Feature Opinion Feature ‘Territorial peace’ in i Why we apologised for Introducing the northern Uganda - insight Research Corner 11 peace 14 from Colombia 16

A publication of

Issue 8, September 2014

VoicesSharing victim-centered views on justice and reconciliation in Uganda

Transitional justice An opportunity for regional reconciliation VoicesSharing victim-centered views on justice and reconciliation in Uganda Issue 8, September 2014 Contents Features TJ Monitor p. 10 8 Jesse Mugero An apology for peace - a dialogue between 10 women in Acholi and Teso Nancy Apiyo Why we apologised 11 Evelyn Amony, Women’s Advocacy Network Chairperson Bearing Witness - how truth-telling contrib- 12 utes to peace Oryem Nyeko

“It was only the gun speaking...” 18 The Ombaci massacre of 1981 Opinion Opportunities for regional reconciliation in 5 the national TJ Policy Claire Kahunde and Oryem Nyeko Cross-border transitional justice and region- 6 al reconciliation in Africa Lindsay McClain Opiyo ‘Territorial justice’: Insight on regional recon- 14 ciliation from Colombia p.12 Claudia Navas

Voices: Sharing victim-centered views on justice and reconciliation in Uganda A publication of the Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) Layout, design and editing by Oryem Nyeko Cover Photography: The Ombaci Massacre memorial, Arua, June 2014. Oryem Nyeko.

Copyright © 2014 Justice and Reconciliation Project All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, elec- tronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without full attribution.

The Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) has played a key role in transitional justice (TJ) in Uganda since 2005 through seeking to understand and explain the interests, needs, concerns and views of communities affected by conflict. JRP promotes locally-sensitive and sustainable peace in Africa’s Great Lakes region by focusing on the active involvement of grassroots communities in local-level transitional justice.

Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) Plot 50 Lower Churchill Drive, P.O. Box 1216, Gulu, Uganda, East Africa Tel: +256 (0) 471433008 | Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.justiceandreconciliation.com Sharing victim-centered views on justice and reconciliation in Uganda Voices

News and Updates Editorial p. 8 4 Oryem Nyeko Documentation of the conflict experiences of 17 the community of Odek Oryem Nyeko The Research Corner 16 Introducing the Research Corner Identifying gaps and redundancies for re- 16 search in northern Uganda Jesse Jenkinson

p. 18

Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities Justice and Reconciliation Project 3 Editorial

On Wednesday, June 24, 1981, the Uganda Na- tional Liberation Army (UNLA) attacked civilians who had taken refuge at Ombaci College, four kilometres from Arua town in Uganda’s West Nile sub-region. The “Ombaci Massacre” even- tually claimed the lives of close to 100 people and left countless wounded. In 2013, the Justice and Reconciliation Project be- gan conducting research for a report which would document the events of that day, its aftermath and the recommendations of the survivors and their descendants. It Was Only the Gun Speaking, With a Pool of Blood Flowing (see an excerpt on page 18), JRP’s 20th Field Note, details how today the remnants of this massacre still exist for many of the “”[They] said there must be survivors of the massacre: the children that were orphaned on rebels in the college and that that day live with lost opportunities for education, financial and they didn’t believe that only emotional support, while survivors who lost property continue civilians were occupying the to seek compensation. Many survivors also suffer from health complications and injures. As such, it is evident that reparations college … As soon as they form a significant part of the call for redress for survivors of the entered the college that is when Ombaci massacre, however a recurring theme that surfaced they started killing people.” Page 18 among them was the call for reconciliation and dialogue among the different peoples of northern Uganda. Many witnesses of the massacre have expressed the belief that the massacre was an Contributors act of revenge by the majority Acholi UNLA for the treatment the Editor: Oryem Nyeko writers: Claire Kahunde, Nancy Acholi people had received at the hands of Idi Amin’s soldiers Apiyo, Lindsay McClain Opiyo, Jesse Mugero, Jesse Jenkinson when he was in power. This was also reflected during a dialogue held at the Ombaci Catholic Mission, as part of the annual com- memoration of the massacre in June this year, many speeches by survivors, community members and political leaders called Your views! for reconciliation and dialogue between the people of Acholi and West Nile. This issue of Voices magazine examines the importance, role Lebu Patrick On 24/6/2014 a memorial and implementation of regional reconciliation in the vein of that service was held for victims and survivors which was called for in Ombaci in northern Uganda’s transitional of OMBACI massacre of 1981 attended justice. Aside from Ombaci, the need for regional reconciliation by thousands of mourners. In the event, in Uganda has been expressed in places like Tubur sub-county, a field note dossier about the 33 year old Soroti District, where Teso women that the Women’s Advocacy massacre was launched by JRP at St. Kizito Network engaged with in a dialogue as part as their outreach parish, Ombaci. However, the names of called for apologies from the most Acholi WAN members before some people buried there were missing. I they could dialogue with them. Read reflections on this from the was shot at with them but God forbid they perspective of WAN and JRP on pages 10 and 11. passed on and [were] buried there. One Read about how regional reconciliation can take a more other passed on at St. Luke’s Hospital, An- cross-border approach in “Cross-border transitional justice and gal. I feel it is a good process to heal this regional reconciliation in Africa” on page 6. In “’Territorial peace’ old wound which has haunted us victims in Northern Uganda: Insight from Colombia”, Claudia Navas re- and survivors for so long. God bless the flects on the possibility of a regional approach to reconciliation work of JRP! based on the Colombian approach on page 14. The Research Corner is a new section of Voices. It high- lights on-going transitional research on transitional justice and peacebuilding northern Uganda by researchers and students. Share your views This issue features reflections by Canadian researcher Jesse Voices magazine welcomes your views on transitional justice Jenkinson on possible gaps for research in an already research and reconciliation in Uganda. To contribute to future issues write to [email protected] or Justice heavy area. Read her thoughts on page 16. and Reconciliation Project, P.O. Box 1216, Gulu, Uganda. Thank you for reading this issue of Voices. As always, your Make sure to like our facebook page www.facebook.com/ “voice” is welcome – feel free to share your opinions on this and pages/justice-and-reconciliation-project or follow us on future issues of the magazine by writing to voices@justicean- twitter @JRP_Uganda. dreconciliation.com or Justice and Reconciliation Project, P.O. Box 1216, Gulu, Uganda. -- Oryem Nyeko

