CRAWFORD JOURNAL OF BUSINESS & SOCIAL SCIENCES (CJBASS) VOL. VIII NO. II, SEPTEMBER 2018: 22-27 ISSN 2141-9094; website:cjbasscru.org

A BOOK REVIEW OF – THE WAVE: RISE OF A CIVILIZATIONAL STATE – BY WEIWEI (2012)

Ogunnoiki, Adeleke Olumide, Graduate Student, Department of ,Faculty of Social Sciences,University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos State, Nigeria, [email protected]

Olanrewaju, Hamed Olalekan Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos State, Nigeria [email protected]

About the Author and Book

The best seller book in China, “The China Wave: Rise of a Civilizational State”, was written by the well-travelled and patriotic Chinese scholar, Zhang Weiwei, who is a Professor of at , a Visiting Professor at the Geneva School of Diplomacy and International Relations and, a Senior Research Fellow at the Chunqiu Institute, China. Presently, Zhang Weiwei has to his credit a few books that touched on his research interests which are China‟s development model and, China‟s economic and political reform. The China Wave: Rise of a Civilizational State as one of the books, was originally published for Chinese readers in 2011. But in the year 2012, it was translated to English and published by World Century Publishing Corporation for readers in the international community. The central argument of the book is the rise of China not as an ordinary country, but as a unique civilizational state that is driving an unprecedented wave of change in the global economic and political arena. In the book, the author explicitly wrote on how China found its path to development by selectively learning from the West for its own benefit. He also addressed the new political discourse in China which is at variance with Western democracy, good governance and human rights. The author‟s genre of writing the book was expository and his research methodology – the historical and comparative approaches as well as the qualitative method of data collection, were satisfactory. In total, the 177 pages book has six chapters.

Introduction

The rise of the People‟s Republic of China (PRC) has long been a controversial topic in the West. More often than not, China has been portrayed by Western media in a bad light. Thus, pessimistic observers of the rise of China have severally predicted that the Chinese state would fall. As this prediction of theirs has not in any way come to pass, Professor Zhang Weiwei is of the opinion that the time has come for the rise of China as a civilizational state to be studied in an objective way.

“A civilizational state is a state that has exceedingly strong historical and cultural traditions” (Zhang, 2012:2). Rather than adopt a foreign model totally, a civilizational state draws on the strength of the foreign model while preserving its own unique identity. It is also capable of setting its own standards that other countries can choose to imitate. Nevertheless, a civilizational state is bound to encounter challenges in the future.

In the history of mankind, several civilizations have risen in an unprecedented manner. The ancient Egyptian, Greek and Roman civilization are just a few of them that did rise, but unfortunately fell. Should these civilizations still exist and were respectively merged with a modern state, they would have become a civilizational state. Presently, China is the only rising civilizational state that has amalgamated the world‟s longest continuous civilization with a massive modern state.

Of a truth, the „China wave‟ is moving round the world. This wave of change in the 21st century would replace the existing vertical world order where the West is above other countries in terms of wealth and ideas, with a horizontal order where China and other countries would be at par with the West in terms of the said wealth and ideas. Such an unprecedented shift in economic and political gravity would not only change the history of mankind but, transform the world for the better.

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China: The Rise of a Civilizational State

As at the 19th century, China was still a traditional agricultural society. But in the 20th century, China became a modern nation-state the hard way. According to the Historian, Ray Huang, the Kuomintang regime during the Republican period (1911-1949), reshaped the upper structure (government departments and institutions at the national level) e.g., government ministries, the central bank and the educational system. Chairman Mao on his part transformed the lower structure at the grassroots level with his land reform during the communist revolution, while the opening up of China‟s economy by in the late 70s changed the middle structure that brought about a modern taxation system, comprehensive judicial system, bank branches and, nationwide logistics of material goods (Huang, 1993 cited in Zhang, 2012:50-51).

