A Little War That Shook the World:Georgia, Russia, and the Future

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Little War That Shook the World:Georgia, Russia, and the Future Naval War College Review Volume 64 Article 15 Number 1 Winter 2011 A Little aW r That Shook the World:Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West David T. Burbach Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Burbach, David T. (2011) "A Little aW r That Shook the World:Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West," Naval War College Review: Vol. 64 : No. 1 , Article 15. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol64/iss1/15 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen BOOK REVIEWS 155 Burbach: A Little War That Shook the World:Georgia, Russia, and the Future and the development of the military of- suggesting that no such unifying conser- ficer corps as a profession. The book vative ideology exists. Yet a number of serves as a dialogue on those theories authors comment on the overwhelming and produces often-diverging view- Republican Party affiliation of military points about Huntington’s ideas and personnel. Other authors discuss im- the condition of the American civil- provement of professional military edu- military relationship. cation, expansion of military missions to Regarding Huntington’s “The Crisis of include stability operations, American Civil-Military Relations,” the “Madi-sonian” approach to national se- book begins with the current state of curity and civilian control, and the re- civil-military relations. Richard D. Betts sponsibility of military professionals to suggests that while tension may exist build trust with civilian leaders of incon- between the military and its civilian sistent military expertise. leadership, it is not unusual, given the In the final chapter, Nielson and Snider realities of our democratic system. This advance nine conclusions resulting is so because “objective control,” al- from their research (however, not all though not of a pure form, has kept the contributors are in agreement). The last military obedient to various adminis- is probably the most instructive, that trations. Matthew Moten discusses Sec- Huntington’s work provides “continu- retary Donald Rumsfeld’s leadership of ing value” to the discussion regarding the Department of Defense, characteriz- American civil-military relations. This ing it as a period of “broken dialogue” book is best regarded as a commentary marked by “distrust within the Penta- on Huntington’s 1957 work, one that gon and throughout the defense estab- also provides a good review of the cur- lishment.” General Eric Shinseki, rent scholarship on American civil- retired Army chief of staff, serves as a military relations theory and experience. model for the military response to such However, keep a copy of Huntington strong civilian leadership, providing nearby as you read it. forceful military advice in private, while DAYNE NIX publicly supporting political superiors. Naval War College The assembled authors agree that mili- tary officers should avoid political in- volvement. When military and civilian leaders disagree on security policy, sev- eral authors state, resignation is not an Asmus, Ronald D. A Little War That Shook the option for the military officer, since it is World: Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West. an inherently political act. Yet James New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. 272pp. $27 Burk comments that military officers In August 2008, Russia shattered the are also morally autonomous and ac- post–Cold War peace in Europe by in- countable for their actions, not “purely vading the former Soviet republic of instrumental” agents of the state. Dis- Georgia. Though only days long, that cussing Huntington’s assertion that the war dashed NATO’s hopes to expand to “military mind” should reflect a conser- the Caucasus and sparked fundamental vative outlook in support of American reevaluations of American and Euro- institutions, Darrell Driver cites research pean Union (EU) relations with Russia. Published by U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons, 2011 1 NWCR_Winter2011.ps \\data1\john.lanzieri.ctr$\msdata\Desktop\NavalWarCollege\NWC_Review_Winter2011\NWCR_Winter2011.vp Friday, December 03, 2010 10:20:54 AM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen 156 NAVAL WAR COLLEGE REVIEW Naval War College Review, Vol. 64 [2011], No. 1, Art. 15 Ronald Asmus’s A Little War That rashness of Saakashvili and the dither- Shook the World is an engaging read ing of the Europeans. that combines the best available history Asmus sheds light on important ques- of the war with a broader analysis of the tions like whether the United States geopolitical forces that led to it. gave the “green light” to Tbilisi to esca- Asmus is well positioned to write this late (Asmus convincingly argues it did book. He was a senior Clinton official not) and whether Russia’s invasion