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Seminar in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth Century Works on Paper

Spring 2013 SEMINAR IN SIXTEENTH- AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY OLD MASTER WORKS ON PAPER

The acknowledgment of as fundamental to the creative process, in addition to its as an independent aesthetic endeavor, has its origin in the Italian Renaissance. in an dote of 1568, artist and historian Giorgio Vasari described Cimabue’s discovery of the ung Giottodrawingon a rock by the side of the road, thereby establishingwithinthe Tuscan digion the primacy of draftsmanship or disegno in the making of art. By the 1600s, faU typeshad come to be fully appreciated and collected by artists and connoisseurs alike.

Italiandrawings of the early modem period served a wide range of purposes for the artist. ior example,drawings were always ways for artists to “think out loud” on paper (studi, schizzi orpeirsieri), and as such they offer intimate views of working methods. In some cases, artists inscribetheir drawings to further instruct a client or an assistant about proper scale or materials. Sometimesan artist authenticated a drawing with a signature. Other drawings are fully realized compositionswhich may be intended to inform a patron about a proposed design - a kind of presentationdrawing. Still others, such as the portrait by Rosalba Carriera (cat. no. 15), are autonon1ou, finished works, unrelated to another project in a different medium.

The study of old master drawings and prints introduces the student to the world of special collections‘ahere particular care is given to the conservation of works on paper, and where instructionis given in the appropriate ways to study drawings. As students are asked to examine papersof different colors, to trace the origin and manufacture of paper by means of watermarks, andto recognize different types of inks and chalks, they come to appreciate the role which the physicalobject plays in understanding it as an historical and aesthetic work of art. Collectors’ stampson drawings or their mounts can also be informative about the history of previous ownership(provenance) and collections. Some drawings are inscribed with “incorrect” attributions. But these ascriptions reveal earlier views by connoisseurs about how an artist’s ‘aorkwas perceived. Drawings and prints can also inform the art historian about important social,political, or theological issues of the day by functioning as a form of religious or political propaganda

It is hoped that this small sampling of drawings and prints by important sixteenth and Seenteenth Italian artists and the accompanying catalogue will be as rewarding an experience br the visitor to tI’e exhibit as it has been for the students who participated in the exhibit.

Courtney

Kirsten

Rebecca

Evan Sara Contributors

Department Associate

Robert

to

Family

Cheryl

Programs catalogue,

the

M.

Graham

students.

Randolf

Milliard

Snay,

Of

Works

Bega

Ho(mberg

Smothennan

Professor,

for

the

special

of

participating Curator

(SMB)

(EG)

to

many

Art,

on

Coleman

(1CM)

Thanks

the

Paper

thanks

(RH)

Art

Art

individuals

Catalogue

of

(CS)

History

also

Gallery.

European

History

to

in

the

to

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and

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who

seminar

Art;

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Design

of

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and

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installation

Curator

of

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and

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Ann

of

in

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Knoll,

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collection

Associate

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figures

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transition this

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leading workshop

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no.

Bibliography:

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and He ‘1bid.. 107. Jbid.. 158. Bernard Berenson, Drawings of the Florentine Painters (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970).30, no. 2736. David McTavish and Roberto Ferretti, Italian Drawings: From the Collection of Duke Roberto Ferretti(Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 1985), 18. Fischer. 137, note 60. Chris Fischer, Fra Bartolommeo et Son Atelier: Dessins Et Peintures Des Collections Françaies (PariS Reunion des musées nationaux, 1994), 110, 145. 147. Fischer. Fra Bartoloinmeo: Master Draughtsnzan, 107.

designs

Ugo

(B.XVI.196,8),

to Giulio

also creating

Fiorentino

of drawings.

