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The Irish Soccer Split: a Reflection of the Politics of Ireland? Cormac
1 The Irish Soccer Split: A Reflection of the Politics of Ireland? Cormac Moore, BCOMM., MA Thesis for the Degree of Ph.D. De Montfort University Leicester July 2020 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements P. 4 County Map of Ireland Outlining Irish Football Association (IFA) Divisional Associations P. 5 Glossary of Abbreviations P. 6 Abstract P. 8 Introduction P. 10 Chapter One – The Partition of Ireland (1885-1925) P. 25 Chapter Two – The Growth of Soccer in Ireland (1875-1912) P. 53 Chapter Three – Ireland in Conflict (1912-1921) P. 83 Chapter Four – The Split and its Aftermath (1921-32) P. 111 Chapter Five – The Effects of Partition on Other Sports (1920-30) P. 149 Chapter Six – The Effects of Partition on Society (1920-25) P. 170 Chapter Seven – International Sporting Divisions (1918-2020) P. 191 Conclusion P. 208 Endnotes P. 216 Sources and Bibliography P. 246 3 Appendices P. 277 4 Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to thank my two supervisors Professor Martin Polley and Professor Mike Cronin. Both were of huge assistance throughout the whole process. Martin was of great help in advising on international sporting splits, and inputting on the focus, outputs, structure and style of the thesis. Mike’s vast knowledge of Irish history and sporting history, and his ability to see history through many different perspectives were instrumental in shaping the thesis as far more than a sports history one. It was through conversations with Mike that the concept of looking at partition from many different viewpoints arose. I would like to thank Professor Oliver Rafferty SJ from Boston College for sharing his research on the Catholic Church, Dr Dónal McAnallen for sharing his research on the GAA and Dr Tom Hunt for sharing his research on athletics and cycling. -
IRISH JURIST V O L U M E XLI New Series 2006
THE IRISH JURIST V O L U M E XLI New Series 2006 THOMSON ROUND HALL in association with SCHOOL OF LAW, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE DUBLIN THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF THE IRISH FREE State THOMAS MOHR INTRODUCTION The Constitution of the Irish Free State does not always get the attention that it deserves from feminist scholars. Its neglect becomes apparent when compared with the wealth of comment and controversy that has surrounded the Constitution of 1937. What little attention is given to the Constitution of the Irish Free State is usually relatively benign. Historians tend to offer the 1922 Constitution hurried praise for guaranteeing equal suffrage to women before skipping over the remainder of its provisions to get at its meatier successor. Most feminist scholars focus on the 1937 Constitution by noting the lack of significant participation by women in the drafting process together with the inclusion of a number of provisions that are often considered offensive. These include Art.45.4.2° which provides that “citizens shall not be forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to their sex, age or strength”. Few accounts of the 1937 Constitution in women’s history fail to note the notorious Art.41.2.: 1. In particular, the State recognises that by her life within the home, woman gives to the State a support without which the common good cannot be achieved. 2. The State shall, therefore, endeavour to ensure that mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the home. -
Working Papers in History and Policy, No. 5
History and Policy Opinion 5 2013 We should not willingly walk into a constitutional no-man’s land Brian Murphy* History and Policy Opinion No. 5, 2013 School of History and Archives University College Dublin * Brian Murphy has recently submitted his PhD thesis in the School of History and Archives, University College Dublin www.historyhub.ie School of History and Archives, University College Dublin Page 1 History and Policy Opinion 5 2013 Recently, Fine Gael’s Director of Elections for the Seanad referendum, the Minister for Jobs, Enterprise, and Innovation, Richard Bruton, colourfully dismissed the Upper House as a ‘watchdog that barks only once every fifty years.’1 Like so much else in this campaign, Richard Bruton’s assertion is a finely crafted sound-bite, but it has little basis in historical fact. The reality is that over the past seventy-five years, since its re- emergence as an integral component of Bunreacht na hÉireann, the Seanad has on a number of occasions played an important role in blocking ill-thought out or draconian legislation which would have gravely impinged on the Irish people’s civil liberties. This paper specifically highlights that without crucial interventions in the Seanad, this country’s statute book would have been blemished by intolerant legislation, such as measures to prevent members of minority religions having their children educated outside the State; measures to weigh the electoral system blatantly in favour of the largest political party; and measures to ban opinion polls, with all of the consequent implications this would have for a free press. This paper also examines some of the erroneous information currently in circulation in relation to the future of the Seanad. -
