Irish Foreign Affairs

Irish Foreign Affairs Volume Five, Number 3 September 2012 “Every nation, if it is to survive as a nation, must study its own history and have a foreign policy” —C.J. O’Donnell, The Lordship of the World, 1924, p.145 Contents Editorial p. 2 The Revolution in British Foreign Policy that Led to the Great War – The Thoughts of W.T. Stead Pat Walsh p. 4 The Patriotism of Frank Ryan Manus O’Riordan p. 10 The US War on Communism, Drugs and Terrorism in Colombia. Jenny O’Connor p. 17 JFK Conspiracy Theories John Martin p. 22 On “dealing with Iran” David Morrison p. 24 Peace and Power - An Introduction (Part 2) Brendan Clifford p. 30 Documents Peace and Power - Part 2 - Meyrick Booth p. 32 A Quarterly Review published by the Irish Political Review Group, Dublin On Ireland’s financial sovereignty and our “Gallant Allies in Europe” Editorial The 1916 Proclamation declared the establishment in arms The Euro crisis is well in hand and moving towards of the Republic by the Irish Volunteers with the support of resolution through a radical deepening of European integration Ireland’s “exiled children in America and by gallant allies in via its currency. The “EU” project had become derailed in the Europe”. For Connolly, Casement and others, the world war backwash of the collapse of Soviet communism and, under had been engineered to destroy the threat to the British Empire British influence, had indulged itself in a binge of mindless represented by a new Europe with “German Socialism” at expansionism and free marketeerism in the 1990s. The its core. Ireland’s future would be secured through a close federalist project was shelved. At the time Jacques Delors, who alignment with Europe. as Commission President had been the great architect of “Social Europe”, convinced the then French socialist president Francois The world financial crisis since 2008 has again forced the Mitterand that the project of European integration could only hand of Europe, and required it to develop along a new path be saved by creating a fact on the ground – a common currency by consolidating the Eurozone outside the structures of the – whose eventual logical consequences would force the revival increasingly marginalised and atrophied “European Union”. of a development towards economic integration. Mitterand The moment of truth came in November 2011 when Britain convinced German Christian democrat chancellor Helmut Kohl ensured that monetary consolidation could not occur through – in fact making it a condition of French support for German re- the EU structure. unification - and thus the Euro project was born. Political conflict in Ireland towards resolution of the financial The Germans are slow and reluctant leaders of Europe. and European crisis reawakened the conflict of 1914 between Recently in Die Zeit Richard Sulik, leader of the Slovak neo- the Irish Volunteer position of a Republic aligned with Europe liberal ‘Freedom and Solidarity’ Party, chided Germany for its versus the New Redmondism which proposed a partnership continued self-restraint due to its war crimes in the Second with Britain in running the Empire. World War. He argued that German “guilt” had been resolved and that Germany should not go down the road of financing a European recovery and ruin itself in the process from a sense From 2008 a strong agitation developed proposing debt of historic duty (‘Deutschland ruiniert sich’, Die Zeit, 19th default and ultimately an Irish economic re-alignment close to August). The Polish Prime Minister on the other hand appealed Sterling. Proponents of this approach ranged from right wing last year for the opposite, saying what Poland feared more than commentators like Cormac Lucey (former adviser to Michael German power was German inactivity, and calling for Germany McDowell) and Morgan Kelly to left wing advocates of a to push ahead with the Fiscal Compact. Probably more than false kind of financial Keynesianism like Fintan O’Toole. This any other factor, voices such as these from Eastern Europe have agitation was reinforced centre stage by the Financial Times galvanised the German will to see the Euro project through to – the organ of the financial markets of the City of London – success, and Irish Foreign Affairs congratulates them on this. which became something of a household organ for the Dublin commentariat. The FT cynically advocated the flooding of debtor states with cheap money, which of course would have There is an uncanny resonance in the current process of had the effect of weakening the Euro and fatally disabling the resolving the crisis to what happened in Europe and Ireland main power of the Eurozone, Germany, much to the benefit of in the late 1970s when then too international markets were City of London traders. The agitation was accompanied by a threatening to destroy the European project. revival of crude wartime anti-German propaganda. There is much nonsense spoken at the moment about The alternative line was to maintain a close alignment with “restoring Ireland’s financial sovereignty.” This is a hangover the Eurozone and, through