Trento

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drawings

mentioned Paul

Na,-cisus),

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from

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Rome Trento

Antonio do

201L

Popham. funds

Bibliography: The

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from

The

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(as

tone-block

and

they

who

with

Antonio

year,

of

The

designs

(B.XVI.l97.14),

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he as xoodcUt. Additional evidence in favor of the shared identity is the close correspondence between Antonio’s early monogram that appears on the St. John the Baptist and The Lute p/aver woodcuts, and the monograms of Antonio Fantuzzi (fig. 2a) on the four etchings mentioned 4above. Although the evidence is persuasive, it is not conclusive. Antonio’s monogram does not appear on The Martyrdom. but this print has been consistentlY attributed to him on the basis of Vasari’s testimony and other evidence that aligns “ ith Vasari’s account. Parmigianino first developed the Martyrdom design for an engra\ing to be made by Jacopo Caraglio (ca. 1500/05—1565),an artist who worked with Parmigiaflino on several print projects during his time in Rome (1524—1527). Parrnigianino’s final composition design (fig. 2b), two less-finished composition designs, afew figure studies. and the itself (B.XV.71.8; fig. 2c) survive. Vasari suggests that the Martyrdom was the first collaboration between Antonio5 and Parmigianino, and this is likely given that the design had already been conceived. There are no final composition drawings for any of the six woodcuts by Antonio, but there are a few figure drawings, and facsimiles of lost drawings, that are preparations for the Marl rdom woodcut. These drawings provide some evidence of Parmigianino’s process of re ision between6 making the engraving and the woodcut. The shading in a study in the Louvre (mv. 6428) for the figure on the far left of the woodcut seems particularly tailored for the preparation of color blocks in a chiaroscuro woodcut. One possible explanation for the lack of final designs for Antonio’s woodcuts7 is that Parmigianino drevs.the design directly on the woodblock, as was often done. In 1558. the Venetian sculptor Alessandro Vittoria (1525—1608)wrote in his diary in 1558 that he had acquired a block of pearwood on which Parmigianino had drawn the Cumaen Sibyl meeting the Emperor Octavian. While the diary entry may describe a design related to Antonio’s Augustus 8woodcut, it does not prove that Parmigianino’s design was always transferred in this way. Although the basic shape of the Martyrdom woodcut’s composition is similar to that of the engraving, the design was changed in several significant ways. The horizon line has been lowered, shortening the ground space and giving the scene greater immcdiacy. The design of the temple, in the background, is different, and there are more figures in it. An angel holding the martyr’s palm now fills the sky. This motif is borrowed from Raphael’s Martyrdom of St. Cecilia, a design engraved by Marcantonio Raimondj (B,XIV.104,17). In fact, the whole composition was likely modeled on that design, which is exactly the same size as the Martyrdom engraving. Parmigianino changed the9 dress, posture, and positions of several attendants and soldiers in the woodcut. Most strikingly, the two executioners have been modified to form a dynamic spiral at the heart of the action: the foreground executioner’s detailed musculature carries a line through his body; it is continued in the curve of his sword; it is picked up by the sweeping movement of the other’s cloak, and it is carried, finally, through the tip of his sword, The saints are without babes in the woodcut, and the attribute of Peter, the keys. is missing from the foreground. The precise subject of the Martyrdom is puzzling, however. That it is a scene of martrdom is clear enough, but the identity of the saints is uncertain. Vasari referred to the woodcjt as a Beheading of Saints Peter and Paul, and this description is generally followed, but it does not fit with Peter’s traditional death by inverted crucifixion. The ke in the s3 foreground of Caraglio’s work indicate that the saints were°1 conceived as Peter and Paul. at least when the engraving was made, even if that is no longer the case in the woodcut. The keys still do not explain, however, why Peter would be decapitated. Popham’s suggestion that the engraving is the IVlartvrdomof St. Paul wit/i St. Peter Led Anav to Execution is problematic. because Peter seems to be on the verge of serving his sentence, and not about to be led away. This is even more clearly the case in the woodcut, because Peter is slung over the plinth with his neck exposed and with the executioners sword almost at the point of decapitating the saint.” A simple explanation for this might be that Parmigianino decided to dispense with the tradition of Peter’s crucifixion tradition for an unknown reason, and simply wished to depict in a single space the unorthodox execution of both apostles. KM