By-Elections to Dáil Éireann 1923-96: the Anomaly That Conforms
Irish Political Studies ISSN: 0790-7184 (Print) 1743-9078 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fips20 By‐elections to Dáil Éireann 1923–96: The anomaly that conforms Michael Gallagher To cite this article: Michael Gallagher (1996) By‐elections to Dáil Éireann 1923–96: The anomaly that conforms, Irish Political Studies, 11:1, 33-60, DOI: 10.1080/07907189608406556 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/07907189608406556 Published online: 19 Oct 2007. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 17 View related articles Citing articles: 3 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fips20 BY-ELECTIONS TO DÁIL ÉIREANN 1923-96: THE ANOMALY THAT CONFORMS Michael Gallagher Department of Political Science Trinity College Dublin Abstract: Ireland is the only country in Europe to combine a proportional representation electoral system with by-elections as a means of filling casual vacancies. However, this is the only anomalous feature of Irish by-elections; the pattern of results conforms closely to that observed in other countries. Turnout falls compared with the general election level, support for the government falls, support for minor parties rises, and the number of candidates is increasing over time. Despite the possibility that by-elections in a PR electoral system will give an undue advantage to larger parties, in practice by- elections have not distorted political representation in Ireland. The merits of by-elections as a method of filling casual vacancies are discussed. If the author of a book on British by-elections can deplore the lack of research on the subject when the existing literature already consists of several books and articles (Norris, 1990), any study of Irish by-elections hardly needs to be justified. -
Social Security in Independent Ireland, 1922-52 by Adrian Kelly, M.A. Submitted to the Department of Modem History, St Patrick M
L.O. Social Security in Independent Ireland, 1922-52 by Adrian Kelly, M.A. Submitted to the Department of Modem History, St Patrick’s College, Maynooth in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Ph.D. August 1995 Head of Department and Supervisor of Reseach: Professor R. V. Comerford Table of Contents Page List of tables v Acknowledgements vii Introduction 1 Chapter 1 From poor law to social security: British foundations of the 17 Irish welfare state The introduction and functioning of the poor laws in Ireland From poor law to social security Chapter 2 The context of social welfare legislation 3fL The Catholic church The role of social democratic politics Chapter 3 A decade of stalemate: the Cumann na nGaedheal years. 1922-32 68 Nationalist ideology and changes to the poor law Relief of unemployment National health insurance Old age pensions Widows’ and orphans’ pensions Chapter 4 ‘The poor man’s government’: the first decade of Fianna Fail in power. 1932-42 J07 Old age pensions Unemployment Assistance Act, 1933 National health insurance: ‘a new epoch’ Widows’ and orphans’ pensions Food vouchers and cash allowances Chapter 5 Beveridgeism in Ireland: new beginnings in social policy 147 The Beveridge report and its influence in Ireland The Dignan plan: ‘something big and memorable’ ‘The new half crown’: the introduction of children’s allowances The establishment of the Department of Social welfare Unemployment: a perennial problem Chapter 6 Consolidating social welfare. 1948-52 211 The Social Welfare Act, 1948 and -
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Provided by the author(s) and University College Dublin Library in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite the published version when available. Title The rights of women under the constitution of the Irish Free State Authors(s) Mohr, Thomas Publication date 2006-11 Publication information Irish Jurist, 41 : 20-59 Publisher Thompson - Round Hall Item record/more information http://hdl.handle.net/10197/5345 Downloaded 2021-09-26T02:24:10Z The UCD community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters! (@ucd_oa) © Some rights reserved. For more information, please see the item record link above. THE IRISH JURIST V O L U M E XLI New Series 2006 THOMSON ROUND HALL in association with SCHOOL OF LAW, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE DUBLIN THE RIGHTS OF WOMEN UNDER THE CONSTITUTION OF THE IRISH FREE State THOMAS MOHR INTRODUCTION The Constitution of the Irish Free State does not always get the attention that it deserves from feminist scholars. Its neglect becomes apparent when compared with the wealth of comment and controversy that has surrounded the Constitution of 1937. What little attention is given to the Constitution of the Irish Free State is usually relatively benign. Historians tend to offer the 1922 Constitution hurried praise for guaranteeing equal suffrage to women before skipping over the remainder of its provisions to get at its meatier successor. Most feminist scholars focus on the 1937 Constitution by noting the lack of significant participation by women in the drafting process together with the inclusion of a number of provisions that are often considered offensive.