4 www.justiceandreconciliation.com Opinion

The national transitional justice policy: An opportunity for regional reconciliation Oryem Nyeko and Claire Kahunde policy also seeks to remove barriers for access to justice in a non-discriminatory and all-encompassing manner. he National Transitional Justice Pol- All of these are vital in ensuring that all regions are rep- icy is a framework of the government of Uganda resented in transitional justice processes that can foster Tthat seeks to provide mechanisms that will ensure reconciliation among them. lasting peace in Uganda. The policy is currently in its fifth The TJ Policy recognises traditional justice mecha- draft and is being spearheaded by the Justice, Law and nisms as a tool for conflict resolution by providing for the Oder Sector (JLOS) working group. The policy is a hybrid Government to “put in place safe guards that will recog- of restorative and retributive approaches to justice and nise and protect rights of parties that seek redress”. The interventions that are hoped to foster sustainable peace recognition accredited to tradition will go a long way in and meet the justice, accountability and reconciliation encouraging the use of inclusive and restorative cultural needs of victims of conflict processes among the different in Uganda. Although recognising the victim- communities, which will ulti- While the policy takes perpetrator dynamic in conflict is mately promote reconciliation steps to provide for the among peoples of the different transitional justice in the important, it is not the only aspect regions across Uganda. country on a national of the status of persons affected by In the same vein, the estab- scale, it can also provide conflict in Uganda that needs to be lishment of a national truth tell- for mechanisms which will addressed. Because conflict has played a ing process, as proposed by address an often neglect- the TJ policy, will give victims ed component of transi- significant role in the past few decades of gross human rights violations tional justice – regional in the northern region of Uganda on a and abuses and the society at reconciliation. This article wide scale, victims have been spread large the opportunity to elabo- assesses the role that the across region both geographically and rate on the varying perceptions, TJ Policy can play, and the ethnically. experiences and conceptions opportunities it provides, of conflict in Uganda. This is an in this regard. opportunity for regional recon- The policy recognises the complexities of “victimhood” ciliation in that it will provide a platform for the misper- for conflict-affected communities in Uganda by providing ceptions, rumours and myths that may have contributed that it is cognisant “of the fact that victims in situations to any lack of regional reconciliation in Uganda, and also of conflict may have also been perpetrators, and makes for the presentation of the similarities in the experiences recommendations for its consideration”. Although recog- of conflict of victims in the different regions. It will also nising the victim-perpetrator dynamic in conflict is impor- dispel with any sense of mistrust that may have existed tant, it is not the only aspect of the status of persons af- among different communities. fected by conflict in Uganda that needs to be addressed. Even though it does not does not explicitly recognise Because conflict has played a significant role in the past the role that regional reconciliation plays in the larger few decades in the northern region of Uganda on a wide picture of transitional justice, the fact that in its introduc- scale, victims have been spread across region both geo- tory sections it recognises that Ugandans “aspire to live graphically and ethnically. At the same time, perpetrators peacefully with citizens of other countries and in harmony have often been attributed to one particular area or eth- within their social, cultural and ethnic diversity” is also nicity. Often, victims express feelings of being targeted very important. As such the transitional justice policy by other groups which has fostered feelings of blame and could potentially have a significant and far-reaching ef- stereotypes, a challenge the TJ policy also needs to ad- fect as far as regional reconciliation is concerned. If im- dress. plemented, the processes and institutions it seeks to set The policy also places emphasis on public participa- up will enable consensus and collective problem solving, tion and the value of community driven transitional justice all of which are vital in reconciliation from a regional per- processes. This is a valuable step in the direction of fos- spective.  tering regional reconciliation as it should ensure that dif- ferent regions of Uganda will participate in the processes that the policy provides for. It also underscores the value Claire Kahunde is a Legal Officer of the all-inclusiveness of the policy. Other significant with JRP’s Gender Justice depart- provisions include the assertion that formal justice pro- ment and Oryem Nyeko is the cesses will ensure that witnesses are protected and all Communications Officer for JRP. victims participate in the proceedings. Additionally, the

Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities Justice and Reconciliation Project 5 Opinion Cross-border transitional justice and regional reconciliation in Africa Lindsay McClain Opiyo

ccording to the Institute for Justice and Reconcili- ation’s (IJR) working definition, political reconciliation re- Aquires at least four elements from affected parties: recog- nising shared interdependence; engaging in genuine dialogue about the past, present and future; creating democratic spaces to disagree; and working jointly to address past socio-economic exploitation and injustice. Most often, reconciliation is viewed from a local or national lens. However, last year, IJR, together with the South African Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) organised a regional consultation and policy workshop with se- nior TJ practitioners and key governmental and intergovernmen- tal institutions from the continent to begin exploring if and how tenets of national reconciliation might be “scaled up” and applied in a regional way. Conceptualising Regional Reconciliation There is growing recognition that much of Africa’s peace and se- curity challenges can be linked to regional conflict systems. Case studies—such as that of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the states and civilians of Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Republic of South Sudan, and Central African Republic (CAR)—vividly demonstrate how seemingly localised episodes of violence often spill across ethnic, political, social and cultural borders and boundaries. In fact, more than half of violent conflicts in Africa can be linked to conflicts in neighboring states (Maina, G. & Razia, W. 2012. “The Mano River Union: Regional Peacebuilding – A Collective Initiative by Various Actors.” In New Routes: A Journal of Peace Research and Action, Vol. 17, 20). As such, “The regionalisation of violent conflict, therefore, calls for a coordinated regional approach to reconciliation, if these countries and their communities are to be stabilised.” A central question and challenge for the transitional justice (TJ) field, then, becomes: instead of limiting our solutions to nations or areas within a state, how can we adopt a more expansive, holistic per- spective that is regional and cross-border in nature? Formal processes would include those facilitated by states or inter-governmental bodies, such as the AU, UN, SADC, COMESA, or ECOWAS. Such inter-governmental institutions could oversee and coordinate regional processes for reconciliation, catalysing and/or complementing the TJ initiatives of states under their jurisdiction.