was dealing with NATO enlargement, and preplanned or opportunistic (Asmus since 2001 he has been a senior re- believes it was preplanned). Ironically, searcher at the German Marshall Fund. Georgia’s preparations for NATO Asmus has wide access to U.S. and EU membership hurt its military capability: officials, and although uncommonly when war started, 40 percent of its army well connected in Georgia, he is not a was in Iraq or preparing to leave. Ac- supporter of President Mikheil cording to NATO doctrine, Georgia Saakashvili. While Russian sources were hadtrainedandequippedforpeace- not forthcoming, overall this is a very keeping operations, not territorial well documented account. defense. The book offers a blow-by-blow ac- AsmussuggeststhatmoreadroitNATO count of prewar diplomacy and the diplomacy would have averted the war. conduct of the war, with lively portraits He lays out a clear and compelling case, of key personalities. Asmus also puts but given Russia’s demonstrated will- the war in the context of post–Cold ingness to incur costs, the claim is not War Europe, arguing that the war was fully convincing. Even President George about much more than Georgia. Strik- W. Bush was far less willing to risk a ing at Tbilisi sent a message to Wash- U.S.-Russian conflict than were the Eu- ington and Brussels. It culminated ropeans. The disparities of interest, risk Russia’s decadelong frustration with an tolerance, and geography made the international order it believed to be Western goal of a Georgia in NATO fundamentally against it. From a West- very difficult without a fight, but Asmus ern perspective, former Warsaw Pact is correct that the United States and the nations had been freely choosing to as- EU could have better played their sociate with NATO and the EU, in an hands. environment where force and “spheres What emerges is a larger story of Amer- of influence” were passé. Russia, under ican overstretch and a failure to balance President Vladimir Putin, saw instead ends and means. The United States si- encroachment and a running rough- multaneously wanted to have its way in shod over Russian concerns (as when the Balkans and the Caucasus; to obtain NATO ignored Russia on Kosovo). Russian support for Iranian sanctions, NATO’s halfhearted moves toward ad- Afghan logistics, and counterterrorism; mitting Georgia and Ukraine in early and to enjoy active EU support for all 2008 offered Putin a window to act. that,evenasU.S.policeswerehighly Georgia’s “frozen” separatist conflicts unpopular among EU voters. Washing- in Abkhazia and South Ossetia pro- ton did not credibly back its Georgia vided a pretext that was aided by the policy militarily or politically, nor would it choose between competing https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol64/iss1/15 2 NWCR_Winter2011-160.ps \\data1\john.lanzieri.ctr$\msdata\Desktop\NavalWarCollege\NWC_Review_Winter2011\NWCR_Winter2011.vp Monday, December 06, 2010 2:15:24 PM Color profile: Disabled Composite Default screen BOOK REVIEWS 157 Burbach: A Little War That Shook the World:Georgia, Russia, and the Future goals.Asmusthinksmoreskillandres- eventual end of the organization olution might have carried this (Sendero Luminoso, for example) but through, but one wonders whether the in other cases has not (Hamas). Though bigger lesson isn’t really about the finite she does offer insights into the different nature of national power. outcomes, she tempers her conclusions by emphasizing that the act of decapita- DAVID T. BURBACH Naval War College tion provides “critical insight into the depth and nature of a group’s popular support.” In effect, one cannot know in advance. The final chapter, “How Al-Qaeda Cronin, Audrey Kurth. How Terrorism Ends: Un- Ends,” attempts to apply some of these derstanding the Decline and Demise of Terrorist lessons. Cronin convincingly argues Campaigns. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. that decapitation will not end al-Qa‘ida. Press, 2010. 311pp. $29.95 Beliefs that decapitation will have a dra- Audrey Kurth Cronin’s engaging and matic impact on that organization are enlightening book examines how ter- “tinged with emotion, not dispassionate rorist movements come to an end, fo- analysis.” Killing Bin Laden, Cronin ar- cusing almost exclusively on terrorist gues, might “actually enhance his stat- organizations over the last half-century. ure, in practical terms.” She offers six pathways by which terror- Although Cronin firmly states that all ist groups end: decapitation, negotia- terrorist groups end, this reviewer read tion, success, failure, repression, and the final chapter wondering whether reorientation. there are numerous aspects of al-Qa‘ida One of the book’s strengths is that it (all of which Cronin notes in some ca- captures the full spectrum of possible pacity) that make it a candidate for outcomes for terrorist organizations some form of irrelevant perpetuity and explains why particular campaigns among terrorist organizations.
