjung near mill. One yak carries a steel trunk which con- the border. Due to the loss of this rich winter pas- tains religious objects, alter and religious books. tures and arrival of Tibetan Refugees with their Two yaks carry the two folded halves of tents. 106 VEENA BHASIN

The yaks are driven in front, followed by the consume some of these products directly; store women and children. The men in the rear lead and consume or trade these for other consum- the horses. The Changpas move camp early in ables. Their main economic strategies are of con- the morning and reach the new camp site by serving temporary abundance into storable form noon. As the Changpas move in groups, the that can be utilised throughout the year. The individual difficulties or circumstances of a supply of milk year round is not uniform as household does not count. If a move has been sheep; goats and yak give different amounts of planned for a particular day, the group will de- milk and for different duration of time. Sheep part on that day at the fixed time. They complete and goats do so for only part of the year, sheep the journey to next campsite in two stages. The for only three months and goats for four-and-a- first batch leaves the camp two days before the half months in summer. Only the female yaks rest of the camp follows. In the first batch, each give milk year round. They keep yak cow (Bri- family sends a part of their belongings with two mo or Demo) only for milk. or three family members to the new camp, the The Changpas mix sheep’s and goat’s milk rest tag along on the selected day. This is done during milking, but yak cow’s milk is kept and to ease the situation for families, who do not processed separately. The Dzo-mo yields more have enough yaks and horses to carry the pos- and much richer quality of milk than the yak cow. session in one go. Out of two three family mem- The Changpas, consequently transform a large bers, two will stay at the new campsite to guard portion of summer milk into butter, clarified but- the possessions and one returns with yaks and ter, fermented butter, solidified dried curds, and horses for the next round. Men mainly pitch the cheese, which can be stored for self-consump- tent, though women and children may help. The tion or for barter when the need arises. During tents are pitched besides the pens meant for live- migrations, the Changpas do not prepare cheese. stock. The enclosure and pens are private proper- The processing technologies are simple and ties of the individual household. They belong to because of extreme cold, the elaborate refrigera- people who built them. tion technologies are not required. By simple During migrations, the staple diet of the Chang- pressing in gauze-like bag they separate curd pa remains milk and milk products (curds, butter- from the sour whey; this curd is then roll into milk, butter, cheese and whey), meat( including walnut-sized balls and dried in the sun for stor- blood and organ meat), and tsampa (roasted bar- age. They discard the sour whey or feed it to ley flour). dogs. The Changpas in the cold desert are dis- The Changpas invest major part of their labour tant from arable lands and markets and have no in the care of their flock, in increasing them and opportunities for sales. They barter these prod- building them up. As soon as a man’s herd passes ucts for barley and consumables from settled a certain minimum threshold, which is essential for communities in neighbouiring areas. his and his family’s survival, it starts growing. As summer is the time of milk producing, However, as the size of the herds’ increases, its net winter is the time for meat abundance. Meat productivity rate for the owner declines. No effec- preservation activities vary widely among pas- tive means have been developed among the Chang- toralists, reflecting both the seasonality of pas to protect the rights of the big herd-owner. In slaughter and access to markets. At the start of cases, where the profit margin increases, the winter, the Changpa slaughter mostly males or Changpas tries to convert the net profit into stored small kids. The number of animals slaughtered wealth, mainly carpets and female jewellery. Most for food varies according to the wealth of the families wish to have a certain amount of such household. Yak’s flesh provides large quanti- goods to exhibit as status of symbol and wealth, ties of meat. They eat meat fresh, smoked, salted but wealth in this form gives no economic returns. or dried as or when the need arises. The Chang- pas usually match the species slaughtered to WHAT DO CHANGPAS PRODUCE the occasion and consume all the meat before it AND HOW DO THEY MARKET IT? goes bad. Livestock fibres and hides are of substantial The products derived from sheep, goats and economic importance. Changpas produce sheep yaks are milk, meat, wool and hides. The Chang- wool and some of the finest pashmina fibre in pas obtain and process these products. They the world. Sheep give large quantities of rather LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 107 coarse wool, used for making clothes for self-con- in trade with the Changpas. These people have sumption and its long staple serves as a raw developed a close relationship going back genera- material for carpet industry. Pashmina fibre has tions. The price of pashmina fluctuates up and promoted the famous shawl industry run by down. However, this ancient system , where the Kashmiris, who have traditionally dominated the Changpas depended on the dealers is now out of acquisition of pashmina. Sheep wool and pash- date. Now the Changpas have set-up a pashmina mina fibre from changra goats are high-value co-operative with the government of Ladakh, who products that do not face significant competi- purchases most of the pashmina wool at a set tion from any equivalent external products. The price. Out of habit, Changpas still sell best quality evidence is that globalization of the trade has wool to the dealers, from whom they can some- caused wool and cashmere production to ex- times manage to get the higher prices than from pand. the co-operatives. The social system of the Chang- Almost all of these products can be harvest- pas due to imposition of grazing boundaries limits ed from time to time, but hides can be acquired societies to bounded regions. However, this does only after slaughter. The Changpas are more not imply that Changpas are not part of the large concerned about their livestock survival than scale economic and political structure. the processesing of hides that is why these are Traditionally, the Ladakh’s geographical posi- often of little market value. tion at the crossroads of the some of the most The hides of the slaughtered animals are important trade routes in Asia was exploited to the valuable and useful to Changpa themselves. maximum. Fortunes can be made more easily at They are plucked and turned inside out and used cross-roads than at destination. In spite of being a as storage bags for — tsampa, water, sour milk high altitude terrain, until 1947, Ladakh was the and buttermilk. They make containers for keep- centre of a network of trade routes. The Ladakhis ing butter etc. from the skin of the kids. collected tax on goods that crossed their kingdom from Turkistan, Tibet, Punjab, Kashmir and Bal- MARKETING PASTORAL PRODUCTS: tistan. Few Ladakhis were engaged as merchants PAST AND PRESENT and caravan traders, facilitating trades of textiles, carpets, dyestuffs and narcotics between Punjab The Changpas obtained a great number of the and . The flexibility of the pastoral nomad- necessities of life by trade, which included both ism and the ability to transport goods and people agricultural and industrial products. Cash played a associated these pastoral nomads with trade. The minimum role in the Changpas’ lives and house- Changpas were involved in caravan trading- guid- hold economies. Rather the emphasis was on co- ing, managing and supplying the appropriate live- operation among families according to understand- stock. However, with the introduction of the mod- ing of mutual support and reciprocity. The Chang- ern transport, the economic importance of such pas trade or barter with their trading partners in trade has lessened. sedentary villages. Each Changpa had stable rela- Apart from this long distance trade route in tions with a number of such trading partners in luxury goods, there was a local inter-regional trade, sedentary villages along the migratory route of his more fundamental to Ladakh’s economy. The op- section. To buy these things, they sell butter, erators of this trade were individuals from several cheese, pashmina goat wool, sheep wool, lamb- hundred households, who regularly took grains skins, hides, occasional livestock, salt and small from their fields, loaded it on donkeys and carried amounts of borax and sulphur. Almost all the it to the high altitude plateau of south-east Ladakh products they sell come from their flocks except and western Tibet, where the Changpas grazed borax and salt, which they obtain from Puga and their huge flocks of sheep and goats but grew no salt Lake District, respectively. Likewise, the Chang- crops. These traders bartered their grains for pa- pas have lived a somewhat symbiotic relationship shmina., wool and salt, which they took to Skadru with the traders, who make their living by buying in Baluchistan and exchanged wool and salt for and selling the pashmina. The dealer who regular- dry apricots. ly comes to a particular village is well-regarded by The Changthang (Rupshu valley) was the cen- the residents. He often gives advance payments tral point where traders from Lhasa came annually on the wool in winter before the pashmina is even with brick tea and salt for Leh; from Valley taken. These traders and their forefathers have dealt came the Kuns (people of mixed Tibetan and Indi- 108 VEENA BHASIN an breed) and from Lahoul and Kulu came traders sure fair market access for pashmina producers with grains. The Changpas acted as forwarding through the formation and strengthening of pa- agents. All their domesticated animals with the ex- shmina growers’ co-operatives; to improve ception of pashmina goat carry loads. the genetic quality of pashmina goat through In addition to brick tea and salt, another im- selective breeding and the distribution of breed- portant commodity that was coming from Tibet ing stock; and to improve the health status of was pashmina . The closing of border in 1962 which pashmina goats through improved veterinary brought an end to pashmina’s export was a bless- care. The Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development ing in disguise for the Changpa’s pashmina. The Council (LAHDC) has sought the support of demand for the Changpa’s pashmina increased central government authorities to negotiate fair overnight and the Changpas economy took a new trade practices with Kashmiri lobby. As a result, turn. the council has been able to negotiate supplies At present, the Changpas trade animals and of processed pashmina from Ladakh for pur- animal products, pashmina being the most impor- chase for Kashmiri industries, which will form a tant. Each Changpa household is an independent foundation for the promotion of a successful economic unit. Each household must deal with network of marketing and processing co-opera- agents of impersonal market. They adapt to this by tives in Ladakh. In Changthang, 22 co-opera- establishing ties with village traders through which tives are working at the village level and the they transact economic exchange. The economic members are receiving primary training. transaction of the Changpas with sedentary mar- Earning cash has become important in the kets take two forms: cash sales and purchases in Changpas economy as they need cash to buy the bazaars of the larger towns of Kulu, Srinagar grains from PDS and other necessities of life from and Leh, and barter relations with personal trading the Leh market. Earlier the Changpas were trad- partners in small villages of and seden- ing salt as well. However, with a steady supply tary villages scattered along the migratory routes. of ready made salt in plastic bags from the city, Marketing of pashmina is an important factor in the salt extraction is for self-consumption only. the economy of the Changpas because it is sub- Like other nomads of the world, the Chang- jeced to political factors. Jammu and Kashmir pas have also been associated with another government restricts the free movement of pa- type of trade-smuggling. The consolidation of shmina outside the state. This regulation stems natural borders between neighbouring countries from treaties dating back to1684, which gave the and the imposing of contradictory tariff has made monopoly of pashmina wool to Kashmiri mer- these pastoral nomads as an ideal group to smug- chant. These traders effectively control the mar- gle contranaband between these countries. ket. Attempts to break this monopoly have met Smuggling of scarce consumer goods is com- with failure in the past. Direct sales of pashmina mon in this region. goat’s wool and sheep wool represent a major por- tion of the turn-over of the Changpa household. ARTS AND CRAFTS About 70 per cent of the total wool and pashmina is sold to Ladakhis at Leh market and afterwards it In the further processing of some of these raw is sold to the Kashmiri merchants who used to be products, certain skill and crafts are required. For stationed at Spituk near Leh. The wool is brought this, they are dependent on their own devices in to Kashmir for processing and making into the the production of the products for self-consump- world famous Kashmiri shawls. The rest of the ten tion. The Changpa men and women weave gen- per cent wool is sold to merchants from Himachal der specific articles on gender specific looms. Pradesh and the remaining wool is for self-con- The women weave textiles for use as clothes; sumption. Sometimes, buyers from Kashmir and blankets; containers for food and valuable pos- Leh visit the area and deals are transacted individ- session; saddle bags for holding personal be- ually after much haggling. The Changpas are ea- longings; covering for floors, tent walls, and ger to sell to these agents, since they feel that the saddles. The men weave blankets, saddlebags price they get in the bazaar is lower than what they and tents. They sell pashmina fibre to traders and can obtain in their own area. The Sheep Husband- do not weave articles from it. The pashmina fibre ry Department (SHD) of Jammu and Kashmir is very fine and difficult to weave. The Changpa government has established