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The Politics of Abortion and the Rise of the New Right

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THE POLITICS OF ABORTION AND THE RISE OF THE NEW RIGHT JENNIFER DONNALLY A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2013 Approved by: Jacquelyn Dowd-Hall Johanna Schoen Jim Leloudis Benjamin Waterhouse Molly Worthen © 2013 Jennifer Donnally ALL RIGHTS RESERVED II ABSTRACT JENNIFER DONNALLY: “The Politics of Abortion and the Rise of the New Right” (Under the direction of Jacquelyn Hall). The Politics of Abortion and the Rise of the New Right argues that pro-life activists were pivotal to both the demise of the liberal New Deal Coalition and the rise of a conservative Reagan Coalition in the United States between 1973 and 1983. Prior to Roe v. Wade, the anti-abortion movement was single-issue. It sought to defend criminal abortion statutes and Republicans, Democrats, liberals and conservatives made up the small and predominantly Roman Catholic movement. After Roe v. Wade, the United State’s largest anti-abortion organization, the National Right to Life Committee, pursued two campaigns to overturn the decision. One campaign sought to establish fetal personhood through a Human Life Amendment. This amendment granted fetuses the rights of citizenship from the moment of conception. Fetal personhood was a new legal concept that would revolutionize American law, science, medicine and society. The other campaign sought to restrict abortion access within the confines of the decision, narrowing the window in which a legal abortion could be performed with the ultimate goal of making most abortions illegal. This campaign drew on a longer history of abortion opposition that sought to regulate women’s bodies and sexuality. The two campaigns generated a heated conflict over strategy within the National Right to Life Committee that propelled the movement’s growing alliance with conservatives mobilizing in the Republican Party. Using the Human Life Amendment as a campaign litmus test, one group created a single-issue anti-abortion voter constituency and used that III constituency to polarize the American party system. When the Republican Party endorsed the Human Life Amendment in 1976, these activists then sought to shift Roman Catholics and Evangelical Protestants out of the Democratic Party and into the Republican Party. The other pro-life activists championed abortion restrictions that regulated underage, single and poor women’s sexual practices and mobilized previously apolitical conservative Protestants. These two competing pro-life groups united to cut federal funding of abortions for women on public assistance. Through this anti-funding campaign, pro-lifers championed an anti-government ethos and defended their rights as taxpayers, paving the way for the social and economic conservative alliance that characterized the winning Reagan coalition of 1980. IV For Dad, The best listener and most humble person I know For Mom, Thanks for your curiosity, open mind and willingness to talk to anyone For my Family, For keeping me grounded V ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS History is a collaborative enterprise. I could not have completed this dissertation without the support and assistance of the individuals, communities and institutions I encountered at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and as I traversed across the United States completing research. To the people in my graduate school home base of Chapel Hill, thank you. Jacquelyn Hall was a skilled adviser and brilliant mentor. Her historical knowledge and astute questions pushed me to become a more critical scholar and better writer. Moreover, she welcomed me into her larger family of scholars, grounding me in an active and engaged community that has carried me through graduate school. Johanna Schoen has given me constant encouragement, ensuring me of the importance of my work at every turn. Her helpful comments trimmed the fat I could not see in each chapter, leaving more polished narratives and better articulated arguments. Ben Waterhouse engaged in a productive three-year dialog over the nature of American conservatism with me. In the midst of those conversations and emails, I found my own voice. Jim Leloudis asked timely questions that either sent me in the right direction or steered me back on course. Molly Worthen shared her keen understanding of religious history and pushed me to think big. It is hard to imagine this project without the communities of UNC graduate students who have supported me. To the graduate students and staff at the Southern Oral History Program, thank you for creating a collaborative environment where I could pursue related research projects and debate oral history methodology. A special shout out to Joey Fink, VI Cynthia Greenlie, Sarah McNamara and Jessie Wilkerson for their friendships and their work on the Long Women's Movement. Our conversations about women's social and political activism have enriched my life and my work. The members of the Working Group in Feminism and History have inspired and