Recommended publications
  • The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
    FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Thinking and the 2008 Georgian War
    Critical Thinking and the 2008 Georgian War Caveat Because the information provided in this handout emphasizes a perspective that is overlooked by most Americans, it may give the impression that the Georgians are mostly to blame for the 2008 war whereas, as usual, the situation is more complex. Russian actions, such as giving South Ossetians and Abkhazians Russian passports, reinforced Georgia’s growing fear that it had to act soon or lose its breakaway provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia forever. Further, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili interpreted a February 2008 conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin as saying that Russia was preparing for war,1 in which case striking first made sense. While I think it was a secondary factor, Russia’s desire to overcome the humiliation of the Soviet breakup via a decisive military victory also probably played a role. Differing Russian and American perspectives The Georgian war of August 2008 carried significant risk of creating a Russian-American crisis comparable to 1962’s Cuban Missile Crisis, and ongoing tensions continue to do so. To understand why, we need to examine the vastly different American and Russian perspectives. An article that appeared in Newsweek (usually thought of as a liberal American publication) a few days after the war started compared the Russian invasion of Georgia to Nazi Germany taking over Czechoslovakia,2 one of the precursors to World War II. While never saying explicitly that we should threaten war with Russia, it comes very close: Is that “appeasement” we see sidling shyly out of the closet of history? … As those of a certain age will recall, “appeasement” encapsulated the determination of British governments of the 1930s to avoid war in Europe, even if it mean capitulating to the ever- increasing demands of Adolf Hitler.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia-Georgia Conflict in August 2008
    = :88.&8*47,.&=43+1.(9=.3=:,:89=,**2a= 439*=9=&3)=251.(&9.438=+47=_ _=39*7*898= .2=.(-41= 5*(.&1.89=.3= :88.&3=&3)=:7&8.&3=++&.78= &7(-=-`=,**3= 43,7*88.43&1= *8*&7(-=*7;.(*= 18/1**= <<<_(78_,4;= -.0+2= =*5479=+47=43,7*88 Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress :88.&8*47,.&= 43+1.(9=.3=:,:89=,**2a=439*=9=&3)= 251.(&9.438=+47=__= 39*7*898= = :22&7>= In the early 1990s, Georgia and its breakaway South Ossetia region had agreed to a Russian- mediated ceasefire that provided for Russian “peacekeepers” to be stationed in the region. Moscow extended citizenship and passports to most ethnic Ossetians. Simmering long-time tensions escalated on the evening of August 7, 2008, when South Ossetia and Georgia accused each other of launching intense artillery barrages against each other. Georgia claims that South Ossetian forces did not respond to a ceasefire appeal but intensified their shelling, “forcing” Georgia to send in troops. On August 8, Russia launched air attacks throughout Georgia and Russian troops engaged Georgian forces in South Ossetia. By the morning of August 10, Russian troops had occupied the bulk of South Ossetia, reached its border with the rest of Georgia, and were shelling areas across the border. Russian troops occupied several Georgian cities. Russian warships landed troops in Georgia’s breakaway Abkhazia region and took up positions off Georgia’s Black Sea coast. French President Nicolas Sarkozy, serving as the president of the European Union (EU), was instrumental in getting Georgia and Russia to agree to a peace plan on August 15-16.
    [Show full text]
  • The War in Georgia and the Western Response
    This article was downloaded by: [National Chengchi University] On: 14 September 2012, At: 01:42 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Central Asian Survey Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccas20 The war in Georgia and the Western response Mike Bowker a a School of Political, Social and International Studies, University of East Anglia, Norwich, UK Version of record first published: 24 May 2011. To cite this article: Mike Bowker (2011): The war in Georgia and the Western response, Central Asian Survey, 30:2, 197-211 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2011.570121 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and- conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Central Asian Survey Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russo-Georgian Relationship: Personal Issues Or National Interest?