programmes to en- men weave saddlebags, blankets and the tents, LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 109 but they neither use dyed yarn nor make any the conflict was more about the grazing land than pattern. They weave blankets of goat and yak salt as Tso-Kar provides the best grass and tres- hair, which are very warm, and help the shep- passers may encroach the area with grazing live- herds in meeting the harsh climatic conditions. stock with the excuse of being ‘salt thieves’(for The Changpa women weave in summer months, further details, see Ahmed 1999) from May/June to October/November. The In the past the Changpas from Khamak and Changpa women mainly weave woolen fabric- Rupshu came down to Zanskar region with cara- snam-bu combining lamb and sheep wool for vans of thousands of sheep each carrying about making garments. Snam-bu is generally plain 15 kilograms of salt in small saddle bags and these white, natural brown or black. Nowadays, with they traded for barley and peas. They came twice a the availability of commercial dyes, other co- year, in July and September, the journey taking a lours are also available. The women also weave month each way, the salt being dug from high alti- containers for food, saddlebags , blankets and tude lakes in that region. The people of Zanskar carpets with simple designs of stripes, religious were compelled to buy salt from the Changpas if symbols and dice patterns. ( See Ahmed 2002). they wanted wool from them. The wool from The women weave on a back strap loom (Sked- Changthang is of long staple and much in demand thags), and the men use a fixed handle (Sikpa) by the Zanskaris for making cloth for Gonchas. loom (sa-thags). Both trades survived the initial impact from the road. However, the Changpa trade from Kharnak Salt Trade has since stopped. The Changpas can take their salt by truck, thus saving months of grazing jour- Tibet supplied most of the Himalayan region ney into in Zanskar. After the closure of with salt. The Tibetan Changpas brought salt into the border, the Samad Changpas started collect- Ladakh and the Rupshu nomads went to collect ing salt from the site at ’s south-east salt themselves (Chaudhuri 2000). Before the clo- end. They collect salt in September and October sure of the border, the Changpas of Korzok and and barter these for barley and cash in Leh and Samad went to Skagjung for winter grazing of their Zanskar. However, rising water levels drowned livestock. Along with grazing their animals, some this site too after 2000. These people are buying of them also went to MIndum and Kyeltse salt ready-made salt in plastic bags from the shops. lakes in Western Tibet to collect salt. According to However, the Changpas still sell wool of sheep Ahmed (1999), herders brought 200-300 sheep to and goat and sheep and goat for meat at Leh salt lakes for carrying the salt on their backs. After market. the Sino-Indian conflict, a huge portion of winter grazing was lost to the Changpas. The Changpas Indigenous Practices, Interventions and of Korzok took their livestock for winter grazing to Sustainability the rangeland of Korzok, while the Changpas of Samad returned to their hereditary pasture in the Livestock grazing in the Changthang, could Tso-Kar basin that was being used illegally by the survive through the centuries because of the Changpa of Kharnak in their absence. This led to a indigenous practices which maintain the live- conflict between the two communities over the stock ratio and to avoid overuse of some pas- rights to pasture. In 1982, an agreement between tures or low use of others (confining grazing of Kharnak and Rupshu was signed under the super- horses and yaks to separate pastures, herding vision of Assistant Commissioner of Nyoma that sheep and goats together, avoiding simulta- Rupshu had to support Kharnak with 8,000 kilo- neous disturbance of pastures). As the Chang- grams of salt annually, while Kharnak had to pay pas’ pastoralism is based on yaks, goats, sheep 400 Indian Rupees. The agreement expired after and horses, this diversification strategy stimulates years and this again let to violent fights between a complete use of vegetation resources; it serves the two groups in 1987 and 1988( Ahmed 1999). the different productive roles of livestock; and it After this the case went to court and in the end reduces the risk of herd depletion in times of disas- Buddhist association decided the case that only ters. Different animals have different eating hab- Rupshu had access to Tso–Kar and they should its. provide Kharnak with 800 bags of salt in exchange Changpas lead a nomadic existence; however, for 25 paise each bag. According to Ahmed(1999), relatively rich families maintain a permanent home 110 VEENA BHASIN in Rupshu, the largest settlement of the area. Whole in the hills, wolves pick these one by one. Many families move with their flocks of sheep , goats and sheep and goats are lost in one attack. As horses yaks from one pasture to another; retreating to the and yaks stay in distant pastures, unattended, free shelter of the valleys in winter, though in cold sea- to wander and graze, the horses and male yaks son these retreats are inhospitable by the sran- become easy prey to snow leopards. The Chang- dards of the other nomadic communities of the pas make indigenous traps to catch the predators. . The Changpas have evolved an in- If the livestock of the Changpas are attacked by digenous and effective rangeland management wild animals, they do not get any compensation system that involves reserving certain pastures for that. The facility of compensation in case of for winters when snow covers higher grazing livestock death is only for Samad people and has areas and regulating communities’ movements not extended to Korzok and Kharnak communities according to the pasture conditions. These win- till now. ter pastures are in the region where there is less The herds are also subjected to irregular loss- snowfall and the goba do not bring these pas- es by the extreme cold; mainly heavy frosts at the tures in rotation during the summer months. time of lambing. The sheep and goats resistance The Changpas move along with their live- to extreme temperature, whether cold or hot is less. stock annually between at least two encampments The herds suffer a lot, if they exist in a place with associated pastures. Almost all nomads have throughout the year. The migratory cycle is thus a base, usually in a traditional winter village from necessary to maintain the health of the animals, where they make well-established moves with their apart from their requirements for pastures. Be- livestock to seasonal pasture. The number of moves sides grazing, each animal has to be provided with from winter to seasonal pastures depends upon one kilogram of salt every year, indispensable for the availability of water and fodder. The migration the health of the animals. According to the sequence enables the nomads to utilise the differ- Changpas, though severe cold is bad for the ent pastures in their growing period. Herd dis- animals, but harsher the climate, the better the wool is, as animals’ fights the cold by growing persal and division of livestock into production – an extra layer of fibres underneath the top coat. species- specific units is another strategy to mini- Severe winters and heavy snowfall cause mise the risk of climatic fluctuations. Often, house- heavy mortality in January- February. The rela- holds move parts of their herds, say, male and non- tively warm climate of April and May and opti- lactating sheep and goats to a secondary satellite mum fodder in the pastures and the farms bring camps at other pastures and in a different season about minimum mortality. With a view to mini- pregnant females are moved to another satellite mise mortality rates in Ladakh, Lahaul and Spiti, camp, depending on availability of pastures and offspring birth is managed in such a way so that labour to do so. This system applies only to sheep the birth takes place during April and May to and goats. Male yaks and horses are left unsuper- ensure a higher survival rate. This is controlled vised in the mountains during winter until they are either through isolation of sexes or through the needed for transportation. During summers, Yaks covering of male genitalia during winters. are kept in doksa . In autumn, the female yaks are On an individual household basis, increasing herded daily and move with the sheep and goats. herd size during good years provides necessary In winter, the female yaks are moved to mountain insurance. Big herds can survive a large propor- slopes to forage there. However, yaks are not gen- tionate reduction with enough animals to recover erally more than one or two days away from base quickly in subsequent good years due to rapid camp. According to the Changpas, their traditional reproductive rates of sheep and goats. Changpas system has allowed them to survive on Changth- do not approve of limiting individual herd size. ang Plateau for centuries without destroying their Besides management and mobility consider- resource base precisely because it fostered a bal- ations, the Changpas also mobilise their social ance between their highly adapted herds and the structure to enlarge their possibilities to cope with harsh environment. This also justifies the individ- disasters. They form mutual aid groups (deb-she), ual herd management strategy. which operate at times when groups bigger than Predators attack many of their animals. The households are needed. The main economic ad- herds are kept in pens, as these are prospective vantage of this reciprocal system is that it enhanc- targets of predators. The animals are generally stam- es the capacity of household to wind up bigger peded by wolf pack. After the flocks are scattered tasks. LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 111

In many other parts of the world, the pastoral can easily make with hard work and luck. Many groups increasingly follow non-pastoral income Changpa families have moved from poor to rich strategies to manage risks caused by climatic fluc- within a few years of hard work. On the contrary, tuation and animal disease. Economic diversifica- laziness has been the downfall of many house- tion among pastoralists includes many forms of holds. Bad luck is also a factor, a miscalculated trading occupation e. g selling milk, wool, animals winter can deplete one’s herd in one year, and or other pastoral products; wage employed, both an attack by wolf pack can render a 200-herd local and outside including working as hired herd- household into a household of 30 overnight. er, migrant labourer; retail shop activities; and gath- They see wealth and lack of it as a temporary ering and selling of wild products. The poor herd- phenomenon like their cyclic profession and do ers, who loose major part of livestock due to ab- not link with social development status or hu- normal weather conditions, often look for other man happiness. An infant in wealthy or poor sources of income. While better-off herders who household has equal chances of survival. Chil- remain in the sector, try to diversify their resource dren in rich or poor households face analogous base to complement and sustain their livelihood. It problems in availing education facilities. All ranks behind the normal means of coping with risks, Changpa women, rich or poor households lead which include mobility, herd accumulation, animal similar life – as they all have to work hard alike diversication, the use of social networks and ex- and perform similar type of economic activities. changes and trading. Apart from normal strategies of coping with risk, they tried to supplement rather SOCIAL ORGANISATION than replace livestock based incomes. Traditional- ly , the Changpas never pursued any non-pastoral Rupshu has the highest livestock population, strategies to recover from livestock loses induced with an average 300 animals per family but a low by extreme weather conditions and disease spread. population density to look after them. To control The need to earn supplemental revenues has re- such a large number of animals, the Changpas pre- sulted in some households emigrating while oth- fer to live in polyandrous joint families. The social ers remained in the range areas with the herds. structure, social organisation and community life Insecurity is one of the major concerns of of the Changpas manages the needs of its individ- the Changpas, though the nature of insecurity uals and social groups. Flexibility is required to has changed in the past few years. In addition manage herd movement information sharing, risk to the Changpas’ main causes of insecurity, the pooling, aggregation, and dispersal of herders severity of future winters and the health of hu- across the region. Formal institutions are neces- mans and livestock, some new factors have also sary to control ownership and transfer of property emerged. Exposure to outside world is one, as well as adjudicate conflicts. wherein the Changpas youth look for better qual- Among the Changpas, the encampment is a ity of town life for their children with education, level of social organisation , which is an adminis- access to government jobs and health facilities trative and jural unit. Power and authority is dif- instead of a tough and stressful life. Allied with fused among members. The different aspects of this is the decreasing control the Changpas have social organisation and social control of the Chang- over their lives, and the increasing power of peo- pas of Rupshu-Kharnak are the rebo (house- ple in faraway offices to make decisions that hold), gyut (lineage) and pha-spun (clan). The affect them. The changing social norms, espe- Changpas are bundled into units that are multi- cially those relating to marriage and inheritance purpose, but adjusted to meet different scales are also giving rise to insecurity. of uncertainty. Thus the gyut deals with local In the Changpa economy, wool is the most problems, the pha-spun deals with larger prob- important animal product. Recently , a change in lems, sancho-the camp head deals with prob- the livestock composition has been observed. lems in larger area and the goba deals with larg- The number of pashmina goats has increased er problems and with regional issues. At the time due to direct benefits derived from the sale of of crisis in the lives of the people, gyut and pha- the wool whereas number of the yaks has de- spun members, which are a strong institution of creased ( Rawat and Adhikari 2002, Unpublished reciprocal mutual assistance, extend help. Based