HYBRID REGIMES in MODERN TIMES: Between Democracy and Autocracy
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CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Trilogue Salzburg 2018 Background Paper
Page 60 | Trilogue Salzburg 2018 Background Paper The Erosion of Democracy in Developing and Transition Countries Hauke Hartmann Introduction Political transformation as measured by the BTI 2018 has, on average, reached a new low around the globe. In more and more countries, rulers are strategically undermining control mechanisms in order to secure power and maintain patronage systems and opportunities for self-enrichment. At the same time, protests are growing against social inequality, mismanagement and corruption. As normative transformation goals, democracy and the market economy have never been so contested – or so threatened by degradation from within. Clearly, if democratic systems do not offer a robust framework for ensuring rule of law and opportunities for political participation, and if market-based economies do not guarantee fair and reliable rules of competition and social inclusion, then not only will they lose their appeal, they will devolve into illiberal, patronage-driven structures. Against this background, populistic and authoritarian criticisms of democratic processes, institutions and ultimately norms will gain credibility. The following text starts out by introducing the most important investigative parameters used to assess the political status and quality of democracy in 129 developing and transformation countries (excluding Western nations that were already members of the OECD in 1989). On this basis, the erosion of democracy worldwide is analyzed and the question addressed in what sense this development represents a global “retreat of democracy.” The prevailing antidemocratic positions are then depicted and discussed. In conclusion, suggestions are made as to how the European Union, as one of the main democratic actors on the international stage, can counteract the erosion in the quality of democracy and promote a liberal order and democratization. -
1 Hybrid Regimes, the Rule of Law, and External Influence on Domestic Change
9780415451024-Ch01 4/16/08 7:00 PM Page 1 1 Hybrid regimes, the rule of law, and external influence on domestic change Amichai Magen and Leonardo Morlino Introduction At the beginning of the twenty-first century, two sets of phenomena are challenging our understanding of democracy and democratization. First, transition from authoritarian regimes into some form of democracy is no longer understood to constitute the most prevalent or important change in worldwide democratization processes. Second, contemporary processes of domestic political change are unfolding within a radically transformed inter- national environment compared to even two decades ago (Gershman 2005; Whitehead 2004). As the Freedom House organization has been underlining in its reports over the last decade,1 etc. the stable, closed authoritarian regime has become something of a rarity. While in 1974 – the year that heralded the launch of the “third wave” of global democratization with the Portuguese Revolução dos Cravos (Huntington 1991) – the number of democracies on the planet stood at a mere 39, at the end of 2006, out of 193 independent countries, 123 ranked as electoral democracies (Freedom House 2006). Thus, for the first time in human history, democracy had become not only a universal aspiration, but the predominant form of government in the world, and the only form enjoying broad international legitimacy (McFaul 2004; Gershman 2005; Sen 1999). The triumph of democracy, moreover, has (so far at least) proven steadier than many would have expected, with cases of outright breakdowns and reversions to autocracy, and fears of a “reverse wave” to autocracy, largely held at bay (Diamond 2000; 2005). -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
From Transition to Defective Democracy: Mapping Asian Democratization
From Transition to Defective Democracy: Mapping Asian Democratization AUREL CROISSANT This article undertakes a systematic inquiry of democratic development in Asia. It shows two main trends of democratization in south, south-east and north-east Asia. First, in most of the democracies the institutionalization of political rights exists side by side with stagnation or decline of the rule of law and civil liberties. Second, the quality of democracy in the different countries is growing further apart. While new democracies in north-east Asia are on the track to democratic consolidation, democracy in south Asia is on the edge or has already fallen victim to authoritarian renewal. In south-east Asia, democratic consolidation is stagnating. The article also provides for a systematic analysis of why and how defective democracies originate. It argues that not a single primary cause but a set of interconnected variables influences the track of democratic development. While ‘Asian values’, the type of colonial rule and ethnic heterogeneity give only weak support for democracy in Asia, socio-economic development, political institutions, stateness and political party systems are more important determinants. In the last section the article offers a sceptical outlook on the prospects for further liberal democratic development in Asia, arguing that for most young democracies in the region remaining a defective democracy is the most likely prospect in the near future. Key words: Pacific Asia; democratization; defective democracy; consolidation; ethnicity This inquiry undertakes a systematic review of democratic development in Asia. It draws on the concept of defective democracy developed by Wolfgang Merkel and others.1 The analysis will proceed as follows: first, it outlines an empirical map of democratic regimes in Asia. -
Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime
Edinburgh Research Explorer Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime Citation for published version: March, L 2009, 'Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition', Slavic Review, vol. 68, no. 3, pp. 504-527. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/25621653> Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: Slavic Review Publisher Rights Statement: © March, L. (2009). Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition. Slavic Review, 68(3), 504-527. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 03. Oct. 2021 Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition Author(s): Luke March Source: Slavic Review, Vol. 68, No. 3 (Fall, 2009), pp. 504-527 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25621653 . Accessed: 03/02/2014 06:03 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . -
Justified Alarmism? Assessing the Claim of a Contemporary ‘Authoritarian Wave’ Written by Niccolo Fantini
Justified Alarmism? Assessing the Claim of a Contemporary ‘Authoritarian Wave’ Written by Niccolo Fantini This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Justified Alarmism? Assessing the Claim of a Contemporary ‘Authoritarian Wave’ https://www.e-ir.info/2019/10/09/justified-alarmism-assessing-the-claim-of-a-contemporary-authoritarian-wave/ NICCOLO FANTINI, OCT 9 2019 In 1992, Francis Fukuyama famously wrote about the ‘end of history’ marked by the dissolution of the Soviet Union, which he considered the last opponent to liberal democracy (Fukuyama, 2006). Nevertheless, history has all but come to an end. According to the latest Freedom House report on freedom in the world, we are facing a crisis of democracy (Freedom House, 2019). The report hints at diffused attacks on democratic values, substantial freedoms and the rise of ‘emboldened’ autocrats. Even the US, a long-standing democracy and aspirational model for other countries, has been taken as an example by Levitsky and Ziblatt to show how established democracies can potentially die, especially since Donald Trump’s election as President in 2016 (2018). Is this alarmism justified? Is the contemporary world really experiencing a ‘wave’ of authoritarianism similar to those democratic waves described by Huntington? In what follows, I will claim that, even if this is partially the case, this ‘wave’ should be understood in a specific way. To do this, this essay has been divided into two parts. The first is theoretical and looks at both definitions and frameworks for analysis. -
Good and Defective Democracies. In
Conclusion: Good and Defective Democracies WOLFGANG MERKEL and AUREL CROISSANT ‘Transitology’ and ‘consolidology’ have only rarely emphasized the import- ance of defining democracy in a normatively and theoretically sophisticated manner. Almost without discussion they accepted the parsimonious definition and elegant but simple concepts of Schumpeter, Dahl and Przeworski.1 They reduced democracy to the question of free and general electoral competition, vertical accountability and the fact that the most powerful political and social actors played the political game according to democratically institutionalized rules. At least implicitly, democracy was conceived as an elitist electoral democracy. Neither the structural question of prerequisites for democracy2 nor the conditions for sustainable legitimacy3 played and could play a relevant role within this minimalist concept of the sustainability of democracy. But not only the external ‘embedding’ of democracy, but also the ‘internal’ embedd- edness of the democratic electoral regime was neglected. Rule of law, civil rights and horizontal accountability were excluded from the concept of democracy. Guillermo O’Donnell (1993)4 was the first to criticize that con- ceptual flaw of the mainstream of transitology and consolidology. Thirty years after the beginning of the third wave of democratization empirical evi- dence revealed the theoretical shortcomings of the minimalist ‘electoralists’. It became evident that it is misleading to subsume Denmark, Sweden or France under the same type of regime – an electoral democracy – as Russia, Thailand or Brazil. Political science ran the risk of even falling behind the analytical capacity of daily newspapers in differentiating between different types of democracy. It became clear that the majority of new democracies could not be labelled ‘liberal democracies’. -
Embedded and Defective Democracies. In: Democratization
Embedded and Defective Democracies WOLFGANG MERKEL In the literature on democratization the mainstream of theoretical and empirical conso- lidology uses the dichotomy autocracy versus democracy. Democracy is generally con- ceived of as ‘electoral democracy’. This simple dichotomy does not allow a distinction between consolidated liberal democracies and their diminished sub-types. However, over half of all the new electoral democracies represent specific variants of diminished sub-types of democracy, which can be called defective democracies. Starting from the root concept of embedded democracies, which consists of five interdependent partial regimes (electoral regime, political rights, civil rights, horizontal accountability, effective power to govern), the article distinguishes between four diminished sub- types of defective democracy: exclusive democracy, illiberal democracy, delegative democracy and tutelary democracy. It can be shown that defective democracies are by no means necessarily transitional regimes. They tend to form stable links to their economic and societal environment and are often seen by considerable parts of the elites and the population as an adequate institutional solution to the specific problems of governing ‘effectively’. As long as this equilibrium between problems, context and power lasts, defective democracies will survive for protracted periods of time. Key words: embedded democracy; rule of law; defective democracy; stability Introduction The twentieth century has seen an impressive advance in democracy world- wide. The ‘third wave’ of democratization, which started with the fall of the last rightist dictatorships in western Europe (Portugal, Greece, Spain) in the mid-1970s, continued in Latin America in the 1980s. It reached east Asia, swept over the communist regimes of eastern Europe and the Soviet Union and even touched a few African countries; it is without comparison in history. -