    THE RUSSO-GEORGIAN RELATIONSHIP: PERSONAL ISSUES OR NATIONAL INTEREST? The Russian-Georgian conflict over South Ossetia in 2008 brought renewed international interest in the South Caucasus. Since the conflict, the Russo- Georgian relationship remains tense and is characterized by threats, recrimi- nations, and mutual suspicion. Those who ignore historical events between Georgia and Russia, assume the personal relationship between the leaders of the two countries is the source of confrontation. This article argues that while personal factors certainly play some role in the “poisonous” relations between the neighboring states, clashing national interests, ideological differ- ences of ruling elites and other important factors also feed into this situation. Kornely K. Kakachia* * Kornely K. Kakachia is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Tbilisi State University and presently a Visiting Scholar at the Harriman Institute of Columbia University. 109 VOLUME 9 NUMBER 4 KORNELY K. KAKACHIA he course of history is determined by the decision of political elites. Leaders and the kind of leadership they exert shape the way in which foreign policies are structured. Ralph Waldo Emerson’s view, that “there is properly no history, only biography,” encapsulates the view that individual leaders mold history. Some political scientists view “rational choice” as the driving force behind individual decisions, while economists see choices as shaped by market forces. Yet, many observers are more impressed by the myste- rious aspects of the decision-making process, curious about what specific factors may determine a given leader’s response to events. The military conflict between Georgia and Russia over Georgia’s separatist region of South Ossetia in August 2008 surprised many within the international community and reinforced growing concerns about increasingly antagonistic relations between these two neighbors.
    [Show full text]
  • 331 POLITICS of WESTERN EUROPE Spring 2009 Department of Political Science Muskingum College POLS 331-1 MWF 11:00 – 11:50 Am 218 Montgomery Hall
    331 POLITICS OF WESTERN EUROPE Spring 2009 Department of Political Science Muskingum College POLS 331-1 MWF 11:00 – 11:50 am 218 Montgomery Hall Dr. Ivan Dinev Ivanov Office Hours: Mon & Wed noon-12:50 pm Tue & Thu noon -1:50 pm Or by appointment Location: 106 Cambridge Hall Phone: (740) 826-8108 EMAIL: [email protected] COURSE OBJECTIVES : This is a core course that surveys the political developments and the institutional structure of the countries in Western Europe. The course combines country- an issue-oriented comparative approaches that address the sources of political power and focus on contemporary issues such as sovereignty and nationalism, supra-nationality, democracy and identity in the Western European societies. Several different patterns of West European democracies will be explored: the British, the German, the Nordic and the Southern (Mediterranean) models. Special attention will be paid to the political institutions, decision-making power, parties and elections. Lastly, the course will also briefly survey Europe’s seamless web of institutions which includes the European Union, NATO, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe as well as the interaction among these institutions on national and supranational level. At the end of the course students should be able to: (a) identify features and patterns in the development of Western European democracies; (b) discuss various aspects of power-sharing and political systems in Western Europe; (c) study and analyze contemporary events
    [Show full text]
  • Redefining German Security: Prospects for Bundeswehr Reform
    REDEFINING GERMAN SECURITY: PROSPECTS FOR BUNDESWEHR REFORM GERMAN ISSUES 25 American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University REDEFINING GERMAN SECURITY: PROSPECTS FOR BUNDESWEHR REFORM GERMAN ISSUES 25 supp-sys front text kj rev.p65 1 09/19/2001, 11:30 AM The American Institute for Contemporary German Studies (AICGS) is a center for advanced research, study, and discussion on the politics, culture, and society of the Federal Republic of Germany. Established in 1983 and affiliated with The Johns Hopkins University but governed by its own Board of Trustees, AICGS is a privately incorporated institute dedicated to independent, critical, and comprehensive analysis and assessment of current German issues. Its goals are to help develop a new generation of American scholars with a thorough understanding of contemporary Germany, deepen American knowledge and understanding of current German