report), The distribution of these assets is re- on economic activities, the Changpas have func- markably equitable. Moreover, caste, class and tional groups like herding units, groups of history do not determine the status of the Chang- house-hold migrating together and yato (friend- pas. They see wealth as something that they ship groups). An administrative organisation con- 112 VEENA BHASIN stituting the goba (headman), members and gat- protection to livestock and serve as main source pas (elders) look after the interests of the Chang- of fuel. pa nomads. The Changpas maintain relations with Although the Changpas of Changthang are sedentary societies and Indian administration. The Buddhists, yet their real worship is that of local goba and his team helps them in these matters spirits. People and animals live between the gods apart from resolving disputes, organising grazing and the spirits, in a world, which is also inhabit- pattern and other community problems. These ed by demons. Among the Changpas, there are four aspects of social organisation and social three levels at which gods enter the community control- the rebo, the household unit, gyut and life — through household worship, pha-spun pha-spun support network and the role of goba worship and inter-pha-spun worship. The play an important role in the social and econom- Changpas worldview is that relation between ic life of the Changpas of Korzok, Samad and animals and humans is based on link or associa- Kharnak. The goba uses his power to organise tion, rather than a clear boundary between them. larger enterprises like communal feasts, festivals, Animals are an essential component of season- sports and for animal grazing of gompa. The Chang- al and life-cycle rituals, like the ceremonies as- pas lack structural units to look after environmen- sociated with birth and marriage. Among the tal assets. Changpas, animals are a vital link between man The scattered and constantly shifting herd- and the gods. For the reason that sheep and ing units of the Changpas and their camp sites goats are of subsistence importance, they are correspond to hamlets among sedentary people. icon of worship. They use animals as a means of The members of a herding unit make up a socially establishing communication with the divine bounded group. The consent of the members of world. They constantly turn to God and perform the herding unit regarding such decision is impor- rituals to prevent divine punishment and for pro- tant for the maintenance of a herding unit as a tection against disasters. Accordingly, each fam- social unit. Community awareness cannot be cre- ily selects different coloured five male sheep in ated by repeatedly arriving at consensus; there their flock representing the three worlds and should be some hidden principles of kinship where- dedicated to supernaturals. They use animals as a means of establishing communication with by the unity of group is maintained. Among the the divine world. In addition, each family keeps Changpas, the herding unit consists normally some animals from each type of either gender (though not necessarily) of an extended family. for the welfare of the family members. These Next to the rebo, each family sets up large stones animals elevate suffering of the family and take around which they tie up their yak calves or to away sin or evil. All these selected animals get which women fix their back strap looms. Every preferred treatment. The economic, social and household also possesses chor-khang (an enclo- cultural spheres are interrelated and form part of sure) to pen sheep and goats during the night. In one reality. It regulates relationships among peo- camps, where there are no water-mills, the Chang- ple and between people and the divine world. pas carry their own loksar( grinding wheel). Buddhism among the Changpas is different from The eldest son of the Changpa household, the Buddhism at the lower elevation. In Changth- obtain rights at the birth in the pastures and camp- ang, lamas can marry, stay with the family, can site. In campsites, where tent sites are not prede- take part in economic activities and drink alco- termined, the sites are allocated through the throw hol. The slaughtering of animals is routine part of dice by the goba who roll one dice for three of the economic cycle. The slaughtering of ani- tents of a patrilineal extended family. The group mals is an unorthodox adaptation in this envi- that gets the highest number has the first choice ronment. for pitching a tent. During winter and spring, there is shortage of water and to reduce pressure on the ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT resources the camp breaks up into smaller groups. There is no restriction on the number of animals a The pastoral production system of the household can keep. The Changpas pitch their Changpa, with its adaptive strategies, is a high- tents besides the les or chor-khang meant for live- ly well-organised response to the insecurity of stock. The pens have separate enclosure for lambs their arid and unpredictable natural environment. and kids. They tie newborn lambs at the center-re- The augmented menace is not related to climatic pul of the pen. There is separate enclosure- yar- changes, as often has been stated in the past, sdang for brimo and her calf. These pens provide but is more a result of events that took place in LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 113 last fifty years. The economy was at subsistence difficult to maintain education and health ser- level. The incorporation of Ladakh in to national vices in this cold desert. The government ser- streamline called for designing of developmen- vants whose job is to run school or health cen- tal interventions in Changthang. tre here are from outside the Changthang. These The development in Ladakh was set in mo- employees, who are mostly from Kashmir valley tion after 1962 by the government agencies. The or from Leh and surrounding areas are not ac- emphasis was on communications and introduc- customed to the extreme environment of tion of essential services for the people. In the Changthang are unwilling to stay yearlong. How- wake of conflict, this area being of strategic im- ever, even if they agree to stay, there are no portance caught government attention and was arrangements for their fuel, board and lodging exposed to high military activity. Military posts for seven months when passes are blocked and were set up and roads were constructed for they lack communication with outside world. easy movement of heavy machinery and While the Changpa move periodically, there are troupes. Construction of roads, improvement no migrating arrangements for these employees. in the means of transportation and opening The migratory population cannot avail the edu- up of Ladakh for tourists has contributed to the cation and medical facilities as was seen in the exposure of these people to outsiders. Howev- primary school in Samad that is open when the er, intervening in fragile environments with com- region is accessible, for about four months in a plex ecological systems is a difficult undertaking. year. At this time, the Samad Changpas are no- Many pastoral programmes in other areas of the where near the school. Samad School is useful world have not resulted in progress, but rather in to only settled Changpas. Likewise, the Khar- destruction of the way of life of the inhabitants. nak has had a supposedly functional middle They ended up in having an environment in poor- school for the last 25 years but has not pro- er condition than before (Swift 1977; Helland 1980; duced a single student who has completed eight Sandford 1983; Swift and Malaiki 1984; Ellis and years of education. Solar heated residential Swift 1988). To avoid this, it is extremely important schools in Changthang are in progress since that planners understand the traditional livestock 2001-2002. This has solved many problems of management systems. In addition to the govern- nomadic Changpas. The Government High ment sponsored programmes, institutions and School solves many problems faced by people Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) are in remote villages who wants that their children also making efforts to improve the quality of life to complete their schooling. of the Changpas. Leh Nutrition Project (LNP), The Ladakh Ecological Development Group (LE- New Sources of Income DeG), which came into being in 1983, has been actively involved in awareness generation pro- The Changpas who cease to pursue their tra- grammes related to the environment and sus- ditional occupation either become wage earners tainable development. In Changthang, Ladakh or find government jobs like peons, teaching in Ecological Development Group’s (LEDeG’s) focus school and military. They have opened small is on the diversification of production base through shops to supplement their incomes. Many of introduction of improved seeds, training on vege- them are out-migrating to look for other ave- table production for self-consumption, with the nues of earning. The high altitudes destinations financial assistance from Group Energies Renew- of Tso Moriri, Tso-Kar and Pangong lakes in the able Environment at Solidarities (GERES). LEDeG Rupshu region in the Changthang are attracting has constructed green houses in Changthang over many tourisrs, trekkers as well as on the four the last few years. wheels. These locations are usually visited by However, all other programmes for develop- organised three-four days tours by tour opera- ment and subsequent changes were largely cen- tors from Leh and from outside. Tour operators tered on Leh town and its neighbouring villag- take care of en-route arrangements and provide es. Even after five decades of independence, food and lodging. They have accompanying staff the planning commission, central, state and dis- of cooks, helpers and cleaners. Korzok gompa trict governments have not been able to find the controls the area. Lamas detest tourists camp- precise development strategies for areas like ing close to the TsoMoriri Lake. The only camp- Changthang, where environment is harsh and ing area available is one that lies inside a nallah population is scarce, scattered and mobile. It is on the other side of the village. Lamas charge 114 VEENA BHASIN one hundred rupee per tent. Tourism has brought The hope of better life and education for their chil- local people in contact with outsiders. Tourism dren and medical facilities for elders are all pulling is a prominent sector of earning money. Howev- them out. Socio-political changes in the last 50-60 er, until now the Changpas are not part of it in a years are pushing the Changpas to emigrate. These big way as outsiders manipulate every thing. socio-political changes began with the indepen- They have started making private boarding and dence of India, followed by other events in the lodging arrangements for trekkers and tourists sub-continent. Independence of India followed by who come privately on motorbikes etc. Indo-Pakistan wars of 1948, 1965, 1971 and 1999 ( in 1999, Kargil- the other city of Ladakh was the ‘Pushes and Pulls’ - Out-Migration scene of fighting); Chinese aggression of 1962, and Sedentarisation which led to closure of borders and broke 700 years old parental links with the gompas of Lada- The Changpas have always been mobile, but kh and Tibet; building of roads and highways another type of migration, which is taking place in and massive military build up; loss of winter the region, is different from the traditional one. The pasture and salt trade; and influx of Tibetan ref- Changpas are migrating from place of their origin ugees* after Lahasa uprising in 1965; State gov- and settling near Leh. Causes and consequences ernment notification to constitute Changthang of out-migration among the Changpa show that as Wildlife Sanctuary along with other two re- the traditional adaptive system is under stress. gions of Ladakh**and introduction of tourism The three communities of the The Changpas re- brought changes in the traditional setup of the siding in Changthang were raising sizable herds of Changpas. With the addition of livestock of Ti- yaks, sheep and goats until 1962. The Changpas betan Refugees and the shrinking of winter pas- did not face the pressure of land-loss due to agri- ture at Skagjung, the pressure on the existing cultural advancement, nor did they face the many grazing land increased resulting in change in other pressures to modernise. However, there was grazing pattern and reduction in animal num- chain of adverse conditions, which put pressure bers. on the the Changpas’social and their nomadic pas- The size of the herd has reduced in all the toral way of life. The key factors are harsh winter three communities because of loss of pasture. periods with temperatures reaching-40 degrees Larger herds on the large pasture could help in Celsius. Limited food results in high levels of mal- recovering losses of livestock during heavy win- nutrition and micronutrient deficiency. During the ters. Pasture has shrunk in another way also. harsh winters, children do not attend school, as Changpas used to go on trading journeys to there are no heating arrangements in school. There Tibet, Himachal Pradesh and Zanskar with ani- are no shelters for animals; medical help is not mals laiden with goods. Since the1960s the no- available to human as well as animal population. mads stopped going for barter trade. As a result, Many perish under heavy snow. It is not that the these animals lost access to the grazing lands all Changpas have not been confronting such condi- along the way. The family has changed from tions from centuries but previously they had no polyandrous to nuclear. The nuclear family can- other alternative. Both animals and humans are not provide the required labour force to manage highly adapted to the ecological peculiarities of large herds. The Changpas of Korzok and Sa- the region. The crises nomads are facing in this mad started going to TsoMoriri and Tso-Kar region have been mainly the result of external fac- basins respectively for their winter grazing. As tors. Like the Ariaal of Kenya, the Changpas are these pastures are not as well endowed as Skag- facing what Fratkin refers to as ‘pushes and pulls’ jung, the Changpas had to reduce the number of on their continued viability as pastoralists. Both animals*** and increase their frequency of mov- environmental and political factors in Changthang ing from four- five to eight to ten times in a year, have contributed to emigration of the Changpas. which meant more work and hard labour.