Popham considers it doubtful that Parmigianino was the one who taught Antonio the woodcut1 technique, see ‘Observations on Parmigianino’s Designs for Chiaroscuro Woodcuts,” in Miscellanea: I.Q. Van Regteren Altena 16/v/1969, (Amsterdam: Scheltema & Holkema, 1969), 48. 2 Jan Johnson, “Antonio da Trento.” Grove Art Online. Oxford Art Online. Oxford University Press, accessed January 23. 2013. http: / www .oxfordartonline .com.proxy .library.nd.edu/subscriber/article/grove/art/T0033 1 3. A. F. Popham, catalogue of the Drawings of Parmigianino, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), cat. nos. 73, 319, 74, and 411, respectively. Adam von Bartsch, Le Peintre Graveur. Vols. 12-17. Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1982, vol. 12.7. For the drawings, see Popharn, catalogue oft/ic Drawings, cat. nos. 190, 191 recto, 192. 379, 380,417, and plates 135-140. The Caraglio print is figure 19 in Popham’s introduction to the catalogue. The final drawing and the print are in the British Museum with the registration numbers 1904,1201.2 and W, 1.184. Popham, catalogue of the Drawings, p1s. 138-140. Ibid., cat. no. 407. Popham, “Observations.., ,“ 49. Zoltán Kárpáti, The Alchemy of Beauty: Parmigianino Drawings and Prints, (Budapest: Museum of Fine Arts, 2009), 102.

Jan.Johnson, “States and Versions of a Chiaroscuro Woodcut.” Print Quarterly 4, no. 1 (June 1987), 154. Popham does refer to the woodcut as the Martyrdom of St Peter and St Paul in catalogue oft/ic Drawings, 13. 3 FraneeSco Salviati (15 10—1563),active in Florence, Rome, Venice, and France. sganding Female Figure in Roman Costume (Muse?), ca.1535—38 Red chalk on antique laid paper with partial watermark. With the collector’s mark of E. Desperet (Lugt 721) in lower left corner, 15.9 x 10.5 cm The Snite Museum of Art, University of Notre Dame, on extended loan as promised gift of Mr. John D. Reilly, Class of 1963, i. L2011.023.001. provenance: E. Desperet (1804—65),Paris; Sotheby’s, Monaco. 2 December 1988, lot 312 [as Italian School]; Yvonn Tan Bunzl, London, 1990 [as Salviati]; Sotheby’s London, 7 July 201 1, lot 30.

According to his close friend and biographer Giorgio Vasari, Francesco de Rossi, called Salviati, was born in Florence in 1510 to a velvet weaver. Francesco’s father, noting his son’s affinity to art, apprenticed the young man to his uncle, the goldsmith Dionigi da Diacceto. The young artist’s interests, however, were primarily in painting, and so he was at various points in the 1520s, to be found in the studios of Giuliano Bugiardini (1475—1554),where he met Vasari, Raffaello da Brescia (1479—1538), Andrea del Sarto (1488—1531), and the sculptor Baccio Bandinelli (1493—1560). Around 1531, Francesco left Florence for Rome and entered the service of Cardinal Giovanni Salviati, nephew of Pope Leo X. It was from his eight-year service to this cardinal that Salviati acquired the name by which he is primarily known today. Among Salviati’s works from this first Roman period is the Visitation (1538) in the Orator of San Giovanni Decollato, the Annunciation (1534) in San Francesco a Ripa, and the decoration of Cardinal Salviati’schapel in Palazzo Salviati with scenes from the life of Saint John the Baptist (now lost). These works show the influence of Michelangelo and Bandinelli, but also a refined ornamentation that may have been inspired by study of Raphael’s Roman 1works. Salviati seems to have had a difficult and unsettled personality that made it hard for him to permanently settle down in one place. He left Rome in 1539, returning briefly to Florence before continuing on to Venice, where he decorated several rooms in the Palazzo Grimaldi (1539—41)and produced woodcut illustrations for an edition of Pietro Aretinos Life of the Virgin Mary (1539). From Venice, Salviati returned to Rome in 1541and entered the service of Pier Luigi Farnese, son of Pope Paul III, where he would remain for the next two years before a major disagreement sent Salviati once more back to Florence in 1543. That same year, Cosimo I de’Medici commissioned Salviati to decorate the Sala dell’Udienza (audience hall) of the Palazzo Vecchio with scenes from the life of the kotnan hero Marcus Furius Camillus (1543—45).Salviati also produced tapestry designs for the Medici family and a Deposition from the Cross (1547) in the Basilica of Santa Croce. B 1548, Salviati was once more in Rome where he worked with Vasari on the decorations for the Cappella del Paflio in the Palazzo della Cancelleria. Reconciliation ‘ith the Farnese must have followed as well, for in 1552. Salviati was commissioned to decorate one of the rooms now known as the Sala dei Fasti Farnesiani in the Palazzo Farnese, an enterprise that lasted four years. In 1556 or 1557, Salviati was invited to France by Cardinal Charles de Lorraine. While in France, he worked for the cardinal and other patrons, decorating rooms in Charles palace outside Paris, but also producing a Deposition for the Church of the