developments, contribute to American policy analysis of problems relating to Germany, and promote interdisciplinary and comparative research on Germany. Executive Director: Jackson Janes Board of Trustees, Cochair: Fred H. Langhammer Board of Trustees, Cochair: Dr. Eugene A. Sekulow The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. ©2001 by the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies ISBN 0-941441-60-1 Additional copies of this AICGS German Issue are available from the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Suite 420, 1400 16th Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036-2217. Telephone 202/332-9312, Fax 202/265-9531, E-mail: [email protected], Web: http://www.aicgs.org [ii] AICGS German Issues Volume 25 · September 2001 supp-sys front text kj rev.p65 2 09/19/2001, 11:30 AM C O N T E N T S Preface ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Why America's Grand Strategy Has Not Changed
    Why America’s Grand Strategy Has Not Changed Why America’s Grand Patrick Porter Strategy Has Not Changed Power, Habit, and the U.S. Foreign Policy Establishment Why has U.S. grand strategy persisted since the end of the Cold War? If grand strategy is the long- term orchestration of power and commitments to secure oneself in a world where war is possible, the United States’ way of pursuing security has been re- markably stable.1 Long before the fall of the Soviet Union, the United States formed a grand strategy of “primacy,” often coined as “leadership.”2 This strategy was interrupted only occasionally. By the 1960s, it had set the parame- ters for Washington’s foreign policy debate.3 The strategy has four interlock- ing parts: to be militarily preponderant; to reassure and contain allies; to integrate other states into U.S.-designed institutions and markets; and to inhibit the spread of nuclear weapons.4 These fundamental security commit- ments have proven hard to change, even amid shocks. Patrick Porter is Professor of International Security and Strategy at the University of Birmingham. The author is grateful to the anonymous reviewers and to Stephane Baele, Tarak Barkawi, Gregorio Bettiza, David Blagden, Sergio Catignani, Peter Feaver, Francis Gavin, Jonathan Golub, Ryan Grauer, Ted Hopf, Burak Kadercan, Michael Lind, Beverley Loke, Jason Reiºer, Robert Saunders, Catarina Thomson, and Hugh White. 1. See Barry R. Posen, The Sources of Military Doctrine: France, Britain, and Germany between the World Wars (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984), p. 13. 2. For accounts of U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Thinking and the 2008 Georgian War
    Critical Thinking and the 2008 Georgian War Caveat Because the information provided in this handout emphasizes a perspective that is overlooked by most Americans, it may give the impression that the Georgians are mostly to blame for the 2008 war whereas, as usual, the situation is more complex. Russian actions, such as giving South Ossetians and Abkhazians Russian passports, reinforced Georgia’s growing fear that it had to act soon or lose its breakaway provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia forever. Further, Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili interpreted a February 2008 conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin as saying that Russia was preparing for war,1 in which case striking first may have made more sense. While I think it was a secondary factor, Russia’s desire to overcome the humiliation of the Soviet breakup via a decisive military victory also probably played a role. Differing Russian and American perspectives The Georgian war of August 2008 carried significant risk of creating a Russian-American crisis comparable to 1962’s Cuban Missile Crisis, and ongoing tensions continue to do so. To understand why, we need to examine the vastly different American and Russian perspectives. An article that appeared in Newsweek (usually thought of as a liberal American publication) a few days after the war started compared the Russian invasion of Georgia to Nazi Germany taking over Czechoslovakia,2 one of the precursors to World War II. It was subtitled “The historical reasons why the West should intervene in Georgia,” indicating its support for Western (mostly American) military action to counter the Russians: Is that “appeasement” we see sidling shyly out of the closet of history? … As those of a certain age will recall, “appeasement” encapsulated the determination of British governments of the 1930s to avoid war in Europe, even if it mean capitulating to the ever- increasing demands of Adolf Hitler.