* 22 families of TRs were added to the grazing unit of Samad; 28 families to Lower Sumdo grazing unit; 8-9 families to Kharnak and 35 families to Karzok grazing unit. At present, the refugees share the pastures with the local nomads, but mostly live in separate campsites or settlements. ** . The state government has already identified a 4,000 square kilometer tract of sanctuary The area includes the Tsomoriri wetland, Marshes, wetland, Tso-Kar wetland, Hanle marshes and Lamo-Skagjung pastures. brought changes in the traditional set up of the Changpas. *** Traditionally, the Changpas had large herds of 1000 sheep and goat, 80-90 yaks and 10-15 horses and the poor Changpas had a flock of 200 sheep and goats and three-four yaks. LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 115

With the increase in demand of raw pashmina an gazelle. Increasing tourism is disconcerting from Rupshu-Kharnak in Changthang, there was a the ecosystem of high altitude lakes due to gar- rise in its price. The raw pashmina, which was sold bage dumping and vehicular traffic. The Chang- at Rs. 15 per Kg. in 1962, increased to Rs. 300 per pas, accuse the thriving tourism and military activ- kg. by 1970. This brought an increase in number ities near the of harming the of pashmina goats. The Leh Sheep Husbandry fragile ecology of the region. The biodiversity of Department data shows that the number of goats Changthang rangeland is facing threats from tour- has gone up from 184,824 in 2005-2006 to 208,878 ism, the army and paramilitary activities. in 2007-2008, whereas number of sheep has gone A joint report submitted by Ethnographic and down from 76,443 in 2005-06 to 60,721 in 2007-08. Visual Archive and Leh Nutrition Project states Government departments also encouraged this, as this was a source of revenue. that over the last 20 years, 24 families have left The increase in the economic value of goats Rupshu permanently (1993:6). The composition has involved a corresponding rise in their sta- of family ranges from a couple or family group of tus. Among the Changpas, yak used to have the 12 invigorated. It has been reported that during highest status of any livestock, but with their 1992 and 1993, three families consisting of 38 decreasing number, yaks’ position is being slow- people moved out. In Kharnak, about the 50% ly usurped by sheep and goats, more particular- Changpas have moved to Choglomsar, 10 kilo- ly the goats. The pashmina remains the cash metres from Leh, in a locality called Kharnak- crop of the Changpas. It is true that the Chang- ling. pas are benefitting from the increased number Migration is a multifaceted progression, root- of goats, but at the same time, the goats tend to ed in the Changpa responses to three decades destroy the pasture after they have grazed for a of rapid change. In Changthang, the migration certain length of time. is not ‘forced’ or the results of conscious direct The creation of protected areas posed new government policies, but are the outcome of threats to the very existence of the Changpas socio-political and natural ecological disasters. and their livestock. Wildlife conservation, Pro- The Changpas who have migrated to an unfa- tected Areas and the livelihoods and develop- miliar habitat, try to cope with clinging to the ment needs of the Changpas are contrary. The familiar and changing no more than is neces- Changpas have always known and felt that their sary. This they achieve either by transfer of old lives will always be governed by harsh climatic skills to the new habitat, or relocating with kin, factors and variability in the climate, but they neighbours and co-ethnics to be surrounded by see the Government policy of declaring their land familiar institutes and symbols. The Changpa as protected area as a fundamental threat to their who decided to migrate, go to Kharnakling, the livelihood and pastoral way of life. In Changth- colony of the Changpas near Leh. Many of them ang, for centuries, the Changpas, co-existed in work at construction sites in the nearby Leh relative harmony with their livestock and wild- town. Some of them work as guides and porters life across the whole countryside, grazing their with the tour operators as they excel in carrying livestock on the thin-top soiled grasslands. The weights and are adapted to high altitude atmo- Changpas’ Buddhist beliefs, herding practices sphere. Few of the Changpas converted ani- and a relatively low population density have mals into a more stable form of wealth, such as contributed to such a scenario.The administra- land. The Changpas’ out-migration does not tion’s decision has threatened the Changpas sub- show any characteristic pattern and differs from sistence pattern. The Changpa nomads residing agricultural seasonal migrant labour of plains. It in the area are apprehensive about the changes that will affect their lives and livelihood. Many was observed among tribals of Rajasthan that of the tents of the Changpas are near the lake, but agricultural migrant labour circulated through if the area is out of bounds for taking their animals various villages and different employers and to pasture, it will threaten their traditional subsis- most migrants moved and worked as family units tence pattern. ( Bhasin 2005). Among the Changpas, labour Construction of roads and influx of Tibetan resources are critical to the well-being of the refugees and their animal population resulting household, as the workload is constant rather in severe erosion of some pastures is having than the peak and slack season of the agricul- negative impact on the Tibetan argali and Tibet- ture production. 116 VEENA BHASIN

In the early stages of emigration, either the who would take care of their livestock and so- very rich or the very poor Changpas migrated. cial obligations in their absence for payment. There is a third category of the Changpas who This type of arrangement does not hurt the com- migrate seasonally to escape the cold or for get- munity of origin and benefits both. Though, ting medical treatment etc. In such cases, whole pressure of social and religious activities in- families do not migrate but only a few family crease on the village community but is compen- members do. Based on the household data from sated by the less competition for shrinking pas- three communities, between 1962 and 2001, 306 tures. The village community did not allow them people left Korzok, Samad and Kharnak and set- to keep livestock for others more than two years tled in Leh town and its surrounding areas. due to restrictions regarding taxes and tradition- Though, it is a small number but it represents al village duties. It is reported by Hagalia that one-fourth of the original community (Goodall these rules changed in 2003 and it is not allowed 2004). Despite the fact that all the three commu- to keep animals for absentees (2004). The Gov- nities are subject to analogous living conditions, ernment wanting to discourage emigration and their response and level of out-migration is dif- overcrowding at Kharnakling, instituted a pro- ferent. The community level factors play an im- gramme of grant to remain in Samad. This pro- portant role in arresting the out-migration. Out gramme still operates, wherein the Samad Chang- of the three communities, maximum numbers of pas receive financial compensation for loss of households have left from Kharnak community, livestock due to heavy snowfall or predation. where 20 main and 10 subsidiary ones out of the The Government was ready to help the Samad 70 households have emigrated. Changpas who wanted to return to their place of origin with incentives to buy sheep and goats SAMAD and other subsidies. However, the village com- munity at the place of origin did not agree to it In Samad , approximately 25 to 30 households and the Government dropped the proposal. Even have migrated to a housing colony, Kharnakling the Ladakh Buddhist Association could not help on the outskirts of Leh, where they are working them. The Samad Changpas have emigrated for as skilled or unskilled labourers or in army, gov- education, work or retirement. In cases, where ernment jobs or small business. Apart from Leh retired parents are staying in Kharnakling, the town, the Changpas have migrated to Shey, young parents leave their children for studies Thikse, Matho and . In Samad, emigration with the grandparents and live pastoral life them- started thirty years back when the government selves. In a few cases, younger ones come for provided some poor families with land and oth- work and old parents look after the livestock. er subsidies. They sold their livestock and other Individual household members engage in multi- belongings and left. They earned living by la- ple activities either sequentially or simultaneous- bour, educated their children, and successfully ly. Pastoral nomads’ households require labour adjusted to new way of life in Leh. In 1993, an- round the year and do not have surplus labour other group of families sold their livestock and to utilise the extra pastures. Moreover, labour other household things and left for Leh. They deficit does not allow Changpas to engage in started their business in trade and transport. circular migration strategies and earn more mon- From Samad, the Changpas who decided to look ey. Only few households with large herds and for new avenues were either rich or very poor. large labour force have managed to employ this As a community, Samad Changpas did not take strategy effectively spreading their production it kindly and decided that once a family decides base between the two areas. If such wealthy to leave the area and does not fulfill its duties pastoral households are short of labour they towards the community and does not pay its can afford to hire labour which poor households dues, it will not be allowed to come back and are not capable of. In Changthang, such cases join the social network of the Samad. Changpas, are few, in general the out-migration is an adap- who are not sure of future success, do not break tation to reduce the overall level of risk and un- their social relations and continue to fulfill their certainty in the household economy. From the community obligations and pay taxes and keep Changthang, mainly poor households with few the option of returning open. They make ar- resources have shifted as a last resort. Settling rangements with their neighbours or relatives, down is not a smooth affair, as these people LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 117 were not skilled for any other work than the pas- which started in 1980 was slow in the beginning toral work. They faced many difficulties in set- but intensified after the area was opened to tour- tling there that too with the help from the family ists. A military road passes a few kilometers away members or relative who stayed back in the from Kharnak’s summer encampments. The road Changthang. Remittances are often cited as a has helped in the integration of the urban popu- benefit of out-migration for sending community lation with the Changpas and has radically trans- (De-Haan 1997). Return remittances are usually formed their thought progression. The trip to slow in the initial period of settling. Food, cloth- Leh, which was rare in the past, has become a ing and other pastoral products are exchanged common place. Any one can visit Leh in sum- in both directions. As mostly the household shift mer, in just a hundred rupees. Over the last few as a unit, the overall return remittances are in- years, the migration rate has been four families significant. They had to adapt to the sedentary in a bad year and less than four in a good year. mode of subsistence and work as labourers or Bad years and good years are marked by the porters. The Changpas have shown extremes in loss of animals due to early snow and cold wave continuation of adaptation from fulltime nomad- conditions. Such calamities are not new to the ic pastoralism to full time wage-employment. The Changpas but in the past, there were no alterna- Changpas think that salaried employments are tives. As other choices are available to them, good because of regular income and food securi- they can avail other opportunities to earn their ty. The Changpas have positive attitude towards living. The Kharnak Changpas have opted for education. Investment in education among the security at the cost of abandoning their tradi- Changpas is a viable means of acquiring salaried tional way of life. The Changpas are clear about employment, long-distance trade and shop own- the hardships they are going to face at the place ership. of migration. However, even that does not less- en their zeal for the migration. The spending of KHARNAK one more winter in Changthang without school or medical aid did not appeal and thought of In the case of Kharnak, over the last twenty better way of life near schools and medical cen- years, large numbers of families have moved from tre was more welcome. Today, 25 families still Changthang. From Kharnak, about 80% nomad- live in Kharnak (approx. 