6 www.justiceandreconciliation.com Envisioning Regional Mech- works for facilitating and advocating encourage business and people to anisms for Reconciliation for regional reconciliation. move across political borders and From the aforementioned consulta- engage with “the other.” tion, it became clear that, like in na- Key Recommendations for For civil society, TJ-related organ- tional TJ processes, there are two Regional Reconciliation isations should consider expanding distinct types possibilities for regional Through the consultation and par- their networks regionally, in an effort reconciliation mechanisms: formal ticipants’ shared thinking on the way to generate momentum for advocacy and informal. forward for actualising regional rec- for regional reconciliation processes Formal processes would include onciliation initiatives, a multitude of and to connect victims and grass- those facilitated by states or inter- recommendations were generated roots actors across borders. Fur- governmental bodies, such as the for states, inter-governmental or- thermore, as bodies with expertise in African Union (AU), United Nations ganisations and civil society. For in- information generation and dissemi- (UN), Southern African Development stance, unless regional reconciliation nation, as well as capacity-building Community (SADC), International is adopted as a strategic objective of of actors at many levels, civil society Conference on the Great Lakes Re- states’ foreign policy, it shall be dif- is well placed to drive agendas and gion (ICGLR), Inter-governmental ficult for states to develop and main- lobby for informal and formal regional Authority on Development (IGAD), tain the necessary infrastructure to reconciliation. Common Market for Eastern and implement regional processes. Fur- Southern Africa (COMESA), or the thermore, internal policies and pro- Conclusion Economic Community of West Af- cesses for justice and reconciliation, With more actors acknowledging the rican States (ECOWAS). Such in- such as Uganda’s Justice, Law and interconnectedness of Africa’s con- ter-governmental institutions could Order Sector (JLOS), must integrate flicts, there is a pressing opportunity oversee and coordinate regional pro- a regional lens in their national work, to challenge and expand the main- cesses for reconciliation, catalysing such that the draft TJ policy and oth- stream discourse on justice and rec- and/or complementing the TJ initia- er guiding policies and programmes onciliation on the continent. Rather tives of states under their jurisdiction. approach justice and reconciliation than limit our TJ processes to nation- Unfortunately, such bodies do not, as in Uganda in a manner which invites states alone, we must imagine new of yet, have explicit poli- ways to engage conflict-affected cies on fostering region- Case studies—such as that of the Lord’s communities in processes to ho- al reconciliation, and this Resistance Army (LRA) and the states listically address past wrongs and could be one area for and civilians of Uganda, the Democratic create non-violent, interconnected further advocacy. and interdependent futures. Ac- Republic of the Congo (DRC), Republic cording to scholar Peter Wallen- Informal processes of South Sudan, and Central African would operate outside steen, “…the lack of a regional of state or inter-govern- Republic (CAR)—vividly demonstrate how framework indicates the absence mental structures, and seemingly localised episodes of violence of shared thinking” (“Regional likely heavily involve often spill across ethnic, political, social Peacebuilding: A New Challenge.” civil society in coordina- and cultural borders and boundaries. In New Routes: A Journal of Peace tion and implementation. Research and Action, Vol.17, 4). Like ongoing informal processes in and nurtures the shared narratives As organisations like IJR and JRP Uganda, such as the Bearing Wit- of their neighbors, who also experi- begin to explore possibilities for inter- ness project JRP is implementing in enced the conflicts, as well as Ugan- regional and regional reconciliation in Atiak sub-county on community truth- dans who experienced conflict out- Uganda and the Great Lakes region, telling (see page 12), informal re- side its borders. I look forward to creating synergy gional reconciliation initiatives could For the AU, who is currently draft- and more moments of shared think- involve actors from various conflict ing a draft TJ policy framework, this ing around regional frameworks for divides in processes that fulfill the is a timely opportunity to incorporate justice and reconciliation.  aforementioned tenets of reconcili- a focus on regional reconciliation. ation, such as engaging in dialogue The AU and other inter-governmental bodies also have the ability to en- Lindsay McClain Opiyo is the Team Leader for on the past and working together to Gender Justice at the Justice and Reconcilia- redress past injustices. sure that regional lens are adopted in peace deals and agreements, tion Project. In 2013, she spent six months in Both formal and informal pro- Cape Town, South Africa, learning from the cesses alike would need infrastruc- such as the ongoing peace process on South Sudan taking place in Ad- Institute for Justice and Reconciliation’s (IJR) ture and capacity to operationalise “Justice and Reconciliation in Africa (JRA)” regional reconciliation. This could dis Ababa. Inter-governmental bod- ies that have a mandate on eco- programme. This article is based off of a policy include designing policies, deploying brief co-authored with IJR’s Dr. Tim Murithi. To resources, monitoring implementa- nomic development, such as SADC or COMESA, have the opportunity to read the full brief, please visit: http://www.ijr. tion progress and coordinating the org.za/publications/pb14.php. media and other actors. Civil society apply a regional reconciliation lens to could be mobilised to create net- their work, by adopting policies that

Justice and Reconciliation Project Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities 7 TJ Timeline

Jesse Mugero

A glance at recent gender-related transitional justice developments.

