THE COALITION FOR ASIAN AMERICAN CHILDREN AND FAMILIES 50 Broad Street, Room 1701, New York, NY 10004 Telephone: (212) 809-4675 Fax: (212) 785-4601 Email: [email protected] Website: www.cacf.org THE COALITION FOR ASIAN AMERICAN CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The Coalition for Asian American Children and Families seeks to improve the quality of life for the New York City Asian American community by facilitating access to health and human services that are sensitive to all Asian American children and families. The Coalition promotes awareness of cultural values, linguistic differences, and immigration issues and serves as a resource for service providers through advocacy, production of education materials, coalition building and information dissemination.

Board of Directors Sayu Bhojwani Jarrod R. Fong Larry Lee Susan Caughman Sharon Huang Edward Pauly, Ph.D. Jennifer Choi Hema Kailasam Tazuko Shibusawa, Ph.D. Ernabel Demillo M. Roger Kim, M.D. Lydia Fan Wong Eugenia Kiu

Staff Myra O. Liwanag, Interim Executive Director Anita Gundanna, Child Welfare Program and Policy Coordinator Marian U. Tan, Project Director, CORE Vanessa Leung, Project Specialist Laura Ma, Project Assistant Andrea Wu, Project Assistant, CORE

Funding Funding for this report was provided by the New York Community Trust and the Ong Family Foundation.

Acknowledgments The Coalition thanks the following community organizations for their assistance in organizing focus groups and distributing surveys: CACF’s Concerned Mothers of the Chinatown Community, Chinatown YMCA, Chinese-American Planning Council, Council on Pakistan Organization, Filipino American Human Services, Inc., Forest Hills Community House, Immigrant Social Services, Korean American Family Service Center, South Asian Youth Action, Univeraity Settlement House, and YWCA of the City of New York—Flushing Branch.

The Coalition is also grateful to the Urban Education Project at New York University for their additional analyses. Special thanks to those individuals who offered their input and guidance: Sayu Bhojwani, Khyati Y. Joshi, Ed.D., Larry Lee, Ed Pauly, Ph.D., Christine Yeh, Ph.D., and Amy Ellen Schwartz, Ph.D. and Dylan Conger of the Urban Education Project.

This report was written by Vanessa Leung with assistance from Hsin-Yi Huang, Jessica S. Lee, Myra O. Liwanag, Laura Ma, and Andrew Tsui.

Opinions and recommendations expressed are those of the Coalition and do not necessarily represent the views of agencies, families, students, or funders. TABLE OF CONTENTS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...... 1

INTRODUCTION ...... 4 Why Must We Now Look Carefully At Education? ...... 5 The Coalition’s Methods ...... 5 Who are Asian Americans? ...... 6 Who are Our Asian American Students? ...... 7 Where are Our Asian American Students? ...... 10

ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE Family Expectation of Education ...... 12 Focus on Research: Relative Functionalism ...... 12 Impact of Stereotypes on Learning ...... 13 Testing Rates ...... 14 Dropouts and Push-outs ...... 16 English Language Learners ...... 18 Special Education ...... 20 Curriculum and Extracurricular Concerns ...... 21 Beyond High School ...... 22 RECOMMENDATIONS: ACADEMICS ...... 23

INFORMAL EDUCATION Character Development ...... 24 Ethnic Identity development ...... 24 Lack of Asian American Presence in Curriculum ...... 25 Social Interaction ...... 26 Harassment ...... 27 RECOMMENDATIONS: INFORMAL EDUCATION ...... 29

PARENT INVOLVEMENT Barriers to Involvement ...... 30 Focus on Research: Differences in Parental Involvement ...... 30 RECOMMENDATIONS: PARENT INVOLVEMENT ...... 33

COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION Building upon Trust ...... 34 Challenges to Partnerships ...... 35 RECOMMENDATIONS: COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION ...... 35

SPECIAL ISSUE: EDUCATION AND CHILD WELFARE ...... 36

CONCLUSION ...... 37

ENDNOTES ...... 38

TABLE OF FIGURES ...... 39

APPENDIX: Ethnic Identity Development Process...... 40 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Asian American students currently make up 12.4 percent of the New York City public school student population. Unfortunately, Asian American students are a highly invisible segment whose difficulties remain overlooked by schools and society.

The model minority stereotype of Asian Americans as a homogenous group of academic success stories prevents many policy makers and school staff from acknowledging any academic and emotional struggles that these students face. The needs of the Asian American community are not understood and therefore often left unmet. The diversity in ethnicities, cultures, languages, and experiences of the Asian American community complicates outreach efforts. Therefore, it is imperative that policy makers and school staff understand the struggles and implement appropriate measures to address the needs.

The Coalition for Asian American Children and Families has written this report as a general review of the issues facing Asian American students and their families in our schools. The objectives are to dispel myths, bring attention to struggles, encourage further examination, and call for the offering of proper support services to ensure equal access to quality education.