Célestins (destroyed in 1798) and the Incredulity of Saint Thomas now in the Louvre. Salviati’s personality, however, interfered once more with his professional ambitions, and he spent only twenty months in France before returning to Rome. The last years of Salviati’s life were largely spent in Rome where he received, in 1562, the long- hoped-for commission to fresco the Sala Regia in the Vatican Palace, Unfortunately, Salviati would be unable to complete this final work before he died, at the age of fifty- three, on 11 November 1563. Today, Salviati is considered by all scholars as one of the premier artists of the stylish Central Italian High Maniera. Like most Renaissance artists, one of Salviati’s enduring passions was the reinterpretation of the art of classical antiquity into a more modem idiom, as can be seen in many of his works of classical themes, notably in the Palazzo Vecchio’s Sala dell’Udienza. Although almost certainly exposed to classical sculpture in Florence, Salviati’sfirst Roman sojourn (1531—39)would have provided him with a much larger selection of classical art from which to draw inspiration. One such work is the so-called •tluse Sarcophagus (figs. 3a), a late first-century Roman sculpture, now in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. which was in the 1530s found in Santa Maria Maggiore, the most venerable Marian basilica in Rome. This sarcophagus depicts the nine muses with Apollo, Minerva, and a philosopher. The sculpted figures on the -arcophagus seem to have inspired at least two drawings by Salviati, one of which is the Snite Museum drawing (fig. 3). Catherine Monbeig Goguel has identified another of Salviati’s red chalk drawings, the Female Figure in Roman Garb with a Lyre (fig. 3c), Louvre, mv. 2207, as inspired by one of these muses on the Viennese sarcophagus. This figure is probably Erato (the muse of love poetry whose emblem is a lyre), the third figure from the 2right. Although the Snite drawing lacks an explicit emblem with which to identify the figure, the position that the woman takes, partly turned away from the viewer with her hand held up as if supporting some unseen object, is analogous to the muse beside Erato, on the left of the sarcophagus identifiable as Melpomene (fig. 3b), the muse of tragic drama, Based on similarities 3 in style, technique, and media, it seems likely that the Louvre and the Snite drawings were Salviati’s effort to update the muses of the sarcophagus to a more contemporary style. Monbeig Goguel dates the Louvre drawing to the mid- to late-l530s, during Salviati’s first Roman visit. Her assessment is based on what she perceives as the figure’s fragility and its distinctness from the style of Salviati’s full High Maniera. Salviati did not fully arrive at this new mode until his Florentine period of the4mid-i 540s. The manner of this earlier Roman period is evidenced by his Visitation in the Oratory of San Giovanni Decollato, which tends to be more classicizing and refined recalling the High Renaissance art of Raphael as opposed to his later works which have a greater affinity with the High Maniera of Vasari. The young woman in the Snite drawing has the dignity and a solemn grace, a gentle sense of movement of his earlier classicizing works. and lacks the affective gestures typical of Salviati’sHigh Maniera works, Monbeig Goguel’s 3 comments regarding the Louvre drawing are applicable to the Snite work in which the delicate strokes of red chalk to reveal the womans body beneath floating, classically jnspired drapery. [he innovations that Salviati makes in his drawing serve to update the static, solid ijeure of the marble muse into this near-mannerist woman. There is little attention paid to the details of the classical dress or hairstyle as on the sarcophagus. The draperies of Sal\ iati’sMuse are nearly incomprehensible as actual clothing, and her hair loosening into soft curls form a bun that adds to the figure’s sense of movement. These changes may he read as indicative of Salviatis desire to create a new series of Muses that more accurately represent the artistic trends of the l530s. Cs

“I organizzazione e 1attenzione formale di stampo raffaellesco Si UflISCOflO ad un’eleganza ornamentale parmigi nesca ed alle stilizzazioni argute e taglienti di Rosso o di Bandinelli” Iris Cheney, “Dc Rossi, EranccsLo,detto ii Salviati,” Dizionario Biograjico degli Italiani Treccani. Catherine Monbeig Goguel. Francesco Salviati, 1510—1563.a La be/Ia man/era (Milan: Electa, 1998), 95. \lonbeig Goguel does misidentify the muse in Louvre drawing as Euterpe, muse of love poetry. while the idemiflcations given by the Kunsthistorisches Museum are used here. Entr’ on Iusensarkophag < http://bilddatenbank.khm.at/viewArtefact?id=50863>. Marcia B hail, tier Raphael Painting in Central JIalj’ in the Sixteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge Uniersity Press, 1999), 146. Monbeig Goguel. 95.