110 people) as nomads ic pastoralists have emigrated to Leh, in Khar- in a community. Ten years ago there were 80-90 nakling colony. This locality has become a meet- families. More than two thirds of the families ing place for visitors from Samad, Korzok and (200 people) have already left for Kharnakling, Kharnak. The Changpas of Kharnak moved out near Ladakh. of their place of origin of because of heavy snow- Once the nomads make up their mind of mi- fall. As already mentioned, traditionally they grating to Leh, they start selling their herds and were managing their livestock by utilising the tents. It so happens, as many people are migrat- winter pastures of Samad area, which in turn ing, they do not get good rates. With the money were going to Skagjung winter pasture. After earned, they buy land and build house, as house the Indo-China war of 1962, the Samad Chang- building is a prerequisite for any migration, sea- pas claimed their traditional winter pasture cre- sonal or permanent. As the Changpas are not ating difficulties for the Changpas of Kharnak. skilled for any job, they opt for wage labour at They face great difficulties during winter. Win- construction sites. Even that is not easy to get, ter camps in Kharnak are most inaccessible of as there is stiff competition from labourers of any of the pastoral communities. In addition, Nepal and Bihar and the Changpas get low re- the local topography is said to have increased muneration. Many of them work as guides and their vulnerability to heavy snowfall, as the steep porters. For that too they have to learn English valleys receive only a short period of sunlight or any other foreign language. Some of them each day, limiting the rate of snowmelt. There learn driving and drive trucks for nearby military were many reasons which forced the Kharnak camps. Few of them buy second hand diesel Changpas to emigrate. Lack of schools, medical jeeps and cars and drive it as taxis. They have to aid, missing transport in case of emergencies to struggle hard to earn their living. Driving tour- the capital Leh and hard winters are reasons for ists in and around Leh has become competitive. out-migration. The migration from Kharnak, The Changpas are at a disadvantage as they 118 VEENA BHASIN enter this business without local contacts and uled to go and pray at Dat, did not go. A short without knowing foreign language. However, time later, the lama’s young son died while sit- they know their terrain well and can transport ting on a yak without any apparent cause of food and goods around the area in their trucks. death. It was considered the wrath of god and A number of, though they own vehicles, they punishment for not fulfilling his religious duty. do not drive themselves. They hire someone to The Kharnak Changpas, even if they move out drive and act as navigators or guides themselves. of the place of origin, have to fulfill their duty of The Changpa women work in eating joints in praying at Dat in turns. Blaikie (2001) pointed and around Leh. Where both husband and wife out the difficulties of the community members are working outside the house, the grandpar- due to the departure of the village rgyu-pa( lin- ents take care of the children. The Changpas eage) amchi and two other trained amchis. The who drive over mountain roads work with a de- Changpas of Kharnak were dependent on the gree of independence; this enables them to re- amchis for their health care, as there was no good tain a part of their traditional way of life. Instead alternative to his services and medicines. There of being pasroral nomads, they become vehicu- are two aspects of dependency: a material as- lar nomads. pect and a psychological-cultural one. The ma- In Kharnak, when people emigrated, they terial aspect is linked to the prevailing health- sold their livestock, tents and household be- care facilities in Kharnak. Traditionally, the lin- longings and settled permanently at the place of eage amchi had a monopoly on medicine giving, destination. They broke all their social institu- and therefore dependency on him was total. tional networks. Breaking up of social ties and However, the amchi do not charge for his con- social institutions creates problems at the place sultation and treatment but relies on the villag- of origin. The breaking up of a household cre- ers for their help in pastoral activities and for ates problems in management of large herds. supply of grains. The amchi’s way of earning With small children and sick and old parents, it living is increasingly difficult to sustain in a fast is difficult to carry out economic activities. The changing economy. Nowadays, the opening of head of the household has to perform all the a health centre has broken this monopoly. Even duties. He has to take animals for herding, fetch- after the introduction of biomedicine in the re- ing water and fuel and has to perform his social gion, there was still a certain amount of depen- duties being a member of the community. All dency on the amchi, because of the poor quali- rebos have to take the bri(female yak) and calves ty of health centre’s services. The Changpas of of the community for grazing in rotation. In 2002, Kharnak have been left without the services of a in Kharnak, the remaining Changpas had to hire traditional medical practitioner and have to de- a shepherd to graze their animals, for which he pend on periodic (poor) bio-medical health care was paid in cash besides food and lodging. With system. The mobile way of life of the Changpas the decrease in the number of community mem- of Kharnak makes it difficult to visit the health bers, the pressure of social and religious activi- centre. The amchi was migrating with these peo- ties has increased on the remaining village com- ple or visiting their encampments on horseback. munity. The Changpas of Kharnak, who have The psychological-cultural aspect refers to the left the nomadic way of life, felt this and dis- socio-cultural factors of dependency. The am- cussed the ongoing departure of families’ from chis are an integral part of the community in Kharnak to Leh. Their special concern was relat- which they practice. Their role in society has ed to the Kharnak Changpas’ religious commit- been shaped and defined historically, and reli- ment to travel regularly to the little gompa in Dat giously legitimised. The amchi operated with to offer prayers to one of the most important locally meaningful and accepted concepts of gods. This long journey is undertaken on rotat- health and sickness. Lack of an amchi has af- ing basis by the Changpas of Kharnak, every fected the Kharnak Changpas deeply on a num- other day, year round. With the decrease in the ber of levels, from the absence of medical treat- number of families in the Kharnak, it has become ment to the loss of an important social institu- difficult for these people. The fear of missing to tion, and cultural reference. On the verge of ex- pray at Dat gompa and the resultant wrath of tinction are not only a highly advanced medical god is more acute than ever. Smutylo( 2008) has system but also a community-based curative and narrated the incidence of a lama who was sched- preventive practice, emphasising water and LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 119 spring cleanliness, proper diet and healthy liv- external politica land economic processes (p.14). ing. The amchi are not medical practitioners but Sedentarisation is a process of adaptation and also serve as consultants and advisors in the response to changing pressures. Both environ- village affairs. In Kharnak, many Changpa fam- ment and political factors in Changthang have ilies or individuals move between the place of contributed to emigration and sedentarisation. origin and place of destination, depending on Post Indo-China war of 1962, the Indian govern- the circumstances. However, in contrast to Sa- ment’s aim was to develop the Ladakh region. mad community, the Kharnak community does Coupled with this was the historically based not object to returning of a fellow villager if some- enmity between China and Tibet, which has led body wants to do it. to create a seemingly unsolvable Tibetan Refu- gee problem. The already tenacious ecological KORZOK balance maintained between the Changpas and the pastures, after the entrance of the Tibetan As compared to these two communities, the Refugees was further exacerbated by the snow rate of emigration to Leh is low from Korzok. and locusts-storms, which are still affecting the Demographic analysis of migrant population in Changpas. Goodall in her study on Changpas Leh town shows, however, that a representative did not, “identify factors such as resource limi- cross-section of the community has settled here. tations, population growth, or accessibility and In the absence of demographic data for the ori- exposure to urban areas as variables of primary gin communities, Chaudhuri(1999) used second- explanatory importance” (2004: 225). She found ary population data for Samad to compare age after discussion with migrants and non-migrants and sex structure between origin and destina- that, “the response of households to ‘external’ tion. It was found that there is slight over-repre- pressures, and the decision to stay , leave or sentation of females and an under- representa- engage in part time pastoralism, mediated tion of young people in the migrant population. through diverse, community-specific factors This is because; the young population between such as institutional arrangements, normative the ages of 10 to 18 constitute the major working forces, economic incentives, and psychosocial force in the household work and are too old to motivations”( ibid). A process occurs-whether begin schooling. If young couples move out of originating in external pressure, inter spontane- the Changthang, the elders left behind have ous adaptation and response to both –which nobody to look after them and fewer young- generated several others. This process is an sters to pass on the craft of weaving. This is in ideological shift of members of the pastoral no- contrast to rural to urban ‘migration in Oceania, madic society to individualism. The individuals South Asia and Africa, where young male adult within the sedentarising pastoral nomadic soci- population dominate the migrant population ety gradually disentangle themselves from the (Oberai and Singh 1983; Skeldon 1990; Pathak bonds that commit them to the traditional social and Mehta 1995). Even then, there is a relative organisation. They become highly motivated by balance of age and sex in the migrant population their contemporary, more personal complex, and indicating that the Changpas migrate as a family varied value system. This cultural change does unit. Goodall’s (2004) finding is in contrast to not necessarily entail sweeping change. Rather, the common assumption that retirees and young they follow a selective approach and in part stick people of school age dominate the migrant pop- to traditional mode of life. ulation ( Dollfus 1999; Bkaikie 2001). Among Like elsewhere, the Changpa sedentarisation the Changpas, emigration and sedentarisation has been encouraged by international develop- corresponds to Salzman’s (1980) sedentarisation ment agencies and national government to alle- adaptation and response model. Sedentarisation viate problem of food insecurity, health care de- “ is a voluntary, uncoerced pressures, constraints livery and national integration. In Changthang, and opportunities both external and internal to majority of pastoralist households remained the society—— . This is not to say that all soci- committed to nomadic livestock production sys- etal change is generated entirely by the prefer- tem. Livestock raising and barter trading is be- ences of the actors, for changing constraints coming less popular because the educated pop- and pressures not of their making are conse- ulation is not interested in carrying on these quences of environmental, demographic, and economic activities. While the trans-Himalayan 120 VEENA BHASIN societies have demonstrated significant amount lodging. In recent decades, continuous massive of lethargy and inertia towards new ideas in the defense investments and improvement in com- past, but the history of this area is characterised munications; proliferation of government depart- by the gradual acceptance of modernity and ments; introduction of development plans; pro- change. The initial success of the governmental vision for basic amenities, alterations in tradi- policy of road construction improved the scope tional subsistence economy, its commercialisa- of employment in these areas. This success re- tion and extension of know-how through gov- sulted in