Currently, China is ascending as a civilizational state on the international plane. At this juncture, it is imperative to note that a civilizational state is different from a civilization-state. To Zhang, the former is a combination of an old civilization and a modern nation-state while the latter often reflects the tension between the two i.e. the tension arising from the fusion of some traditions of an old civilization with the practices of a modern nation-state. China as a civilizational state has at least eight features which are: i) a super large population; ii) a super-vast territory; iii) super-long traditions; iv) a super-rich culture; v) a unique language; vi) unique politics; vii) a unique society and; viii) a unique economy.

As a civilizational state, China has created its own standards with respect to technology, economics, legal system, politics etc. Concerning its technology, China has developed high-speed railways that are driving the largest scale of urbanization in human history. Economically, it has first and foremost learnt from the how to efficiently allocate resources in the market economy. Yet, it has infused its own tradition of a strong state to it, thus creating a socialist market economy. Secondly, it has learnt from the West „numeral management‟ of all aspects of the economy but, it has developed its own capacity of macro regulations. Thirdly, it has learnt from the U.S how to increase its economic competitiveness yet, it avoids excessive capitalism. Fourthly, China learnt the welfare initiative from Europe but, it is doing all it takes not to become an excessive welfare state as can be seen in countries in the European continent. Lastly, it has also learnt from the West to promote the rapid expansion of the private sector but, China would rather have a strategy that promotes a stronger state sector and a stronger private enterprise.

On human rights, China has learnt a great deal from the West as touching the recognition and protection of individual rights and freedom. Nevertheless, it has chosen not to let go of its tradition on family harmony and collective rights. For its legal system, China has learnt from the West to have a legal system that promotes the rule of law. However, China would avoid the excessive legalism (huge litigation costs) that is prevalent in the West. It seeks to have an effective legal system based on fairness and that is less costly. Concerning setting international political standards, the West has always adopted the leadership strategy for the promotion Western political values globally in their strategic interests. China according to Zhang should adopt the leadership or participatory strategy, or a combination of both.

As a civilizational state, Zhang is of view that this can propel China to rethink preconceived concepts such as the use of the per capita GDP for measuring and comparing the development of different countries that vary in size and nature.

The Rise of China as an Economic Power

It is no longer news that we live in a fast changing world where the political and economic gravity is moving away from the West since the rise of China began. But the speed at which China is rising on the world stage is impressive. China‟s total gross domestic product (GDP) “has increased 18-fold since 1979 and the country is now the world‟s second-largest economy when its GDP is calculated in dollar terms at the official exchange rate. And if calculated in purchasing power parity (PPP), it is claimed that China may have already become the world‟s second largest economy in 1992” (Zhang, 2012:5).

In the year 2010, China‟s GDP surpassed that of Japan and has been predicted by economists to overtake the United States as the largest economy in world in the next 10 to 20 years. That China‟s GDP has surpassed that of Japan to become the second largest economy in the world, is not so much a big deal for everybody. In China, there are some

CRAWFORD JOURNAL OF BUSINESS & SOCIAL SCIENCES (CJBASS) VOL. VIII NO. II, SEPTEMBER 2018: 22-27 ISSN 2141-9094; website:cjbasscru.org

media houses that still perceive China as a developing country as its per capita GDP (the total value of goods and services produced by China over a specified period, divided by its population) is only one tenth of Japan‟s per capita GDP. This economic situation that China is in, is called „the GDP Paradox‟ – the state of being the second largest economy in the world yet, still described as a developing country because of its low per capita GDP (Zhang,2012:19).

Despite „the GDP Paradox‟, China is on its way to the top. But Zhang is of the opinion that one should not be carried away by the successes and optimistic forecasts about China because, China is still faced with some problems such as corruption and environmental degradation.

The China Model

China‟s development model is quite similar to the East Asian development model as both models emphasize a state- guided modernization process. Nevertheless, China‟s development model is different from the East Asian development model or any other development model. To form its own unique development model, China selectively adopted from the Western model what best suits its peculiarity. According to Zhang, the China model has, inter alia eight characteristics, namely: i) practice-based reasoning; ii) a strong state; iii) prioritizing stability; iv) primacy of people‟s livelihood; v) gradual reform; vi) correct priorities and sequence; vii) a mixed economy and; viii) opening up to the outside world.