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i, L1988.010.002 5 Jusepe de Ribera, called lo Spagnoletto (1591—1652). Born in Játiva, Valencia. Active in Rome and Naples.

Drunken Silenus. Dated 1628. Signed and dated in the plate, “Joseph a Ribera Hisp Valenti/Setabenf Fartenope/ ]62l’ With the dedication, “Almolto Ilire Sr Don Gioseppe Balsamo Barone de Cattasi, Giorato del Illmo / Senato della mobile citta di Messma / Giovanni Orlandi Romano. D. D with drypoint, engraving, and burnishing on laid paper, second state of three, Bariseh XX.84.13: Brown 14, 26.7 x 34.6cm. The Snite Museum of Art, University of Notre Dame, mv. 2012.020. Acquired with funds from the Estate of Edith and Dr. Paul 3. Vignos Jr. ‘41.

Prove,iance: Thomas Jefferson Coolidge Family Collection, Boston; P. and D. Colnaghi, Co., Ltd., London; R.E. Lewis and Daughter, San Rafael, CA, 1968.

Jusepe de Ribera, a Spanish born painter who lived in Italy during most of his life, made major contributions to and painting, works which continue to stand out as exemplars of their medium. Ribera’s national identity as an artist has been a source of tension for the artist and scholars, since he neither completely belongs to the Italian or Spanish schools. Elizabeth Du Gué Trapier describes his style as “Italian with a strong Spanish accent.” He is, so it seems, a hybrid of both traditions. The competing national influences1 have cost Ribera some fame, because he is often left out of the art history narrative of each nation. Ribera was born in Játiva, Spain, in 1591, and he is first recorded in Rome by 1611. There is very little information regarding the artist’s days as a student, and it is not known where or with whom he trained. Caravaggio’s art influenced his early paintings, although Ribera would not have met Caravaggio, who left Rome permanently in 1606. Rather, it was Caravaggio’s Roman paintings and those of his followers that had an impact on him, Around 1616, Ribera moved to Naples, where he remained mostly until his death in 1652. Ribera is best most known for his paintings, although he is regarded as a skilled (although short-lived) printmaker. Ribera painted religious themes, mythological subjects, and portraits in a naturalist manner. Before Ribera executed the print of the Drunken Silenus (fig. 5), he made a painting of the same subject (fig. 5a) in 1626, Museo di Capodimonti, Naples. The painting is Ribera’s first major mythological work, and xhi!e the 1628 print is not a copy of the painting, it is a variation of it. All of Ribera’s fev prints were executed between 1620 and 1630, and these reveal him to be an Innovative printmaker with dramatic shifts in skill and style. Jonathan Brown identifies three general stages of Ribera’s printmaking, and he places the Drunken Silenus among prints of the artist’s maturity. The delicacy with which Ribera handles darks, lights, and the range of tones between is characteristic of all his later prints. Brown argues that Ribera viewed prints as valuable works of art in their own right, and they offered him opportunities to explore and create different compositions. It

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the as Regardless of the explicit theme, the overall tone of the Silenus is intended to be humorous. Chenault Porter observes that Ribera “seems to have been more concerned with what was to him the novelty of a classical 7fable,” and, in a similar vein, Trapier iiotes that “Ribera did not borrow extensively from the antique as did and others, but absorbed classical elements which he used for his own ends, never indulging in interpretations that were too literal and uninspired. As Spear notes, “few pictures possibly could surpass Ribera’s Drunken Silenus8 for its ability to shock and amuse the observer.” This sense amusement, ” to of according Chenault Porter, is part of a Spanish tradition9 in which both Ribera and his frequent patron, the Flemish merchant Gaspar Roomer indulged. “The humorous attitude toward the earthly mythological subject is.. .the result of a Spaniard’s typically satirical attitude toward the mythological tradition.”° From this perspective, the print is more successful in presenting a satirical scene than the painting. The print allows thr compositional clarity that is lacking in the painted version, where the secondary characters are lost in darkness. In the print, the addition of the two infants rolling on the ground, the clear articulation of the body of Pan and the head of the horse, and the background landscape with flying birds contribute to a scene of humorous chaos. As noted by Jonathan Brown “[the print] is in fact a notably superior rendition of the subject... it describes a more thoroughly Bacchic world.” RH ’1