positive feedback loop. The frequent ernment departments and non-government or- governmental interventions in the area were sup- ganisations and tourism has led to a higher mo- ported and mediated by important local func- tivation among local people for better standards tionaries like goba, Members, Lamas and amchi of living. Increasing administrative and market etc. integration and population growth over the years have weakened socio- homeostasis with no func- DISCUSSION tional substitutes for restoring positive social system. The Changpas’ subsistence level pastoral Changthang no loner a ‘Restricted Area’ is economy, traditional social and religio-cultural sys- attracting many tourists. Although tourism em- tems are composite part of cold desert’s ecological ploys only 4% of the Ladahkis (still less the Chang- system. Their way of life shows a capacity to adapt pa nomads) working population, it now accounts themselves to rugged cold desert environment. The for 50% of the region’s GNP. In order to ensure Changpas possess a high degree of specialised sustainable tourism in protected area like Changth- knowledge and a flexible social organisation to make ang, it is essential to improve infrastructural facili- viable the mobile mode of production. Despite the ties associated with institutional capacity. In- ecological constraints, the Changpas were man- creased pressure on grazing lands on par with aging their environment for making a living with- the exponential rise in the number of trekkers out outside inter-vention. Their own societal con- and pack animals is of particular concern as the trols like polyandry and cutting of excess animals, harsh climatic conditions of the region hamper helped in turn by their customary rights and eq- the prospects of pasture regeneration. Tourism uity in resource allocation has helped them. The activities have adverse impact on the environment Changpas are organised using a patrilineal idi- as well as local population , both directly or indi- om, all members being patrilineal descendants rectly. The local Changpas have not benefited much of the founding ancestor. Rangeland, livestock, from the tourism as Leh based travel agents orga- manpower and the considerable knowledge of nise and operate these tours. the skills necessary to exploit them effectively There are no schemes for tourism development. are the principle economic resources of the Tourism is revenue and employment oriented ac- Changpas of Changthang. Resource manage- tivity. This may also help boosting handicraft sec- ment in a risky environment illustrates the skills tor. Ecotourism has potential to provide economic of the Changpas for survival. Traditional prac- development as well as sourcing of funding for the tices of Changpas, such as the rotation of graz- maintenance of environmental conservation. The ing areas and use of reserve pastures in case of increasing interaction with tourists as well as ur- natural calamities help manage the variability of ban people led to higher motivation among the ecosystem and bail out pastures from state of local people for better life. permanent degradation. Each animal has its own In many parts of the world, the pastoral no- specific characteristics and adaptation to the mads are under pressure of marginalisation and environment. Rearing together different animals modernisation, as their land is being used for agri- maximised the use of vegetation in the pasture. culture. Though, the Changpa pastoral nomads Different animals graze on different plants. are not prone to the same pressures as the land of Over recent decades, the Changpas of Changthang has no potential for agriculture. How- Changthang have been experiencing changes ever, the chain of adverse conditions like abnormal due to external pressures that have altered polit- weather conditions and shortage of winter pas- ical, economic and social landscapes. Tradition- ture are forcing the Changpas to abandon their ally, the Changpas were self-sufficient and live- nomadic lives, their traditions and total loss of their stock were providing them with their food and identity and culture. Traditionally, under such con- LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 121 ditions, they survived on the food collected dur- care for their animals. The government agencies ing summer and completely depended on tsampa, help the Changpa nomads rebuild their livestock lentils, rice, milk, butter and dry cheese. This re- herds and sustain them by distributing food and sulted in high levels of malnutrition and micronu- clothing. Regardless of government and local trient deficiency. During the harsh winters, chil- efforts, many households lose animals and could dren do not attend school, as there are no heating use assistance in restocking their herds after arrangements. Pastoral adaptations face a myriad snow disasters. Subsidising local system with of challenges, of which climate change is one. Cli- inputs from outside can lead to increased vul- mate change is emerging as a real threat to the nerability and ultimate to system collapse, be- Changpa society. The capacity to adapt to climate cause the inputs leading to structural changes change is strongly linked to the capacity to re- of the system move it into a new system. Scien- spond to shocks and long-term transformation of tific opinion might be divided whether these are any type. signs of a climate crisis; but these people have Research shows that pastoral livelihoods are their own understanding of such ecological far from static. According to Keenan (2006) no- changes. They cannot fathom what ‘global warm- madic pastoralism is a mode of subsistence and ing’ means; what they do know is that it means not a mode of production. Like Marx (2006), Keenan change in their livelihood, way of life, in the way argues that, “nomadic pastoralism , by its very they have understood nature for centuries. Food nature is transitory” (p.684). Endogenous and ex- security and health is already high on their wor- ogenous influences affect economic and social ry list. factors that may change pastoral production over Communications with tourists augmented lo- time. The quality of abnormal weather manage- cal aspirations for improved standards of living as ment systems is thus one indicator of how well well. The introduction of money in to the economy pastoralists are equipped to manage shocks. The facilitated local people sustained these changed in Changpas suffered heavy livestock losses in 1981 their lifestyle. The Changpas felt a sense of rela- and consequently some Changpas out-migrated tive denial and looked for other avenues of in- to area Kharnakling near Leh town. Last three four come. The Changpas obtained a great number of years have shown that the Changpas who have necessities of life by exchange. Cash played a min- been surviving for hundreds of years and endur- imum role in the Changpas’ lives and household ing all types of weather conditions, have been find- economies. The each Changpa household had sta- ing hard to bear abnormal weather conditions of ble relations with number of trading partners in last few years. In February 2008, some 150,000 pa- sedentary villages in the surrounding regions. The shmina goats were facing death because of heavy Changpas of Korzok were bartering wool for bar- snow in Changthang. The goats pasture spread ley from the villagers of Spiti. In the recent years, over rangelands of Changthang area, had been the villagers in Spiti started growing green peas in covered by unusually deep snow and there was place of barley. Green peas fetch more money. In shortage of fodder. It was the highest snowfall in the meantime, Changthang region was changing decades (two feet snow). Traditionally, Changpas too. The government started supplying food grains reserve some pastures for severe winter use. For through Public Distribution System(PDS). When the last three-four consecutive years, desert lo- Changpas started receiving grains at their door- custs’ swarms had attacked this area. According step, they felt no need to travel long distances to Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Coun- with animals laden with wool and salt. cil, Leh, because of snow in February 2008 the Changpas rationally make use of their resourc- pastoral groups shifted to spring pasture in Janu- es, and are perceptive and practical pastoralists. ary-February, two months in advance of sched- They are open to change when they perceive new uled time. Desert locusts’ swarms had consumed options to be appropriate to their way of life and almost entire lower pastures. Locusts destroyed cultural value. Though the landscape remains the summer pastures, which were lying abandoned. punctuated by the traditional black tents -rebo and The Changpas have their traditional strategies to livestock , it is also marked by new white canvas deal with severe cold. The Changpas following a tents. The Changpas have bought vehicles and snow disaster, shift as many young animals as have started using trucks during migratiions for possible to other areas and make reciprocal ar- carrying household goods. Likewise, the educat- rangements with neighbouring communities to ed Changpas are not interested in traditional way 122 VEENA BHASIN of life; they prefer to get government jobs. Educa- have developed a diverse range of strategies, tion has given them choices. Before they had ac- institutions and network to minimise this unpre- cess to education, they had options of traditional dictability and risk. Pastoral management strate- occupations like animal husbandry, trading and gies, which may have worked previously, may crafts. However, education has opened new fields or may not be sufficient now. The three commu- for the Changpas. nities of Samad, Korzok and Kharnak respond- Through the inheritance laws of primogeniture ed differently to these changes. Various pres- and polyandry, the Changpas were able to contain sures with an ever-increasing rate of change their population and manage their nomadic way of necessitated the adoption of new strategies for life, where many working hands were required. survival. Polyandry was one of the arrangements frequent- As a result, of above-mentioned factors, ly followed among many pastoral and agro-pasto- Changpas have to look for new strategies in ral transhumant societies; it was not a compulsory addition to traditional strategies of mobility and social script. In Himachal Pradesh, the agro-pas- herd diversification to meet their both ends. By toralist of Kinnaur opted for polyanderous family reducing herd size and increasing the number of with a jointly organised system of production. In goats in a herd and wage earning are strategies contrast, the agro-pastoral transhumant Gaddis of to cope with population growth, and conserva- Bharmour, Himachal Pradesh, on the other hand, tion policies and shrinking winter pasture. In- prefer partition in to smaller nuclear families, even come diversification is an important means for though they work collectively (Bhasin 1989). By herders to manage risk. In order to maintain the changes brought in the area with the opening household viability individual members may mi- of the area for tourism, introduction of education grate to seek employment elsewhere in order to and moving out of the area, the young Changpas relieve their pastoral household of a member and are opting out of polyandrous system of marriage. to earn money to contribute to overall house- With the increase in number of nuclear families, hold income. If the household losses are too the population of Changthang is on rise. Pasto- great, entire households are compelled to mi- ral’s nomad system is particularly sensitive to pop- grate, leaving few animals with the relatives. ulation growth, because the environment here has There is difference between strategies of poor no potential and technical possibility for raising pastoralists who have lost major part of their productivity and tends to be more resource de- herd, often look for other sources of income and grading. For natural resource management, the those better off who remain in the sector but are Changpas have to maintain an ecologic balance diversifying to complement and sustain their between pastures, livestock and people. It is an resources. The type of sedentarisation, which adaptive strategy to demanding environment. As has occurred among the Changpas, is structur- their access to pastureland become more limited ally connected to the ecology of the pastoral and available winter pasture is increasingly de- nomadism. Desertion of the nomadic way of life graded, pastoralists are forced to buy fodder for can be the consequences of a momentous fall in their animals. productivity, but it can also imply the opposite, With the recent changes in the region, the tra- that the profit was higher than average in the ditional Changpa