informed me throughout my graduate school career. To my study partner Tim Cupery, thanks for being there to answer "Does this sound right?" more than I care to admit. Finally to my writing partner Cecelia Moore, I don't know if I would have finished the dissertation had we not joined forces. You saw the promise in lousy drafts and were an island of calm for me in the rush to finish. I treasure your friendship and your wisdom. Thanks to Melody Ivins for revising the work in its final stages. I am deeply indebted to the pro-life activists who agreed to oral interviews. They gave of their time and memories in order to document and record their movement and its contributions to American politics. While there are too many interviewees to personally acknowledge each one, I want to specially thank community gatekeepers and those who provided key insights into my dissertation. David Gittrich of Kansans for Life and Anne Fox of Massachusetts Citizens for Life connected me to activists in their respective states and set up interviews. Mr. Gittrich and Mrs. Fox also gave fabulous interviews explaining the nuts and bolts of pro-life organizing and coalition building. Alan Weldon first revealed the hard line/incremental strategy divide within the movement that is at the heart of this dissertation. Daniel Becker helped clarify this divide in the contemporary movement. Prior to her death, Mildred Jefferson discussed the National Right to Life Committee's early years and her own leadership choices that resulted in the pro-life Republican Party alliance. Her reflections on race and gender were also essential to understanding the movement's political trajectory. Eleanor Rafferty and Catherine Davis went on record discussing their confrontations with VII conservative men while expressing their frustration with sexism within the movement. Thomas Connelly and Richard Carey helped explain the role of clinic protests in creating movement consensuses. Thank you. Multiple grants and fellowships have supported my research and writing. Thanks to the generosity of Doris G. Quinn foundation and the American Association of University Women, I was able to spend the last two years focusing on writing. Grants from the Gerald Ford Presidential Library, Schlesinger Library, the Sophia Smith Collection and the Robert J. Dole Archives funded both my research and extended stays in Ann Arbor, Massachusetts and Kansas. Oral history grants from the Center for the Study of the American South at UNC and the Schlesinger Library funded over forty interviews. The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill awarded me an Off Campus Research Fellowship for one semester and the Sexuality Studies Program funded my research in Wichita, Kansas. Archivists and librarians also provided invaluable help throughout. A special thank you for Kathryn Jacobs at Schlesinger Library for working with me to deposit Mildred Jefferson’s papers and for giving me early access to them. I would like to also acknowledge Mass Choice for allowing me access to their closed records. Finally, Sr. Theresa of the Sisters for Life supervised my weeklong visit at the Joseph Stanton Human Life Issues Library giving valuable time so that I could complete my research there. A huge thanks goes to my family and friends. Through all the trials and tribulations, you have sustained me and reminded me what is important. To the Schustermans and Easterdays, thanks for being a second family to me and all your encouragement. Most of all to my parents, I couldn’t ask for better or more supportive parents or role models. You have been there every step of the way, cheering me on. I couldn’t have done it without you. VIII TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES . x INTRODUCTION “Trying to Pick up the Pieces” . 1 CHAPTER ONE: “The Disqualifying Issue” . 25 CHAPTER TWO: “Defend Edelin, Defend Your Rights” . 83 CHAPTER THREE: “The Right to Life Revolution” . 132 CHAPTER FOUR: “This is War!” . 182 CHAPTER FIVE: “The Split” . 226 CONCLUSION: “Personhood is the Pro-Life Battleground of the 21st Century” . 276 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 289 IX LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES DIAGRAM 1 “Effect of HLA on Birth Control Devices and Abortion Methods”. 39 DIAGRAM 2 “Pro-Life Divisions, October 1981 to September 1982” . 262 X INTRODUCTION “Trying to pick up the pieces”1 Stuck in Boston traffic, right to life activist Tom Connelly tuned in to a local news radio program on the frigid morning of January 22, 1973. Just after 10:00 A.M., he heard an announcement of the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton decisions. Shocked, Connelly pulled his car over to the side of the highway. “It was,” according to Connelly, “a day in which anything else I had on my agenda, everything was changed to be secondary.”2 A tall, robust young man with a promising future as a physician, Connelly had dropped out of Vermont Medical School three years earlier and moved into his parent’s house after he failed to stop a friend from having an illegal abortion.
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