Leaders want ADF victims paid before en- Pool of Blood Flowing’ detailing the Uganda Nation- dorsing Museveni al Liberation Army (UNLA) attack on civilians who A section of NRM leaders in Kichwamba sub- had taken refuge at the Ombaci Catholic Mission in Arua. county in Kabarole District will endorse Museveni as Justice and Reconciliation Project, 3 July 2014 party’s sole presidential candidate for the 2016 gen- eral elections on condition that he compensates the victims and families of the 1998 Allied Democratic Set up truth and reconciliation commission, Forces (ADF) rebel attacks. Arua leaders say On June 8th 1998, the ADF torched the Uganda Leaders in Arua district used the annual com- Technical College at Kichwamba in Burahya County memoration of the 1981 Ombaci massacre to renew before abducting more than 100 students and burn- calls for national dialogue over past injustices. The ing 80 others beyond recognition. survivors of the massacre, who number up to 300, Daily Monitor, 14th May 2014. are demanding compensation and psychological help to recover from the trauma they went through. Joseph Kony’s son said to lead LRA Daily Monitor, 26th June 2014. Military intelligence collected by the Afri- can Union Regional Task Force in the Central Af- Lamogi clan chief demands for compensa- rican Republic (CAR) shows that Salim Saleh (Jo- tion for NRA war victims seph Kony’s son, said to be 22 years old) is now in Lamogi clan members in Amuru District are charge of the rebel outfit. He is said to be as volatile demanding to meet President Museveni over a as his father. It has also been found that the LRA still 1986 massacre allegedly committed by the National maintains contact with the Government of Sudan. Daily Monitor 17th May 2014 Resistance Army (NRA). It is alleged that over 32 civilians were killed on suspicion that they were for- mer fighters of the Tito Okello Lutwa’s government Acholi leaders call for extension of PRDP - in Lamogi sub-county. 27th May 2014 Saturday Monitor, 28th June 2014 Leaders in Acholi sub region have requested the government and donors to extend the Peace, Gulu violence victims get home Recovery and Development Programme (PRDP), Action Aid reported to have established a saying the second phase of the programme has centre for victims of Gender Based Violence in Gulu. not been fully utilised. The programme is due to It will provide health, legal as well as counseling ser- end next January. This resolution was reached at a vices. meeting convened by Joint Acholi Sub-region Lead- New Vision, 22nd July 2014 ers Forum (JASLF) to review successes, challenges and gaps of PRDP 2/ NUSAF 2 implementation in the northern region. U.S congress wants LRA advisor mission Daily Monitor, 27th May 2014 extended At least 22 congress representatives have signed a letter urging President Barrack Obama to Ex- Teso commission demands pay from further extend the stay of 100 U.S soldiers hunting th government - 28 May 2014 down LRA fighters. Members of the Presidential Commis- Red Pepper, 24th July 2014 sion for Teso (PCT) are seeking for audience with the president over unpaid allowances. The PCT was instrumental in ending the Uganda People’s Army Government to appeal Shs. 2.9 trillion com- (UPA) uprising against the National Resistance pensation Army in Teso sub-region. The Ugandan government is reported to in- Daily Monitor, 28th May 2014 tend to appeal a decision delivered by High Court Justice Byamukama Mugyeni in July ordering the government to compensate 69, 457 war victims un- Ombaci Massacre of 1981 commemorated th der the Lango War Claimants Association. On 24 June 2014, the community in Ombaci The Red Pepper, 2nd August 2014.  held memorial prayers for members they lost on June 24th 1981. That afternoon JRP launched a re- port called ‘It Was Only the Gun Speaking, With A

8 www.justiceandreconciliation.com Bishop Sabino Odoki of Arua Arch- Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities dioceseJustice leads and the Reconciliation commemoration Project of the Ombaci Massacre of 1981 in 9 Arua, 24 June 2004. Feature

An apology for peace Reflections from an inter-regional dialogue between Women’s Advocacy Network members and women in Teso sub-region Nancy Apiyo

group of women and men sat in a shed held similar feelings. that serves as both a local restaurant and a meet- “We apologise for whatever happened, forgive us,” Aing point for Achuna Ogali Post Test Women’s was the response from the WAN members. Club group in Tubur, Soroti district Teso Sub region. Women from Tubur seemed satisfied with the apol- This was during an exchange visit between the group ogy and the atmosphere was calm again. They believed and Women’s Advocacy Network members who are it was necessary for WAN members to apologise since dominantly Acholi. The exchange visit was to develop some of the perpetrators were women and the fact that networks so as to exchange information about strate- Joseph Kony, the leader of the LRA, is an Acholi. “The gies and tactics for advocacy on current issues that girls who were abducted committed atrocities in this war-affected women face. It We usually do not interfere when area. Some of us were beaten by also provided an opportunity women are sharing their experiences women and women should also for the women to share their but this was a one off. I was itching in ask for forgiveness on behalf of experiences as well as find Kony,” one of them said. common ground and under- my seat. I had to ask WAN members I needed to understand why standing. why they apologised. the discussion took this direc- Tension rose when women began to share their ex- tion. We usually do not interfere when women are shar- periences during the conflicts in the region. Women from ing their experiences but this was a one off. I was itch- Tubur shared how the Lord’s Resistance Army rebels, ing in my seat. I had to ask WAN members why they whom they described as sons of Acholiland, raped and apologised. They explained that it was okay for them beat them and killed their relatives. Women from Acholi to apologise for what they did not do or have any idea listened as the rebels were described by the other vic- about for the sake of peace. “It is for the sake of peace tims as sons of Acholi. In the past, there have been in- and reconciliation,” one of them said. stances where people from Teso have been reported to It was clear at this moment that the two groups of blame Acholi for the atrocities that were committed and women could not go on with networking and collabo- the ongoing consequences of the conflict, such as HIV/ rating for advocacy for justice and accountability of the AIDS so it was not a surprise that the women in Teso gender crimes committed on them without burying the

10 www.justiceandreconciliation.com hatchet and settling the tension that had boiled between an extra mile for the sake of peace. It had never crossed the Acholi and Itesot for all this time. my mind that women would willingly apologise for what After deliberating for some time the two groups de- they did not do. It was my first time to experience wom- cided to work together to ensure that there is reconcilia- en taking up a mantle such as this. It is common for tion between the two regions as their first collaboration. people not to apologise because they do not want to ac- They planned to organise community outreaches in the cept what happened or be held accountable. However two regions using songs and dramas to breed room for the sake of peace just like the WAN members we for reconciliation in the communities. “Reconciliation is should bell the cat and apologise.  more important than everything else. There is need to have reconciliation between the Itesot and Acholi in or- der to have peace so that we can live as brother and Nancy Apiyo is a Project Officer with JRP’s Gender Justice depart- even intermarry,” said the women from Teso. ment. I had known women for making sacrifices and going