The “Quasi-Developed Countries” and “Emerging Economies” within China

China is a big and complex country to understand easily. Thus, Zhang advised readers to understand China as a country divided into two regional groups namely – „quasi-developed countries‟ and the „emerging economies‟ because, it is the combination of the strengths of these two regional groups that lead to the amazing effect of 1+1>2 and, the swift rise of China. (In China, the 1+1>2 is applicable to the mutually beneficial economic relationship between the developed and the developing regions of the country. The developed regions supply the developing regions with manufactured goods and advanced technology while the developing regions provide the developed regions with natural and human resources). The quasi-developed countries regional group has the qualifier „quasi‟ because, this regional group is still behind the developed countries of the world vis-à-vis environmental standards and public civility. However, since the reform of China‟s economy began more than three decades ago, the gap between many parts of China and the developed countries of the world is closing.

With such a big „quasi-developed country‟, China should have a large middle class as well. The Chinese Academy of Social Science states that China has entered its „golden age‟ as its middle class has grown to 23% of its population i.e. 300 million which is still expanding by 1% per year (Lu, 2010 cited in Zhang, 2012:35). Left to Professor Zhang Weiwei, a person can be said to have attained the middle class status if such a fellow has a stable job and property. In China, the Chinese are beginning to own houses though, some have become „house slaves‟ as they have outstanding house loans and interest to pay which is also common in the developed world.

The „emerging economies‟ regional group is the interior part of China. They are the fast-growing regions in the Chinese polity. This regional group first and foremost has to a large extent eradicated poverty and made secondary education compulsory. The people residing there, though not too wealthy yet, have their own land and house. Secondly, this group is dynamic and grows fast economically, even faster than the coastal areas. Thirdly, it has the advantage of human and natural resources. Fourthly, more industries are leaving the „quasi-developed countries‟ as the value chain moves up and are being transferred to the „emerging economies region‟. Lastly, it has the comparative advantage of agriculture, equipment, manufacturing, extractive industries and hi-tech industries over the „quasi-developed countries‟ despite having weaker development conditions.

The New Political Discourse in China

There are critics who think that China has no idea to offer the world since the 1978 economic reform. But there are actually eight ideas according to Zhang to take note of: i) Shishi qiushi (seeking truth from facts); ii) Minsheng weida (primacy of people‟s livelihood); iii) Zhengti siwei (holistic thinking); iv) Zhengfu shi biyaodeshan (government as a necessary virtue); v) Liangzheng shanzhi (good governance); vi) Minxin xiangbei and xuanxian

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renneng (winning the hearts and minds of the people and meritocracy); vii) Jianshou bingxu (selective learning and adaptation; viii) Hexie zhongdao (harmony and moderation).

Following Deng Xiaoping‟s 1978 economic reform, Western media have often described the Chinese experience as “economic reform without political reform”. But Zhang is of the view that the experience of the Chinese can better be described as “great economic reform with lesser political reform”. This „lesser political reform‟ are: i) rejecting the ideological campaigns vis-à-vis the radical doctrine of class struggle; ii) the rehabilitation of political victims of the preceding period; iii) the abolishment of the people‟s commune which ended the rigid political, economic, and administrative control; iv) the political experimentation of village-level elections; v) the experiment of cadre rotational system and „small government and big society practice” to downsize bureaucracy; vi) mandatory retirement system for top leaders down to the grassroots workplace and the maximum two terms in office – a total of ten years; vii) the introduction of advisory think-tank bodies; viii) the experimentation of „selection‟ plus some form of „election‟ and; xi) restraining the administrative control of the state over the economy and society, more laws and institutions, boosting the people‟s congresses etc.