1 Elizabeth Du Gué Trapier, Ribera in the Collection (New York: The Hispanic Society of America, 1952), 1. ibid., 54. For the Tazza Farnese, see Diane DeGrazia Bohlin, Prints and Related Drawings by the Carracci Family: A C’atalogue Raisonné (Washington: National Gallery of Art, 1979), 456-465, cat. no, 19. 3jean Chenault Porter; “Ribera’s Assimilation of a Silenus,” Paragone 30.355 (September 1979), 45. lbid,, 46. 43 Andrea Bayer, Jusepe de Ribera 1591—1652:(New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 77. RmchardE. Spear, From Caravaggio to Artemisia: Essays on Painting in Seventeenth 6Century Italy (London: and France Pindar Press, 2002), 340. (henault Porter, 42. Trapier, 54. 4Spear, 340. Chenault Porter, 42. Jonathan Brown, Jusepe de Ribera: Prints and Drawings (Princeton: Princeton l niversit Press, 1972), 19.

eXclujjy Angelica,

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in and

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Florence),

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Giovanni

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of

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to

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aforementioned

naturalism.

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on

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pietra

paper,

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as

style

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mounted

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influence

important

following

in

1621,

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1632—37.

a

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warmer Accademia

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topietra

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before

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1630),

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gift laid Jarriage ofSt. Catherine, and his last work, a Ho/v Family with Saints Elizabeth and John the Baptist(1644). Bilivert died in Florence on 16 July 1644. One of Bilivert’s last major projects was his work in the Cappella Bonsi in the Theatine Church of San Gaetano, Florence. First contracted in 1632, Bilivert completed the painting (fig. 6a) in 1636 or 1637 for which the Snite drawing (cover and fig. 6) is preparatory The left transept chapel, known as the Cappella della Croce, was owned by the Bonsi, a prominent, Florentine, aristocratic family,’ and its decorations were directed by Count Francesco Bonsi. In 1632, perhaps to honor the recent death of his aunt Elena Bonsi, Francesco Bonsi commissioned both Matteo Rosselli (1578—1650),Jacopo Vignali (1594—1664),and Giovanni Bilivert to decorate the chapel with scenes from the tale of the Finding of the True Cross, a narrative derived from the medieval Golden Legend of Jacopo da Voragine. The chapels’ altarpiece (fig. 6b) painted by Matteo Rosselli, represents the Discover3’of the True Cross by Saint Helena, mother of the Emperor Constantine, and the name saint of Count Boni’s aunt. On the left wall, Jacopo Vignali painted The Visionof Constantine. and Bilivert’s part of the commission, Saint Helena Directing Excavations for the Recover3’of the True Cross (fig. 6a) was placed on the right wall. The subject of the drawing (cover and fig. 6) has often been mistaken as the Discovery of the True Cross. This high point of the narrative, however, is found in Rosselli’s altarpiece in the Bonsi Chapel (fig. 6b), which depicts St. Helena’s interaction with the rediscovered True Cross and her exaltation and adoration of the 2relic. The figures in Bilvert’s drawing and oil painting represent a different aspect of the narrative, that is, the moments immediately before the finding of the Cross in which the saint supervises the laboring excavators. The drawing executed in red chalk, brown and black ink on white paper, has been damaged by stains and tears over the course of time, and is now mounted on a blue board. For stylistic reasons, it is probably a late compositional mode/b, dating from 1635, although there is the possibility that, due to the differences in volumetrics between figures in the mode/b and the painting, the work may have been intended as a contract dra’sing done in the early stages of the commission. As Catherine Monbeig Goguel notes how’ever, drawings made by Bilivert early in the design process are hurried and incomplete The lines in these drawings appear rapidly sketched and full of motion, while more final sketches, like the Snite Saint Helena are more carefully controlled3 and have fewpentimenti. A comparison of the final painting with the Snite mode/b shows that the only major changes between the two works is the exchange of Saint Helena’s imperial scepters for a crown, and a slight shift in the position of the worker, on the right, who in the painting is turned more towards the viewer. Another indication that the drawing is near the final stage of painting’s design is the fact that it is squared for transfer, suggesting that Bilivert was sufficiently pleased with the composition to transfer it to a cartoon or to the painting’s support. It is interesting, that the Snite drawing is twice squared, in ink and again in red chalk, Since the squaring in either medium does not form equal rows of even squares on either axis, it IS possible that the drawing has been reduced in size, perhaps to deal with damage, or, more likely, that Bilivert erroneously measured and later corrected his mistake. One feature of the drawing that may cause some to question as to whether it represents a near-final stage of the design process is the dissimilarity in the costumes Cantini,