Evelyn Amony speaks during an exchange visit held between war-affected northern Ugandan women in June 2014. Credit: Oryem Nyeko.

captivity but who had forgiven all those who abducted Why we apologised me. As a leader, I apologised before the Itesot women for what happened to them as a result of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) war on behalf of the Acholi Evelyn Amony is the chairperson for the Women’s Advocacy Network (WAN), a because I felt that it was necessary for me to do so to have should be peace with them. The women in Tubur grassroots organisation of war-affect- take reconciliation to be the most pressing thing to be ed women supported by the Justice done before anything else can take place. and Reconciliation Project. In 2014, After the apology the Itesot women acknowledged WAN visited Tubur sub-county in So- our visit and welcomed us in their region and we shared roti District as part of an exchange experiences. They said that they had forgiven the Acholi visit with the objective of engaging with women and acknowledged that all the regions in the women from that area. These are Ev- north had suffered and that there was need for regional elyn’s thoughts on the visit. reconciliation. We have learned that war does not look at a specific hen we visited Teso sub-region in April tribe but people within the area that it occurred. There 2014, we hoped to share what women in is need for reconciliation to take place in all regions and WAcholi sub-region had gone through and what people should know that justice has to be accorded to they were still going through so that we would find ways each and every person irrespective of where they are to carry out advocacy on the challenges that women from. continue to face as a result of war. Surprisingly women in Teso did not welcome this. Instead they looked at us, as Acholi women, as the cause of all the problems they They said that they had forgiven the went through and that they are still going through since Acholi women and acknowledged that Joseph Kony is an Acholi. all the regions in the north had suffered I immediately introduced myself as a formerly and that there was need for regional abducted person who had gone through a lot while in reconciliation.

Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities Justice and Reconciliation Project 11 Feature Bearing Witness Dealing with the past to create a better future

his year marks the first dren born in captivity, and the issues arising from time a community-based truth-telling the reintegration of former combatants. Like most process, which directly involves dif- other conflict-affected communities, Atiak also ferent sectors of the community, has seeks reparations as well as answers about the been implemented in northern Ugan- fate of those that went missing during the war. da.T Through Bearing Witness: Dealing With The The question is how national transitional justice Past To Create A Better Future, the Justice and processes can be translated into community- Reconciliation Project, with support from USAID centred approaches that are both relevant to the SAFE, works with communities in Atiak sub- victims and survivors of the conflict and which ad- county in Amuru District to foster social cohesion dress the challenges that they face. and reconciliation through a project that involves Through Bearing Witness, JRP aims to pro- storytelling and truth-telling dialogues. mote the preservation of conflict memories, heal- ing and reconciliation by creating forums through Atiak was chosen to be the subject of this ground- which communities can share and document breaking truth-telling pilot because of the rem- their experiences through story-telling and fa- nants of an infamous LRA massacre in 1995 and cilitating informal truth-telling processes and dia- the two-decade long conflict in the region that logues. Because of these sessions, key issues the sub-county faces. While active conflict has which require interventions to ensure reconcilia- ceased, the wounds of the massacre and the ex- tion and peace in both the community and region periences are far from healed. Since the end of have been identified. Victims of conflict and al- the war, the community has been characterised leged perpetrators have also been able to speak by ongoing trauma, the stigmatisation of formerly out about their experiences side-by-side.  abducted children, identity challenges for chil-

12 www.justiceandreconciliation.com “I am 72 years old. I was abducted four times by LRA rebels in 1988. If I was not strong enough to endure the difficulties I went through, I would have committed suicide by now.” A participant during a Truth-telling Dialogue as part of JRP’s Bearing Witness project.

Public and private truth-telling dialogues are conducted in 2014 as part of JRP’s Bearing Witness project. During truth- telling dialogues, participants share their conflict experiences with a ten member Truth-telling and Reconciliation Committee. Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities Justice and Reconciliation Project 13 Feature

‘Territorial peace’ in northern Uganda: Insight from Colombia

Claudia Navas

olombia, a country that has gone territories of the country gave birth to and fueled the through more than fourty decades of armed conflict. Thus, in order to build peace, the model aims Cconflict, is currently witnessing a peace nego- to start a dialogue between authorities and communi- tiation between the government and one of the rebel ties with the purpose of identifying the characteristics groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colom- and needs of their territory, and planning responses bia (FARC, in Spanish). Under the premise “nothing to those needs. Sergio Jaramillo, one of the propo- is agreed until everything is agreed” the negotiation nents of this model within the Colombian government, table has reached preliminary accords on three of the has described this process as the “joint construction six points of the agenda which touch the main root of peace”: causes of the conflict. Despite this progress, there is The joint construction of peace requires us to still much uncertainty about the success of the pro- open the regions to new spaces for participa- cess since the most sensitive issues for both parties tion, debate, and peaceful democratic delib- are the last items of the eration among people agenda. The government The model called “territorial peace” who treat each other has outlined a peace- seeks to create a new alliance between as equals in their rights building model for the the state and the communities in order and freedoms –among implementation of the authorities, communi- agreements once the fi- to re-build the institutions –understood ties, victims, farmers, nal accord is signed. broadly as the set of practices and ranchers, entrepreneurs, The model called “ter- norms that regulate the public life and tradesmen and also rein- ritorial peace” seeks to facilitate cooperation and coexistence–, tegrated ex-combatants– create a new alliance be- address the specific needs of each to discuss how we are tween the state and the territory, and enforce the rights of every going to implement the communities in order to things agreed upon. re-build the institutions citizen equally through bottom-up –understood broadly as processes of participatory planning. An excerpt of a speech by the set of practices and Sergio Jaramillo at Exter- norms that regulate the public life and facilitate coop- nado University on 9 May 2013 eration and coexistence–, address the specific needs of each territory, and enforce the rights of every citizen Therefore, the joint construction of peace will only be- equally through bottom-up processes of participatory gin with the transition phase, and it is envisioned to set planning, according to the website of the Colombian the conditions for deep and long-term transformations president, Juan Manuel Santos. The underlying the- in those territories. Even though the government has ory of the model acknowledges that the lack of pres- outlined this model very broadly, and it is still unknown ence of the state ‒or its corrupted presence– in some how it will be implemented, several national and inter-