society practicing an overpow- productive system. In both the cases it results eringly barter economy with socially fixed econom- in the sedentarisation and discontinuity of pas- ic exchanges has transformed to an economic sys- toral nomadism. tem characterised by monetised trade and specia- This study focuses on adaptations of the lised exchanges. Need for cash has increased Changpas of Changthang and their traditional among the Changpas as they have to buy grains subsistence techniques to its particular envi- from PDS shops, fodder from government agen- ronment, together with the far-reaching socio- cies at 898 rupees per quintal, pay for schooling of economic alterations imposed on this tradition- children, clothes, tents, equipments and shoes, al system by external factors. The livelihoods of health care, medicines and veterinary care. Pash- the Changpas have always been dependent on mina, which was a traditional barter product has the natural resources and sensitive to climate become like a cash crop and is sold for cash. For change. However, such events can be easily centuries, pastoralists in Changthang have lived separated from the major issues like pasture deg- in the context of environmental uncertainty and radation and policy changes. The Changpas LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 123 have always known and felt that their lives are labour. This adaptation means many anticipato- affected by harsh climate and variability in the ry adjustments in case of adverse consequenc- climate in the past also. However, they see the es associated with the change of place. It has government policy of declaring their land as pro- been observed among the Changpas that this tected area, (in addition to other socio-political type of adaptation can be spontaneous or factors of stationing of army, shrinkage of win- planned or can be carried out in response to or ter pasture, addition of Tibetan Refugees to their in anticipation of change in the conditions. The area and opening of area to the tourists) as a Changpas’ division into nomadic and sedentary fundamental threat to their pastoral way of life. elements does not correspond to social groups Adaptation is a necessary strategy at all scales formed on such ideological basis as pha-spun, to compliment changes. According to Burton et but is rather a distinction based on work, divi- al.,(1993), the term adaptation covers eight cate- sion of labour stemming from fluid productive gories: bearing losses (doing nothing), sharing conditions at the place of origin and place of losses, modifying the threat and thus prevent- destination. These productive conditions, in turn ing effects, changing use, changing location, are effected by unstable ecological factors. In assessing new research based technologies, dis- the beginning, there was a constant coming and seminating knowledge through education to going between place of origin and place of des- behaviour and restoration. Others have classi- tination. fied adaptation as anticipatory and reactive ad- Such out-migrations from pastoral areas start aptation, private and public adaptation and au- a chain migration with a lack of labour force in tonomous and planned adaptation (IPCC 2001). many households leading to further losses. In Traditionally, the Changpas were bearing such situations, the richer households take ad- losses under abnormal weather conditions. As vantage. On the one hand, they are secure in they have no structural arrangements in their their economic settings and on the other hand, social system for sharing losses, they managed the households who move out of the region tem- by keeping large herds to compensate for the porarily or permanently, leave their animals with losses. They could not modify the threat of cli- the remaining herders. Similarly, the remaining mate variability and thus could not prevent ef- herders have more pastures at their hands and fects. As the land had no potential for any other can increase their flock. This is giving rise to use, they had to depend on pastoral nomadism socio-economic differentiation causing stratifi- for their livelihood. It was neither possible for cation in a small society. Large households with the Changpas to assess new research based more manpower and livestock resources become technologies nor propagate knowledge through powerful while smaller households becomes education to behaviour and restoration. Educa- more vulnerable because of less manpower and tionally, The Changpa nomads are backward. resources. With fewer resources, they cannot From the point of view of official education, they take risk or diversify their economic activities. are far behind in terms of enrolment, attendance, Samad, Kharnak and Korzok are transition vil- continuity to higher education and gender bal- lages in terms of progressiveness, adaptive ness ance. Lack of schools, gender stereotypes and and educational levels. The extent of modernisa- gender bias among the Changpas are major bar- tion in Changthang is far behind that of Leh town. riers that hinder girl’s and women’s access to With the change in political circumstances and education. The only alternative left with the government policies of providing the economic Changpas was of changing location. They are opportunities, there is change in the region. The adapting by shifting from nomadic to settled life Changpas response to change shows the ability and from livestock herding to wage labour in of traditional pastoralists to assess the carrying Leh town. This implies that the Changpa’s re- capacity of pasture and water at their disposal and sponse to the environmental and socio-econom- maintain rational grazing that avoids environment ic changes has resulted in their shift from mobile deterioration. The Changpas have adapted to these mode of production to sedentary adaptation. changes in two ways:-some have become seden- This dynamic process has helped them in re- tary and have changed their occupations; while ducing the diverse effects of climate change on others are still following the mobile mode of sub- their health and well-being, and also the attrac- sistence. The different Changpa households re- tion of new opportunities in marketing and wage sponded differently. Among Changpas, very rich 124 VEENA BHASIN and very poor looked for income diversification. remain economically independent. After the clo- Income options vary by proximity to the nearest sure of border, there was a difference between town and by gender and the wealth category of the strategies of the Lachenpas and Lachung- herders. The wealthy herders and poor herders pas, one reduced its number of small flocks and have different diversification options. The relatively carried on with yak herds only and played more wealthy households went for diversification, for attention to agriculture and tourism while the which it was a strategy of accumulation or invest- other maintained both agriculture and pastoral- ment. While for the poor households, diversifica- ism (Bhasin 1996, 2012). tion is a matter of survival. The wealthy Changpa Rural urbanisation in developing countries is herders invested in land and in transportation, while often thought of as a phenomenon caused by high poor Changpa herders are working as labourers at birth rates in rural areas, and due to that people construction sites or with tour operators to act as have to migrate to look for better opportunities of porters. These jobs are extremely laborious and earning money. These stereotypes are not correct generate little income. for Changthang and do not tally with standard A study in Hanley valley, in an analogous assumptions. More than two-thirds of the original area of Changthang has shown that the Chang- families of Kharnak have already left and moved pas of Hanley have responded differently to near Leh, the capital of Ladakh. Thomas and Mar- the similar conditions. Traditionally, livestock tina Zwahlen, through talks with the Changpas of production was the major land use in the area, Kharnak came to know the main reasons for giving as high altitude and aridity did not allow agricul- up their mobile way of life on the high plateau. It ture production. Nevertheless, in early 1970’s, turned out to be the lack of school, shortage of some nomads started cultivating green peas and water and absence of transport in case of emer- barley. This improved with time and assistance gencies to the capital, which is 150 kilometres away. from government and non-government agencies. Apart from schooloing, which is the main reason, Agriculture Department, Leh has enabled culti- the other reasons for out-migration are hard win- ters and Leh offers an apparently easy life. If par- vation of grains and forage. Presently almost ents decide to educate their children, it is compul- 70% of Changpas in Hanley valley cultivate sory to send them to a boarding school in Leh at food. They have opened shops etc., they are the age of four or five. They cannot come during settling down near areas with a good water their winter vacations, as the passes remain close. source and are building concrete houses. They The children are hardly in their place of origin and are using motor vehicles for transportation. They loose touch with their culture and way of life. Not are switching over to alternate sources of in- only is separation from their families a dilemma, the come that need less manpower, which is in con- children also loose ability to live at the place of trast to the situation in Rupshu-Kharnak , where their origin. The permanent household migration people are moving to the urban centre-Leh. and settlement in other regions was the result of Likewise, the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung the number of the changes that have taken place in in North Sikkim, who suffered heavily at the time the place of their origin. The social and economic of Chinese aggression in 1962, responded dif- effects of migrations on migrants themselves as ferently. The Bhutias animatedly adjusted them- well as the communities they leave behind are of selves to changed socio-political environment. equal importance. In the pastoral households, la- Their own social and livelihood pattern played bour is needed throughout the year for the mobile an important in making alternative ways of earn- mode of production. In households where there is ing money a viable way of life. Their traditional surplus labour, few members can afford to go to economy was marginal agriculture and pastoral- avail other opportunities of earning surplus mon- ism associated with trade. High up on northern ey. In a way they are able to spread their produc- borders, marginal agricultureand animal hus- tion base between their home place and place of bandry was not sufficient to sustain population, migration. However, some households opt for out so the Bhutias indulged in trading activities with migration to reduce the over-all level of risk and the Tibetans across the border. The Bhutias of uncertainty for their families. On the contrary, it Lachen and Lachung pursued it as an occupa- becomes demanding for households, who do not tion intimately interwoven with their pastoral have surplus members. activities. Thus, as long as trade was unham- Already substantial number of the Chang- pered by political restrictions, it enabled them to pas from three communities have emigrated and LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 125 adapted a sedentary way of life. The processes at the level of each individual for productive of sedentarisation of pastoral nomads cannot life; body security in turns depends upon the be fully explained on the basis of hard economic security of livelihoods. Environmental security facts alone as was stated by Spooner, “ nomads is the base on which both food and livelihood whose flock is reduced so low— that he cannot safety rests. Thus, conservation and develop- live from it may drift to nearby areas as a day ment of the natural resources becomes neces- wage labourer, or — a nomad whose flock grows sary components of a sustainable food and live- beyond a size that can not herd himself may sell lihood safekeeping and eradication of poverty. the excess animals and invest the process in To counter this emigration, government has pro- land. Having invested in fixed property he be- posed that Changpas should settle at one place comes interested in its welfare and so becomes and build permanent homes. Two places, Thugje attracted to avail a settled life” ( 1973 b: 10). and Tasa Phug have been suggested that have In order to provide better governance, the permanent water source through out the year. administrators should have a better understand- The local conditions in Changthang keep on ing of these formal and informal strategies in changing, consequently development and conser- light of increasing climatic variability, growing vation