    [Show full text]
  • Opening NATO and Engaging Russia 57
    Opening NATO and Engaging Russia 57 Chapter 2 Opening NATO and Engaging Russia: NATO’s Two Tracks and the Establishment of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council Stephan Kieninger In the second half of the 1990s, when NATO was preparing to ex- tend its membership eastward, Russian officials began to claim that the entry of former Warsaw Pact countries would violate a solemn “pledge”—made in the context of German unification diplomacy—not to include any former Communist countries into the alliance. Over the past decade or so a debate has been raging over the question whether or not Western policymakers made any legally binding commitment never to move NATO’s borders eastward.1 As Philipp Zelikow and Mark Kramer have pointed out, the declas- sification of documents from all sides bear out that neither the United States nor any other Western country pledged not to expand NATO beyond Germany.2 Joshua Itzkowitz Shifrinson has claimed that the United States was playing a double game, leading Gorbachev to believe that NATO would be subsumed in a new European security structure, while in truth working to ensure hegemony in Europe and the mainte- nance of NATO.3 In this chapter I emphasize that the West did not play a double game. I argue that NATO itself pursued a policy of two tracks. First, the aim was to open up NATO, but slowly, cautiously and combined with an expanded effort to engage Russia. NATO’s gradual approach was the means to secure Central and Eastern Europe and to support Mikhail Gorbachev’s and Boris Yeltsin’s reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • GMF3732 Annual Report
    2003 A B OUT GMF he German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) is an American public policy and grantmaking institution dedicated Tto promoting greater cooperation and understanding between the United States and Europe. GMF does this by supporting individuals and institutions working on transatlantic issues, by convening leaders to discuss the most pressing transatlantic themes, and by examining ways in which transatlantic cooperation can address a variety of global policy challenges. All GMF activities are organized within three principal program areas: Transatlantic Policy, Transatlantic Leaders, and Wider Europe. In addition, GMF has developed a strong Central and Eastern Europe program aimed at furthering democratic consolidation and promoting integration into European and transatlantic institutions. Founded in 1972 through a gift from Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF maintains a strong presence on both sides of the Atlantic. In addition to its headquarters in Washington, DC, GMF has five offices in Europe: Belgrade, Berlin, Bratislava, Brussels, and Paris. 2003TABLE OF CONTENTS LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT . .2 HIGHLIGHTS . .4 Transatlantic Trends 2003 U.S.–EU Think Tank Symposium Balkan Trust for Democracy Peter R. Weitz Journalism Prizes Strategic Discussion with Henry Kissinger GMF Transatlantic Center in Brussels Trade and Poverty Forum Inaugurated PROGRAM AREAS . .8 TRANSATLANTIC POLICY PROGRAM . .9 POLICY DIALOGUE . .9 Transatlantic Trends 2003 Public Opinion Survey Trade and Poverty Forum Bundestag Forum on the United States Agriculture, Genetically Modified Organisms, and Trade Tremezzo Meeting SUPPORT FOR INSTITUTIONS . .12 Foreign Policy Key Institution Program Central and Eastern Europe Key Institution Program Immigration and Integration Key Institution Program SUPPORT FOR INDIVIDUALS .
    [Show full text]
  • A Little War That Shook the World: Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West Ronald Asmus
    A Little War That Shook the World: Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West Ronald Asmus Click here if your download doesn"t start automatically A Little War That Shook the World: Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West Ronald Asmus A Little War That Shook the World: Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West Ronald Asmus The brief war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008 seemed to many like an unexpected shot out of the blue that was gone as quickly as it came. Former Assistant Deputy Secretary of State Ronald Asmus contends that it was a conflict that was prepared and planned for some time by Moscow, part of a broader strategy to send a message to the United States: that Russia is going to flex its muscle in the twenty-first century. A Little War that Shook the World is a fascinating look at the breakdown of relations between Russia and the West, the decay and decline of the Western Alliance itself, and the fate of Eastern Europe in a time of economic crisis. Download A Little War That Shook the World: Georgia, Russia ...pdf Read Online A Little War That Shook the World: Georgia, Russ ...pdf Download and Read Free Online A Little War That Shook the World: Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West Ronald Asmus From reader reviews: Charles Beaudoin: This book untitled A Little War That Shook the World: Georgia, Russia, and the Future of the West to be one of several books this best seller in this year, that is because when you read this e-book you can get a lot of benefit onto it.
    [Show full text]