14 www.justiceandreconciliation.com national NGO’s, leaders at the grassroots level, as well 52). as local governments have underscored the potential of this model in achieving sustainable peace. Northern Uganda, as a whole, has a great potential As in Colombia, the violent conflict in Uganda also for conflict transformation. Dialogue processes can has territorial dimensions that need to be identified and facilitate non-violent responses to current and future addressed in order to prevent a return to overt con- conflicts. For instance, social and political forces such flict. The Advisory Consortium on Conflict Sensitivity as the leadership of women and youth can be capi- (ACCS) has provided a very thorough identification talised on in order to build comprehensive and inclu- of conflict drivers in northern Uganda at the territo- sive peace and development interventions. The politi- rial level ‒by regions, sub-regions, and at the national cal and cultural influence of traditional authorities can level– that serves as a starting point (ACCS, Northern strengthen the legitimacy of a dialogue process and Uganda Conflict Analysis, 2013). For instance, at the serve as an intermediary with grassroots communities. national level, it identifies how economic disparities, The NGO’s and civil society organisations can foster resource competition, the politicisation of ethnic iden- synergy and cooperation to improve the effectiveness tity, human rights abuses, and the North-South divide, of peace-building interventions and strengthen advo- to name a few, undermine the sense of national iden- cacy for minority groups. The diaspora and other politi- tity, fuel grievances, and limit the capacity of the state cally relevant actors, such as the private sector, should to protect the citizens and provide basic services. At also participate and provide insights on how to address the regional level, particularly in northern Uganda, it current challenges. In sum, an inclusive and participa- identifies the specific needs and challenges after the tory dialogue process in northern Uganda can maxi- mise the impact of current peace-building efforts and Northern Uganda, as a whole, has a great strengthen relationships between key actors in order to potential for conflict transformation. prevent an upsurge of violence and to foster structural Dialogue processes can facilitate non- transformations. Creating such platforms at the region- violent responses to current and future al level could address the gaps of current transitional conflicts. For instance, social and political justice processes and peace-building efforts ‒such as forces such as the leadership of women the Peace and Recovery Development Plan– already identified by the ACCS’s and other programme evalua- and youth can be capitalised on in order tion reports, in effectively engaging the communities in to build comprehensive and inclusive the achievement of peace and fostering reconciliation peace and development interventions. at all levels. In other words, such platforms could con- The political and cultural influence of tribute to bring what John Paul Lederach calls “authen- traditional authorities can strengthen tic social change”, that is, changes at the “real-life re- the legitimacy of a dialogue process and lationships at the level where people have the greatest access and where they perceive they are most directly serve as an intermediary with grassroots affected: in their respective communities” (Ibid, p. 56). communities. The territorial peace model outlined above could be a framework to build the aforementioned platforms for dialogue. The rich forms of authentic leadership al- ready existing within northern Uganda offer a great po- cessation of the conflict, such as the land and mineral tential for building such platforms, for creatively think- disputes in Bunyoro, Acholi and Lango, the environ- ing about who and what needs to be changed, and mental degradation and inter-ethnic tensions that are for planning how such changes can be fostered. The affecting Teso, and the overall impact of incomplete or community-based truth telling and reconciliation dia- inadequate transitional justice processes. However, al- logues that Justice and Reconciliation Project (JRP) is though we already know much about the conflict driv- leading in six communities in Atiak (Amuru District) en- ers in Northern Uganda, we know less about the driv- vision a similar process as the territorial peace model ers of peace and how key relationships could bring the suggests. Such dialogues could be replicated in other transformation needed in each territory. communities and even in other regions of the country While there have been remarkable peacebuilding in order to achieve true reconciliation and sustainable initiatives in northern Uganda, after eight years of the peace in Uganda.  cessation of the violence, there has not been an effort to congregate all the different voices that during these years have worked and advocated for peace to fos- Claudia Navas is an intern with JRP’s Documentation Department ter creative reflections and collective processes about and a Master’s student of International Peace Studies at the Kroc how peace and reconciliation can be achieved. This Institute of the University of Notre Dame, Indiana (USA). The author need is not met only by the creation of new institution- wants to thank Karen Campion and Oryem Nyeko for their insightful al/organisational structures, conferences or events; it feedback and edits on this article. is about creating ongoing platforms that “provide ac- cess and connection between the local and the public sphere” (Lederach, The Moral Imagination, 2005, p.

Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities Justice and Reconciliation Project 15 Introducing The Research Corner Welcome to The Research Corner. This section of Voices magazine aims to highlight on-going transitional jus- tice research in northern Uganda and provide a forum for sharing knowledge in this area. The Research Corner provides an opportunity for researchers to share lessons and insight from the research process, as well as share upcoming research projects. To contribute email [email protected].

timisation is critical, there is a danger of women and girls becoming personified as voiceless victims Identifying devoid of agency. This needs to be balanced with research on women’s successes and strengths. I also believe in true community-based participatory research gaps research where participants have control in deter- mining important topics, research questions, data collection methods, etc. These methods ensure and areas of that participants have some power over research being down with/about them. Therefore, making a decision on my research topic while sitting in my of- redundancy. fice in Canada started to feel hypocritical. I decided Jesse Jenkinson it would be best to conduct a feasibility trip and see what others think about my research ideas, well Jesse Jenkinson is a second year before I start data collection. PhD student at the Dalla Lana This summer, I visited with organizations in School of Public Health at the Uni- Gulu town that work with war-affected communities versity of Toronto, Canada. She and former LRA child soldiers. Respondents identi- specializes in the Social and Be- fied four research gaps that are either not currently havioural Health Sciences stream, being researched or are under researched. and is doing the Collaborative Programs in Glob- al Health, and Public Health Policy. She has a Children born in captivity