Regarding the human rights debate, Zhang is of the opinion that it should not be treated as something for scoring political points. Rather, it should be about how to apply the collective wisdom of mankind to tackle the multiplying global challenges. He holds the view that there is no country that can realize all human rights at the same time. Thus, there should be priorities when it comes to achieving human rights. For China, the way it sees human rights is very different from the West. China gives top priority to economic, social and cultural rights e.g., poverty eradication. Presently, China has successfully lifted over 400 million people out of abject poverty (Zang, 2012:117). This will bring about social change and the realization of other human rights.

Having studied the Western perspective on human rights, Zhang Weiwei spotted four shortcomings: i) the difficulty in keeping a balance between civil and political rights and, economic, social and cultural rights; ii) the problem of excessive legalism; iii) the dilemma of individual vs. collective rights and lastly; iv) the lack of sequence and priorities in exercising human rights. In the end, he was able to locate the meeting point between the Chinese and Western perspective on human rights which is on core rights and universal values i.e. human rights that are shared by all human civilizations e.g., the prohibition of torture and slavery, the right of independent thinking, and the freedom from arrest.

A Comparison of China and Countries using the Western Model

If there is one country in Asia that adopted the Western model which China has often been compared with, is its next door neighbor, India. India and China became a new state in the late 1940s, precisely 1947 and 1949 respectively. Development wise, both countries started from the same level. Though, India was slightly ahead of China owing to the wars and destruction that China experienced for almost a century. Sixty years later, China had to a great extent surpassed India in different aspects – economy, foreign trade, grain production etc. According to Zhang, why China outperformed India in terms of modernization was because India as a democracy suffers from five inherent weaknesses – politicization, populism, soft-state, short-termism and lastly, schisms. In Eastern Europe, China has also outperformed former socialist countries or transitional economies e.g., Albania and Moldova which are still poor developing countries despite the political change to democracy.

Away from India and Eastern Europe to East Asia, Professor Zhang Weiwei pointed out that there are two types of countries and societies that have adopted the Western political model. The first are those that embraced the Western model when they were still poor developing countries – the Philippines, Thailand and, Mongolia. These three democracies have had to deal with at least three problems – greater social divisions, corruption and, an economy in crisis. The second are the countries that began using the Western political model after they had reached a high level of modernization – South Korea and Taiwan.

The Intellectual Debate between Zhang Weiwei and : The End of the End of History

In the year 2011, there was an intellectual debate in , China, between Professor Francis Fukuyama – the author of the book: The End of History and Last Man (1992) and, Professor Zhang Weiwei on a number of issues raised by Professor Francis Fukuyama about the China model and the rise of China. Professor Zhang Weiwei,

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having noted the major issues – accountability, the rule of law, the “bad emperor” problem and sustainability, engaged Professor Francis Fukuyama in a debate. Other topical issues the professors discussed were the corruption challenge in China and, the middle class in China.

Bringing the debate to a close, Zhang Weiwei pointed out that, models of development and political ideas are not necessarily a zero-sum game, i.e., a competition between two actors or group of actors. In this competition, one of the actors/group of actors would emerge as the winner and the other, the loser. China has learnt from the West and will continue to do so for its benefit. The West should also do likewise from China for their benefit. China is rising and is bringing about an unprecedented change the world over. This would turn out to be a win-win for all, so long as one keeps an open, broad and inclusive mind. So it is not the end of history but a „win-win‟ end of the end of history.

A Critique of the Book

Like any other reviewed book, The China Wave: Rise of a Civilizational State cannot be spared of criticism after a thorough evaluation. The first criticism is the exaggeration of the author that “China is a continent” (Zhang, 2012:54) which obviously is not so. Of a truth, China is a large country in terms of landmass but, it cannot be called a continent.

Secondly, Zhang Weiwei made a sweeping generalization that „the whole country of the US lives on credit‟ (Zhang, 2012:38). Such a sweeping generalization does not hold water neither did he convince his readers beyond reasonable doubt that this assertion of his is true with empirical data.