its consolidation with monetary from the 2010 election campaign when the then opposition union, resolve the Irish crisis. This perspective must assume parties claimed they would “restore Ireland’s economic that the Eurozone project under its Franco-German leadership is sovereignty” - which Fianna Fáil had lost - by renegotiating the a benign and positive development and promises in the long run agreement with the Troika. This useful lie remains a fundamental to secure Europe against the depradations of global – or rather part of the mythology of the current Government, repeated ad Anglo-American – finance capitalism. But the Anglification of nauseum by the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and various Ministers. public commentary in Ireland in recent decades meant that it was a perspective that was slow to find articulation. The case was But the financial history of Ireland shows that since forcefully put first only in the small circulation Irish Political independence was declared in January 1919 the state has ever Review, but Ireland’s Europeans eventually found their feet, been engaged in seeking to expand its very narrow “financial notably through the case being put by John Bruton and Lucinda sovereignty”. The first Dáil established a Department of Creighton in The Irish Times which dramatically made itself a Finance and planned an independent currency but following vehicle for the message in a week long series on Germany and the Treaty the finances of the Free State remained both de jure Ireland in August 2012. The general population, for its part, had and de facto subservient to the Bank of England. The Cosgrave retained its Republican instincts sufficiently to have ratified – Governments of the 1920s sought with some limited success to however grumpily but decisively – the Fiscal Compact. As those loosen this financial bondage. Irish Times polls showed, they had also stubbornly maintained a fundamentally positive and benign view of German intent, The economic war with Britain in the 1930s, which culminated despite what Stephen Collins described as “the anti-German in the qualified Irish victory of the Anglo-Irish Agreement of rhetoric emanating from a range of politicians and high-profile 1938 (facilitated by the British turn to “appeasement” of its th media commentators” (Irish Times, 25 August). enemies and colonies), established a further degree of economic 2 independence, or sovereignty. The Irish Pound, however, by the then Governor of the Central Bank, T.K. Whittaker, who remained linked and subservient to Sterling – i.e. to the Bank wrote: “no small country dependent on international trade of England – despite the formal break established in 1937 in can defend itself in the end from the inflation prevailing in its Bunreacht na hÉireann. main trading partners”. He further pointed out that as long as a sterling link was in effect, control of Ireland’s inflation would In a proverbial “little known incident of the Second World depend on that of Britain. In a moment strong with resonances War”, Churchill launched what might be called a “dirty” for today’s readers, Britain’s financial predicament coincided financial war designed to wreck the Irish economy. This major with an initiative of the then German Chancellor, Helmut assault on Irish sovereignty is only a “little known incident” Schmidt, backed by the French President, Valéry Giscard because the Irish school of “historiography” that has developed d’Estaing (but opposed by the Bundesbank), to create a “zone since the 1970s portrays Irish neutrality in WW2 as either, at of financial stability” for EEC member states through what best, a clever sham (Ryle-Dwyer), a mere matter of “security was to become the European Monetary System (EMS), a move cooperation” (O’Halpin of TCD), or, at worst, in the words that had the ambition to be the first step on the path to a full of current Minister of Defence, Alan Shatter, a declaration of monetary union. “moral bankruptcy”. In such a view of things, the actual history of the war must be disregarded and written out of the record, as The negotiations in this process were highly secret, and at during its first two years British strategy had been to spread the the crucial moment, when Britain – then as again in 2011 – conflict as far and wide as possible (including to Ireland) while sought to scuttle the project by withdrawing from it in April Irish strategy revolved around an assumption that the prime 1978, Ireland was excluded from the talks because, in the threat to its neutrality came from a potential British invasion words of Patrick Honohan, there was a general “perception and re-occupation. (The story of Churchill’s economic war that Ireland was, for monetary purposes, an adjunct of the against Ireland within the wider war against Germany was last UK.” It was in reaction to this exclusion, and particularly to recounted, as far as we are aware, in Robert Fisk’s magisterial Giscard’s statements reflecting European views of Ireland as 1970s book In Time of War).

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