The research corner background in International Development, and There has been little documentation of the num- Community Psychology. Her current research bers of children born in captivity. Reception centres infrequently recorded the number of children born interests lay in northern Uganda and she has in the captivity and thus this vulnerable group has spent this past summer gaining a better under- been largely ignored. These children face stigma- standing of the research gaps still exist in the tisation in their communities. Often, their fathers area. (and mothers) committed atrocities and the chil- dren bear the brunt of this anger from community he amount of research that has been con- members. Likely rejected by their matrilineal clan ducted on northern Uganda is substantial. and, with their fathers often unknown to them, they TResearchers have been visiting the area for remain disconnected from their patrilineal clan. decades to examine land conflict, spirits and cer- This is problematic as the patrilineal system of emonies, sexual and gender based violence, re- land division means these children hold no claim integration and reconciliation, transitional justice, to land, and thus little means of livelihoods sup- access to health care, and more. Additionally, the port. Their identities are multiple: children born in number of NGOs, CBOs, etc., in Gulu District is the bush, poor, stigmatised, fatherless, landless, significant. During the LRA conflict humanitarian etc. These issues of social exclusion facing today’s and development organizations flocked to Gulu youth have potential implications for the future as and most have not left. On top of this, dosens of children who feel like they don’t belong may turn to Undergraduate or Masters students arrive each armed forces as a means of identity formation (Be- summer to fulfil an internship or placement requi- tancourt, T., et al. Psychosocial adjustment and so- site. At any given time there are dozens of people cial reintegration of children associated with armed conducting research in Acholiland. forces and armed groups: the state of the field and I, like the others, am interested in conducting future directions. A report prepared for Psychology research in northern Uganda. In my PhD studies I Beyond Borders). have thought to highlight the strengths of women in post-conflict northern Uganda. I perceive this Women’s coping strategies to be an under-researched area in academia as There is a general consensus that numerous NGOs current literature overemphasises the portrayal of work with women on their specific, gendered needs women as victims. While highlighting women’s vic- in the Acholi sub-region. While many argue that

16 www.justiceandreconciliation.com women remain the centre of attention to the exclusion This issue of Voices magazine involves discussions of men in NGO work, and that this can have deleterious around reconciliation across regional zones in Uganda consequences for the deconstruction of masculinities for those affected by the war. Preliminary discussions and male disempowerment (Dolan, Chris. 2009. Social have shown that increased communication across re- Torture: The Case of Northern Uganda 1986-2006. New gional zones can decrease stereotypes held about how York: Berghan Books), academic literature has high- the war affected different peoples, and show that there lighted a need for more work understanding the plight of were, in fact, similar experiences held by communities women. This represents a possible disconnect between across Uganda. While the importance of this cannot be the work of NGOs and the work of academics. Addition- underestimated, this did not come up in my discussions ally, as mentioned above, the literature on women tends with stakeholders. One reason for this is that most of to focus on the victimisation of women but little work the groups I spoke with are focused on communities highlights the strength and coping strategies of women. residing in Acholiland, and therefore their work is loca- Informants discussed the need to shed light on this to tion-specific. Future investigations could take a macro contribute to positive representations of northern Ugan- examination of cross-regional reconciliation to further dans in the international forum. Focusing on women’s efforts towards holistic peace. strengths also has potential to inform program and gov- These topics are by no means exhaustive, and ernment policies to better serve the needs of women. no doubt there are individuals working in such areas. However, according to those I interviewed, there is not A forgotten group of men enough focus on these areas. In an area that has doz- A forgotten sub-section of foot soldiers, the young men ens of researchers coming and going, it is important as who were not of high ranking, face issues of no or little researchers to refocus our attention to the needs of the education or employment, reintegration and reconcili- community and conduct research that can have a posi- ation barriers, and are not the target of current NGO tive impact for our participants. I would even go so far as programs. There is fear that these young men, without to say it is our moral responsibility.  other options, may re-enter armed forces. Sexual violence against men There is more recent work that looks at men as survi- vors of sexual violence. According to my sources, dur- ing the war civilian men were victims of sexual assault as a way to emasculate them. This has had deleterious consequences for household gender relations (SGBV, separation, etc.). While there is research into this area, currently by the Refugee Law Project, it is an under- researched topic.

Field Note JRP documents the conflict experiences of Joseph Kony’s birthplace - Odek Watch out for JRP’s upcoming report on the experiences of the community of Odek, the birthplace of LRA leader Joseph Kony. ‘The Forgotten Victims’ chronicles the collective memo- ries of violence, massacres, torture, abduction and displace- ment as told by community members, many of whom feel that their story has been mistold by outsiders and obscured by the shadow of Kony. By telling their story in this report, the community is eager to change its image which has been consistently marred as being the home of perpetrators of conflict. They also want to actively involve themselves in transitional justice processes which they feel they have been previously side-lined from. The Forgotten Victims, JRP’s 21st Field Note will be out late 2014 and available on JRP’s website.

Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities Justice and Reconciliation Project 17 Feature