HYBRID REGIMES in MODERN TIMES: Between Democracy and Autocracy
HYBRID REGIMES IN MODERN TIMES: Between Democracy and Autocracy Dr. Inna Melnykovska Assistant Professor Department of Political Science Central European University Email: [email protected] MA Programme in Political Science (1 year and 2 years) Doctoral School of Political Science, International Relations and Public Policy Core course Comparative Politics and Political Economy Tracks Winter semester 2020 (4 credits, 8 ECTS credits) Class meetings: XXX Office hours: XXX Introduction to the issue Hybrid regimes that alloy democratic rules with authoritarian governance are the most widespread political systems in the world at the beginning of the 21st century. Conventional accounts describe them as defective democracies or competitive authoritarian regimes. Alternative views point to the genuine features and functions of these regimes that cannot be reduced to those of half-democracies or half-autocracies. In fact, hybrid regimes are puzzling in several ways: (1) their establishment and sustainability have been unexpected either by the school of democratization/transitology or by the school of (new) authoritarianism; (2) neither democratic institutions (e.g. elections) nor autocratic institutions (e.g. dominant parties) function in a conventional way there; and (3) contrary to the expectations of stability, hybrid regimes have demonstrated a variety of (within-type) dynamics. Topics and regional focus In this course, we will seek to unpack the category of hybrid regimes and explore the following questions: What are the origins of hybrid regimes? What are the specifics of their institutional functionality in comparison with democracies and/or autocracies? What determines their durability and dynamic nature? We will review the major research approaches that analyze the political regimes in the ‘grey zone’ between democracy and autocracy and further link these approaches to the broader literature on statehood, economic development and social order. -
Reacting to Uncertainty in Partial Democracies: the Role of Negative Framing in Power Struggles in Ukrainian Energy Politics, 1990S-2000S
Reacting to uncertainty in partial democracies: the role of negative framing in power struggles in Ukrainian energy politics, 1990s-2000s. by Katerina Bosko a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science at the University of Bremen Bremen 2017 Abstract This research project is about the processes and effects of strategic public elite communication in partial democracies, and Ukraine is used as a case study. This study is situated within the field of comparative politics that investigates the internal dynamics of hybrid regimes, i.e., regimes that combine features of democracies and autocracies. Partial democracies are defined here as highly competitive and institutionally weak hybrid regimes. While many authoritarian regimes prefer either to avoid or to regulate public discussions, polarizing debates are not uncommon in partial democracies. Moreover, unlike authoritarian regimes, many partial democracies often have “islands” of media freedom. Together with partially free media, the lively public sphere is the democratic component of partial democracies in which, however, corruption is widespread and laws are often disregarded. Such a political context is highly uncertain, and the outcomes of elite interactions are unpredictable. At the same time, the majority of the population is passive and disaffected. Therefore, how do elites convey a political message in a highly uncertain environment, in which the public does not trust politicians? What are the effects of such debates on the political system? The central argument of this thesis is that the contextual uncertainty inherent in partial democracies produces incentives for political actors to rely on negative framing as a strategy in power struggles, which, in effect, reproduces contextual uncertainty. -
BTI 2016 Democracy Report
Democracies in consolidation Defective democracies Highly defective democracies Moderate autocracies Hard-line autocracies failing states Political transformation More democracies, but also more Mexico | – 0.50 repression Venezuela | – 0.50 The global turbulence of recent years has been refl ected in the overall record of political transforma- tion. The infl uence of religious dogmas has continued to grow, while participation rights have been subject to increasing restrictions. Especially in the established democracies of Eastern Europe and Latin America, many governments have taken electoral successes and comfortable majorities as license to govern with decreasing consideration for opposing views. However, democracy itself is not in decline. Instead, political regression was most pronounced in autocracies. The current BTI’s review period certainly held their breath at the events surrounding lacked nothing in the way of global political the Euromaidan protests, the violent crack- turbulence. A trip back in time from Febru- down against the Kiev demonstrators and ary 2013 to January 2015 off ers a look at a the overthrow of Prime Minister Yanuko- number of startling events. In the Arab world vych, geopolitics returned unmistakably to and North Africa, the break with old regimes the world stage: Russia summarily annexed was followed by disillusionment. Except in Crimea, and a violent confl ict blazed up in Tunisia, the fall of dictators was followed not eastern Ukraine. Meanwhile, EU countries by democratic transition, but rather by vio- have faced the deep challenges of the debt tems have the capacity to manage crises is lent crackdowns on protests and the restora- crisis and euro bailout, and dissatisfaction thus asked today with increasing urgency.