decisions must be based on micro-level competition for pastures, rising population and data. However, available data from Changthang is development. The policy of the developers too little to understand about the eco-system for should be, rather than treating diversification informed decisions to be made about intervening always as an alternative to pastoralism , it should to alter basic components of their traditional sys- be seen as a mechanism for adding economic tem. It is essential; therefore, that systematic re- value in pastoral communities and regions and search on the current ecological status of the for helping to maintain pastoral livelihoods. To Changthang rangelands as well as on the effec- encourage herders to pursue education based di- tiveness of the nomads’ traditional adaptations is versification, school locations and calendars assessed and no drastic measures should be tak- should reflect the seasonal nature of pastoralism en in the name of science and progress. The seri- and population movements. Mobile schools ous environmental problems and their solutions should be given more serious consideration, so must be ascertained area by area. Changpas who want to educate their children can The programmes are not area specific. Even do this without leaving their pastoral livelihoods. though the Division has its own geographical They should not have to make a choice between and demographic characterstics, the pro- the pursuit of pastoralism and sending children to grammes are almost identical for all the border boarding schools. blocks. The area specific needs either are ne- The planners are facing a challenge to estab- glected or are not fully taken care of. The pro- lish a sustainable and efficient level of operations grammes are formulated without any clarity of for the maintenance of natural resources and to concepts and methods leading to serious prob- ensure food security in the area. The authorities lems in implementation. The way things are go- have to deal with problems of the depleted animals ing, it may lead to the possible demise of no- and vegetal genetic resources and increasing pov- madic way of life in this border area. To sustain erty in Changthang. However, there is no clear mobility and the Changpas way of life, a multi- policy with legal, institutional and planning frame- pronged strategy is required to deal with prob- works for sustainable development in Changth- lems of this border area with fragile environment; ang. Development concerns in the Changthang poor infrastructure and to look into grievances revolve around managing the local resources in of the people. such a way as to conserve and enhance the biodi- versity of the area and to promote socio-eco- CONCLUDING REMARKS nomic development. Linkages between ecologi- cal and socio-economic approaches insure that The Buddhist Changpas-pastoral nomads of development is location specific. Centre for Sus- Changthang, Ladakh form an ethnic entity. Like tainable Development and Food Security in Lada- other nomads in the world, the pastoral nomads of kh, a NGO is working towards an enhancement Changthang are a minority, suffering problems of of the living standards of the the Changpa no- under representation, social, economic and geo- mads. Food and nutrition security is important graphic marginalisation (Kratli 2001). The region is 126 VEENA BHASIN extremely poor in conventional energy sources (fos- In many parts of the world, the pastoral no- sils, fuel and wood) and has almost no industrially mads are under pressure of marginalisation and exploitable resources. Natural environmental limi- modernisation, as their land is being used for agri- tations dictate many aspects of traditional life, es- culture. Though, the Changpa pastoral nomads pecially settlement pattern and economic system. are not prone to the same pressures as the land of Among the Changpas, the pastoral mode of liveli- Changthang has no potential for agriculture. How- hood is an evident attempt to adapt to a natural ever, the chain of adverse conditions like abnormal environment, which provides no plants as food weather conditions and shortage of winter are forc- that can support humans and has no potential for ing the Changpas to abandon their nomadic lives, growing food crops. Under such conditions, the their traditions and total loss of their identity and only solution is to domesticate large herds of var- culture. Climate change is emerging as a real threat ious animals, which can feed off the plants and in to the Changpa society. The capacity to adapt to return, the animals can sustain humans. climate change is strongly linked to the capacity to Over recent decades, the Changpas of respond to shocks and long-term transformation Changthang have been experiencing changes of any type. due to external pressures that have altered polit- Communications with tourists augmented lo- ical, economic and social landscapes. For cen- cal aspirations for improved standards of living as turies, pastoralists in Changthang have lived in well. The introduction of money in to the economy the context of environmental uncertainty and facilitated local people sustained these changed in have developed a diverse range of strategies, their lifestyle. institutions and network to minimise this unpre- Changpas rationally make use of their resourc- dictability and risk. Pastoral management strate- es, and are perceptive and practical pastoralists. gies, which may have worked previously, may Likewise, educated Changpas are not interested in or may not be sufficient now. The three commu- traditional way of life; they prefer to get govern- nities of Samad, Korzok and Kharnak respond- ment jobs. Education has given them choices. Be- ed differently to these changes. Various pres- fore they had access to education, they had op- sures with an ever-increasing rate of change tions of traditional occupations like animal hus- necessitated the adoption of new strategies for bandry, trading and crafts. However, education has survival. opened new fields for the Changpas. Changthang no loner a ‘Restricted Area’ is Through the inheritance laws of primogeniture attracting many tourists. Tourism activities have and polyandry, the Changpas were able to contain adverse impact on the environment as well as local their population and manage their nomadic way of population , both directly or indirectly. The local life, where many working hands were required. Changpas have not benefited much from the tour- With the increase in number of nuclear families, ism as Leh based travel agents organise and oper- the population of Changthang is on rise. ate these tours. There are no schemes for tourism With the recent changes in the region, the tra- development. Tourism is revenue and employment ditional Changpa society practicing an overpow- oriented activity. This may also help boosting hand- eringly barter economy with socially fixed econom- icraft sector. Ecotourism has potential to provide ic exchanges has transformed to an economic sys- tem characterised by monetised trade and specia- economic development as well as sourcing of fund- lised exchanges. ing for the maintenance of environmental conser- As a result, of above-mentioned factors, vation. The increasing interaction with tourists as Changpas have to look for new strategies in well as urban people led to higher motivation among addition to traditional strategies of mobility and the local people for better life. herd diversification to meet their both ends. Changthang’s unique landscape, rich biodi- The study focuses on adaptations of the versity and high number of endemic species, Changpas of Changthang and their traditional makes it a special area for conservation. Scarce subsistence techniques to its particular envi- resources, the lack of alternatives and tradition- ronment, together with the far-reaching socio- al practice of clear-cut division of all usable ar- economic alterations imposed on this tradition- eas and pastures between the communities make al system by external factors. resettlement of the Changpas outside Protected Traditionally, the Changpas were bearing areas a difficult proposition. losses under abnormal weather conditions. As LIFE ON AN EDGE AMONG THE CHANGPAS OF CHANGTHANG, LADAKH 127 they have no structural arrangements in their servation decisions must be based on micro-level social system for sharing losses, they managed data. by keeping large herds to compensate for the However, available data from Changthang is losses. They are adapting by shifting from no- too little to understand about the eco-system for madic to settled life and from livestock herding informed decisions to be made about intervening to wage labour in Leh town. This implies that to alter basic components of their traditional sys- the Changpa’s response to the environmental tem. and socio-economic changes has resulted in The programmes are not area specific. Even their shift from mobile mode of production to though the Division has its own geographical sedentary adaptation. This dynamic process has and demographic characterstics, the pro- helped them in reducing the diverse effects of grammes are almost identical for all the border climate change on their health and well-being, blocks. The area specific needs either are ne- and also the attraction of new opportunities in glected or are not fully taken care of. The pro- marketing and wage labour. The Changpas’ di- grammes are formulated without any clarity of vision into nomadic and sedentary elements concepts and methods leading to serious prob- does not correspond to social groups formed lems in implementation. The way things are go- on such ideological basis as pha-spun, but is ing, it may lead to the possible demise of no- rather a distinction based on work, division of madic way of life in this border area. To sustain labour stemming from fluid productive condi- mobility and the Changpas way of life, a multi- tions at the place of origin and place of destina- pronged strategy is required to deal with prob- tion. lems of this border area with fragile environment; Samad, Kharnak and Korzok are transition vil- poor infrastructure and to look into grievances lages in terms of progressiveness, adaptiveness of the people. and educational levels. The extent of modernisa- Build up of a larger population of tion in Changthang is far behind that of Leh town. and the influx of foreign tourists, along with the With the change in political circumstances and development policies of government (subsidies government policies of providing the economic and ration shops) have all contributed to en- opportunities, there is change in the region. couraging a monetary economy. Ladakhis are The Changpas have always been mobile, but experiencing an economy for the first time where- this migration is a complex process, embedded in technological advances and economic gains in the Changpa responses to three-four decades are the driving forces. A materialistic culture of of rapid change. Causes and consequences of notion of having a job and buying what one out-migration among the Changpa shows that needs is replacing the idea of self-producing and the traditional adaptive system is under stress self-sufficiency. Four wars, the closure of bor- and strain. der, the considerable presence of Indian Army and The policy of the developers should be, rath- slow commercialisation of economy have played er than treating diversification always as an al- an important role in the socio-economic life of the ternative to pastoralism , it should be seen as a people. mechanism for adding economic value in pasto- ral communities and regions and for helping to NOTES maintain pastoral livelihoods. To encourage herd- ers to pursue education based diversification, 1. This was a part of an investigation ‘Ecology, Human Settlements and health in the Cold Desert school locations and calendars should reflect the Ladakh’ during my tenure as a Research Scien- seasonal nature of pastoralism and population tist in the period 1989-1994. This research cul- movements. Mobile schools should be given more minated in the publication of two books enti- serious consideration, so Changpas who want to tled-‘ Transhumants of Himalayas: 3Health’ (1999). educate their children can do this without leaving 2. From each herd, five male sheep with specified their pastoral livelihoods. They should not have colour combination are dedicated to different to make a choice between the pursuit of pastoral- gods. ism and sending children to boarding schools. 3. The Changpas keep few sheep for expelling curs- es and bad luck. These are not dedicated to any The local conditions in Changthang keep on particular god. In case of evil eye or curse, the changing, consequently development and con- Changpas offer incense and recite prayers over 128 VEENA BHASIN

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