It was only the gun speaking ... The Ombaci massacre of 1981

he massacre at Ombaci took place in 1981 strength against the rebels, they stepped up their cam- during the war between the Uganda National Lib- paigns against civilians which would lead to the attack Teration Army (UNLA) and rebel forces composed on the thousands of innocent civilians taking shelter at of former Uganda Army soldiers who went on to make Ombaci. up the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) and pockets of the West Nile Bank Front (WNBF). Following On the morning of the Ombaci massacre: the overthrow of Idi Amin in 1979 by the Liberation Forc- The rebels’ attack reportedly began around 8:00am. It es (a combination of the TPDF of Tanzania and rebel was not long before the UNLA soldiers reached Ombaci groups from Uganda), the UNLA was left in control of from Arua and began exchanging fire with the rebels. the West Nile territory of Uganda. Respondents remembered that some of the rebels were The UNLA at the time was made up primarily of “assembled under a mango tree behind the school, but Acholi and Langi soldiers, and so people in West Nile ran away when government soldiers appeared.” People thought that the ill-treatment they suffered at the hands ran to the mission when they saw the soldiers approach- of the UNLA was a form of revenge for the overthrow of ing. Dr. Milton Obote and the injustices which Idi Amin meted Several respondents recalled a rebel called Abiriga out against the Acholi and Langi peoples. Accounts of who is credited with having shot several UNLA soldiers, the period note that both groups engaged in murder, who was possibly a commander of the operation. Ac- rape, looting, destruction of property, and torture of civil- cording to a survivor: “This man was terrible and he had ians, among other violations. People feared to continue very good speed and guns. He went and hid himself cultivating their land, attending to their businesses, or behind an anthill where he could see the government reporting for work in local health centres. soldiers and shoot at them. This man shot very many Many people chose to seek refuge in Catholic mis- government soldiers.” As he was shooting “the bul- sions, mistakenly believing they would be safe in plac- lets were entering through the school fence. And I was es of worship. During the course of this war, however, watching when the soldiers finally started chasing him. UNLA soldiers repeatedly targeted Catholic missions […] A woman who was running to go to the mission was like Ediofe in Arua town and Lodonga and Ombaci mis- shot,” another witness recounted. sions, among others. At Lodonga, the mission found it- The fight between the rebels and UNLA lasted one self in the crossfire between the rebel forces and the to two hours before the rebels retreated. According to a UNLA soldiers in early June 1981. The attack on Lodon- witness: “The rebels were using sticks and weak guns. ga foreshadowed what was to come at Ombaci later in The only big gun the guerrillas had was called anti- the same month of June 1981. As the UNLA was gaining aircraft [and] the bullet would take 10 minutes to reach

18 www.justiceandreconciliation.com the UNLA soldiers. After that fight when the government then told me we should go so we left that room.” soldiers had defeated the rebels, the rebels ran into the The looting continued for hours after the shooting mission and passed through to get out to another vil- stopped. In the garage of the school, people had taken lage.” shelter in the bay below which you would place a car for repairs. According to witness accounts, the UNLA soldiers en- In the workshop next to the garage, soldiers similarly tered the mission and school around 10:00am, once the spared people and looted possessions instead. rebel soldiers had retreated. They purportedly believed In the front building of the school, people were able that rebels were hiding inside the mission and school, to see the arrival of the soldiers very clearly. In this having chased some rebels over the fence surrounding room, many people were shot through the windows as the compounds. well as when the soldiers entered the room. A man who was inside the mission at the time re- There were two dormitories in the college that are still counted: ”[They] said there must be rebels in the college there to this day. In the California dormitory, survivors and that they didn’t believe that only civilians were occu- recalled some soldiers shooting a number of people un- pying the college … As soon as they entered the college til another soldier, possibly a commander, stopped the that is when they started killing people.” shooting. When the soldiers arrived, many of these peo- As the soldiers flooded the school and mission, cha- ple were caught in the open while others fled for safety os ensued. Witnesses recall people locking themselves in the Italian’s quarters. in the classrooms, dormitories, workshops, and church The mission compound also contained several build- of the school. Through the windows they could see peo- ings which served as garages and a carpentry work- ple being mowed down by gunfire as they tried to cross shop. Survivors from the carpentry workshop estimate the school compound to escape or seek shelter. Sol- that around 20 people were hiding there when the sol- diers came in from all sides and shot at random in the diers burst in. Several people survived when they were compound, then they went to the rooms where civilians covered by the bodies of the dead. A man who was a were taking shelter and continued shooting and looting. young boy at the time recalled, “The soldiers came to In the church, people were shot by bullets flying the workshop and started shooting. My parents, two sis- through the windows and by soldiers who entered from ters, I and a brother had taken refuge in the workshop the front of the church and shot toward the altar, as well and they ended up being shot dead. I was young and the as by bullets coming from the back door of the church. dead bodies fell on me and I was covered with blood.” Survivors estimated around 100-200 people took refuge While most people tried to hide within the fenced off in the church. When the firing died down, a woman re- school and mission, some sought shelter in the brothers’ membered seeing “soldiers coming into the church in a quarters just outside the fence of the mission. different uniform and we realised they were government In addition to taking refuge in the college, many soldiers. They entered the church and moved around people sheltered on the large grounds of the mission identifying people. They would identify five people, take compound. Survivors recounted that the Red Cross or- them out of the church and as they turned their backs ganised a small field clinic on the grounds of the mis- they would be shot and killed.” sion where they were treating people from around the The kitchen, being on the corner edge of the col- community that were wounded in encounters with the lege, seems to have been one of the first places to be rebels or UNLA soldiers. When UNLA soldiers attacked attacked. Survivors estimated there were about 30-40 the regional referral hospital in Arua, Médecins Sans people taking refuge there at the time. Various accounts Frontières evacuated the wounded and staff to Ombaci recalled a heavy bomb falling on the kitchen and sol- where they joined the Red Cross operation. One health diers shooting survivors. As the kitchen was attacked, worker’s account recalled that this field clinic treated many people ran for shelter in other parts of the col- anyone that was wounded, whether civilian, rebel or lege, mistakenly believing they would be safer hiding UNLA.  elsewhere. It Was Only The Gun That When the massacre broke out, people ran for cover in Speaks, While A Pool of the classrooms and barred the doors when possible. Blood Flows is the Justice and Reconciliation Project’s Some rooms were left undisturbed, such as the chem- 20th Field Note. It provides istry classroom: “I stayed there while the soldiers were a detailed account of what shooting and the soldiers didn’t come into the room. took place during the Ombaci They never killed anybody inside our room,” recalls one Massacre and the lasting effect survivor. One man who was hiding in a laboratory room it has had on its survivors recalled how the physics teacher saved the lives and based on interviews and property of those hiding by charging a battery for one of focus group discussions with the soldiers. survivors and relatives of the Other rooms were not so lucky. Many people died victims. from bullets coming through the windows as the soldiers were shooting at random in the compound. One woman lost her sister this way: “We were inside standing near Read this Field Note and other JRP publications at www. the window when they shot my sister. My other sister justiceandreconciliation.com.

Working for justice and reconciliation with grassroots communities Justice and Reconciliation Project 19 Connect with JRP online!

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