Thirdly, Zhang asserted that given the cultural traditions of China as a civilizational state, it is not likely to be a country bent on confrontation. Rather, it is more likely to seek peaceful co-existence, mutual learning and win-win outcomes with other countries. Contrary to this is the fact that China in time past and in recent years has not always pursued the policy of peaceful co-existence with other countries especially with the littoral states surrounding the South China Sea. As Antonio Gramsci (1971) rightly said, hegemony is either by consent or coercion. The Chinese State that aspires to be a hegemon in East Asia has at different times resorted to coercive measures against neighboring countries in the South China Sea – Vietnam and the Philippines (Ogunnoiki, 2018a; Ogunnoiki, 2018b). In fact, the offensive Realist, John Mearsheimer does not think China‟s rise would turn out peaceful in the coming decades. Left to him, if China continues to record its impressive economic growth, it is most likely to enter a security competition with the U.S which can lead to a war (Mearsheimer, 2004).

Fourthly, Zhang assumed wrongly that the U.S proposed the G2 idea to China “because without China‟s cooperation, the US cannot solve any of the thorny issues it is faced with today” (Zhang, 2012:16). Yes, the U.S has sought the cooperation of China on several international issues e.g., climate change, North Korea nuclear weapon development, the Syrian crisis etc. But this does not mean that the U.S only needs the cooperation of China in addressing the challenges of the 21st century around the world. The U.S also seeks the cooperation of regional powers, intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) and International Nongovernmental Organizations (INGOs).

Fifthly, the author is of the opinion that the most “impressive characteristic of China‟s rise is its peaceful nature, with internal stability and unity, without resorting to wars with other countries (Zhang, 2012:12). This assertion is totally not true. The issue of the separatist movement in Tibet, the banned spiritual movement of Falun Gong, the Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang, and the pro-democratic movement in Hong Kong remain the question mark on the internal stability and unity Zhang Weiwei claims China enjoys.

Sixthly, Zhang seemed very confident in China‟s meritocratic system where top leaders can only be in office for two terms. But as it turned out to be on the 11th of March, 2018, the two terms in office was removed from the Chinese constitution after a majority vote was cast by the delegates of the National People‟s Congress which consequently may make the incumbent President, , a president for life.

Last but not the least is the author‟s biased comparison of the approach of Deng Xiaoping, a onetime Chinese political leader, with that of the Roman Catholic missionary, Mother Teresa, in India vis-à-vis the eradication of

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poverty. This comparison is inappropriate as it places at par a Chinese political leader with a Roman Catholic nun in India.

Conclusion

The China Wave: Rise of a Civilizational State is a must read for scholars and policy-makers that want to know more on how China found its path to development by adopting selectively what not only works in the Western model, but best suits the uniqueness of their country. The book no doubt is an informative piece that successfully treated the rise of China as a sui generis civilizational state on the world stage where it has triggered a wave of change in global politics and economics. Surely, developed and developing countries can learn a thing or two from China‟s humility to learn from others for its own benefit and, its selection of competent political leaders to steer the affairs of the state on the basis of merit. Having said this, readers of the book should bear in mind that the literature is laden with the author‟s value and that, the China model is not a perfect one, as it has its own inherent problems like the Western model.

REFERENCES

Gramsci, A., (1971). Selections from the prison notebooks. London: International Publishers. Huang, R., (1993). China: A macro history. Taipei: Lianjing Press. Lu, X., (2010). Zhongguo qingnianbao (China Youth Daily), February, 11. Mearsheimer, J. J., (2004). Why China‟s rise will not be peaceful. Retrieved April 7th 2018 from http://mearsheimer.uchicago.edu/pdfs/A0034b.pd. Ogunnoiki, A. O., (2018a). China as a rising power and her growing assertiveness in the South China sea. International Journal of Advanced Academic Research (IJAAR), 4(2), 156-184. Ogunnoiki, A. O., (2018b). The emergence of China as a global power and the South China sea disputes; A peaceful rise or a threat to international order? International Journal of Advanced Academic Research (IJAAR), 4(4), 48-78. Zhang, W., (2012). The China wave: Rise of a civilizational state. NJ: World Century Publishing Corporation.