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he

painter

San

Museum

Giovanni

drawing

Snite

right,

Lante,

but

corner.

the

Pompeo

in continued

Bernini’s

Two

the

Reilly,

of

began

George

and

he

and

her

Lorenzo.

As

is

he

Roman

however,

commissions. 9

the

iron

paper

moving

Calandrucci

for

1680

first

Calandrucci

Primarily

the

highly in

Diana

Patti,

their

“preliminary

Muti

in

half—reclining,

the

left

left Palazzo

graphite.

style Ca/and.

of

to

granted

Class

was

the

Rome

Grimaldi

gall

Muti

cartoon

Usslaub

studied

huntress

(1646

and

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experiment the

Ar,

on hand

union

the

subsequently

Academy

1680—85.

ceiling

acidic it/i/i

to

first and

ink

He

recommended

Diana’s

of

large

Grimaldi’s Papazzuri

1685,

at

Strozzi-l3esso.

a

University

the

.A

Hiaci,itIi

Calandrucci Mattia

died —

over

landscape

with

and

taste

Two

1963.

the

was

sketched

under

On

adopted

(1845—

(1606—80)

1707).

and

and

studio

sketches

of

At

putto

quaa t ri

Roman

the

time,

looking fresco. 3

there

of

black

born

Patti an

the

face

with

of

this

olten

goddess de’Rossi mv.

Pietro

St.

verso.

and

turned

the allegorical

(a/andrucc

looks

of

gallery

allegorical

Active

of

his

1929),

maintaining

and time,

in

shortly

riportati

painter,

in

numerous

(fig.

Luke, L1991.031.004,

chalk

with

Calandrucci

Carlo

patrician

period:

corrodes

the

Notre

Maria

was

black

do

Palermo

master’s

In

aiid

del

in

left

upward

to

of

8)is

commission,

Calandrucci (1637—95),

the

1

pen

of

Marseille

in

the

n on

he

705, Pô

the

Maratti. 8

the after

Maratti

putto

Dame,

chalk,

Grimaldi

to

Isabella

Palermo

theme

his

for lower

late

program

maintained laid

(1610—92),

one first

outlines

compositional

Villa Monsignor

paper

her

moon,

in

technique

Calandrucci

a

at

another

Palazzo

in

Baroque

is

for

large

paper.

1646.

such

right, artist

her lefl.

and

on

(1625—17

1

“based

an

(Ll221);

707.

Falconieri,

Massimo.

over

and

the

and

painted

she

was

extended

bow.

and

alone,

of

the

indication then

studio

compositional

in

artist

job.

while

At

Muti

1

built

a

Diana,

of

time.

ears

Rome.

80

stamp

Muti

Classicism:

working

requested

charge a

on

wide

strengthened

an

returned

painter

drawing

Two

x

13).

without

drawings.

probably

W.

much

to the of

Papazzuri. 4

(1660-79)

holding

unknown

249

The

and approached

loan

of

a

influence

fill

aspiring

Endymion,

M.

of

Triumph

crescent

Maratti

of

George

mm

on

Monsignor

of

the

and

decorations

with

Brady

organizing

from

his

to

various

any

drawing.

frescoes

the

because

her

application

Palermo

While

engraver

ideas.’° Inscribed

date,

to

frescoes. 7

in

painters.’

shading

was Usslaub

dogs

decorations

the

of

The

diadem,

right

of

and

honor

brown

Maratti

Venus,

not

compositions

Love

collection

he

the

studying

palazzo

in

are

Maratti

Muti,

Co.,

the

arm

Diana

in

to

only

moved

also

the (I

Rome

or most

iii

the

ink,

at

paint

and

of

and

gallery’s

to

22

and

As

Grirnaldi

mc,

around

washes,”

the

the

trusting

iron

from

1)

and gallery

is

was

was

she

The in

of

in

to

and

New

the

far

of a More of Calandrucci’s studies for the fresco of Diana Seated on Clouds (fig. 8a) are conserved in the Kunstmuseum, Dtisseldorf, the Louvre, and the Gabinetto delle Stampe in Rome.” They offer a significant view into the artist’s design process for the fresco. A comparison of the Snite Diana with the other drawings suggests that it is among the more advanced, final studies. Earlier studies place Diana to the right of the frame, resting on her left thigh (fig. 8b). Later studies shift her gaze and redistribute the putti. until a final ink and wash drawing bears a very close resemblance to the painted composition (8c and 8d). Calandrucci’s confident use of pen in the Snite drawing demonstrates his assuredness not only in technique, but also the way forms take shape upon the paper. The Snite drawing does not focus on expressing olumes and shading, rather it explores the relationships between Diana and the putti, rounding out the forms as they seem to float in the clouds. The composition is well-resolved, yet differences do remain between the drawing and the fresco (figs. 8 and 8a). The Snite drawing shows Diana gazing and cradling the putto to her right, while the fresco separates Diana and the putto. Her arm is outstretched, to her right, perhaps to reach for the putto or to pluck an arrow from her quiver. She does this as she gazes out of the frame, to the right. The fresco also ubstitutes the dogs at Diana’s left (in the Snite drawing) for another putto, who carries a quiver with5 arrows, on the goddess’ right, thus placing Diana in the center of the frame. From the placement of the four frescoed quadri riportati in the gallery, it appears that Calandrucci was interested with the interaction of the scenes’ protagonists. Since Diana in the Clouds (fig. 8a) and Diana and End’mion (fig. 8b) face each other from opposite ends of the gallery ceiling, Diana’s outward gaze toward Diana and Endymion, past Venus and Flora, suggests a premonition of her own discovery of love for the beautiful shepherd.

5MB

Jean K. Westin and Robert H. Westin, Carlo Maratti and His Contemporaries: Figurative Drawings from the

Roman Baroque, (University Park : Penn. State, 1975), 4. 2 Westin, 5. 3Francis Dowley, “A Few Drawings by Carlo Maratti,” Master Drawings 4, no. 4(1966), 426. Sources mistakenly locate Calandrucci’s frescoes in Palazzo Balestra. The Muti family had a number of palazzi in Rome The Palazzo Muti Papazzuri, and the palazzo now known as Palazzo Balestra are easily confused, because they are near one another. Danuta Batorska provides confimation of the fresco’s placement in Palazzo Muti Papazzuri in “Grimaldi and the Galleria Muti Papazzuri.” Antologia di Belle Arti 2, no. 7/8 (1978), 204-215. (jiulia Fusconi and Simonetta Prosperi Valenti Rodinô, “Note in margine ad una schedatura: i disegni del Fondo Corsini nd GabinettoNazionale delle Stampe.” Bollettino d’arte 67, no. 16 (October-December, 1982). 105. Danuta Batorska, 204. Ibid. Prosperi Valenti Rodinó, 107. Dieter Graf, Die Handzeichnungen Von Giacinto Calandrucci:2 vols, (Düsseldorf Das Museum, 1986). 204, and Prosperi Valenti Rodinà cites a compositional drawing by Maratti of Flora in the Resta Codex, Biblioteca \rnbrosiana, Milan (F 261 inf, n, 247. p. 233)that is a compositional design for Calandrucci’s fresco on the Lallerv’s ceiling. The presence of this drawing suggests that Maratti began to work on the commission, and then turned the project over to Calandrucci. Graf. 204. Sec also Graf cat. nos. 68-76. (Louvre. in 15282 and Gabinetto delle Stampe F,C. 127385) for additional dra ings. 9 Lazzaro Baldi (1622-1703). Active in Rome.

/1 Saint Preaching in Prison, Ca. 1658 (?) Brush and gray wash with touches of gray gouache over black chalk on laid paper, 43.2 x 23.5 cm. On extended loan as a promised gift fiorn Mr. John D. Reilly, Class of 1963, mv,L2012.008.002.

Bibliography: Sotheby’s, New York, January 25, 2012, lot 56. ______

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