MYTH I: All Asians are alike. The Asian American community is diverse in language, culture, immigration experience, and socio-economic status. In order to address the needs of Asian American students and their families, their diversity and complexity must be closely examined.

• Statistically, Asian American families appear to have a high household incomes, but household averages are deceiving. Asian American households tend to include extended family members so that household incomes are driven up by multiple wage earners who individually bring in less than the New York City per capita average.

• Many Asian American students are immigrants or children of immigrants. While there are multiple Asian ethnic groups from East, South and Southeast Asia, there is an even greater number of languages and dialects spoken. Members of the same ethnic group may not necessarily be able to communicate with each other due to the vast number of languages and dialects spoken.

MYTH II: All Asians are good students. Contrary to what many believe, there are Asian American students who struggle academically. Struggling students need access to proper support services and resources.

• Asian American students do drop out. In the Class of 1999, Asian American students had a higher dropout rate than White students. Almost, one in five Asian American students from the Class of 1999 did not receive a high school diploma. The dropout rate given a four-year outcome for Asian American students has increased steadily over the past five years.

• Average standardized test scores hide real need among Asian American students who are struggling academically. Within some Asian immigrant groups, more than half of the students did not even take certain standardized exams because they were exempt due to their recent immigrant status. In fact, compared to all other racial groups, Asian American students had the smallest percentage of students who took reading and math exams in elementary and middle school.

— 1 — MYTH III: Asians don’t need help handling stress and difficulties. The combination of multiple pressures, hostile environments, and cultural misunderstandings can greatly affect the emotional and overall development of Asian American students. Much of today’s focus on education has been on performance and testing standards. Unfortunately, not enough attention has been placed on non-academic issues that have a definite impact on the academic and future success of students. Asian American students and their families will respond to help when approaches are culturally sensitive.

• Incidents of harassment go unaddressed. This issue has long been ignored for Asian American students. South Asians, Muslims, and recent immigrants, in particular, have experienced an increase in harassment. Such harassment, if not addressed, can breed distrust, anger, fear, and helplessness, and may lead to physical harm.

• Asian American students often have to balance disparities between values of Asian and mainstream American cultures. Such struggles result in generational conflicts between parents and students.

• Many Asian American students may feel great pressure to excel academically because education is often seen as the only opportunity to improve one’s life situation. Such pressure, if not addressed, can have a great emotional toll on students.

MYTH IV: Asians do not need to be part of discussions on diversity. The stereotype of Asian Americans as a model minority denies the history of Asian Americans who have faced oppression and allows exclusion to persist. The portrayal of Asian and Asian Americans in the school setting can sup- port or undermine the worth of an Asian American student’s ethnic heritage. Schools play a role in the development of an appreciation of ethnic heritage and a healthy sense of identity. Schools must recognize that ethnic identity is an important part of a student’s development.

• Asians and Asian Americans are rarely represented in school curricula. As a result, most students lack exposure to Asian and Asian American culture and history, and do not recognize the challenges faced by or the contributions of Americans of Asian descent in this country. Lack of exposure to Asian and Asian American culture leads to unnecessary misunderstandings and misrepresentations of Asian Americans.

• Many Asian American students, especially immigrants, do not understand the impact of stereotypes and the history of race relations in America. Schools can offer invaluable opportunities to learn about and appreciate diversity. It is important for schools to equip students with the tools to gain an understanding of immigration history, impact of stereotypes, and race relations.

MYTH V: Asian American parents are not interested in school involvement. Some New York City public schools seek to improve relationships with parents and partnerships with community based organizations. However, they are not aware of the obstacles that exist and how to overcome them. Too often, schools overlook or ignore cultural and language barriers, or else fail to reach out to Asian American parents altogether.

• Parents have expressed that they do not feel welcome and are unfamiliar with the type of involvement that is expected in the U.S. They are also unaware of the availability of and ways of accessing resources and services.

— 2 — • A school’s misperceptions of Asian American parents as non-responsive and unwilling to participate result in an unwillingness to implement appropriate outreach methods that, at the most basic level, includes interpretation and translation services.

• Community based organizations are not regarded as important partners in the education of students. Asian American community based organizations are often small, but offer knowledge of and are seen as invaluable resources for immigrant communities. They can be an important link for schools to outreach to parents.

With the ever growing Asian American community, it is important that the New York City public school system realize the needs and strengths of the community. The first step is to ensure proper collection of data on Asian American students and allow for access to disaggregated data based on Asian immigrant groups, English proficiency, and time spent in the United States.

Second, policy makers and school staff must be aware of the various issues and barriers to services in order to appropriately offer equal access to the many resources currently available, as well as develop appropriate outreach methods. Each school, community, and family is unique. While system-wide resources and assistance need to be in place, individual schools must develop specific approaches that consider their student and family populations’ needs and strengths.

Third, parents must be trained on their rights, their children’s rights, as well as ways to be involved. Lastly, Asian American community based organizations must be given opportunities to share their knowledge and resources to help Asian American families access educational support services and address generational conflicts and ethnic identity formation.

Fifteen years ago, an Asian American Task Force was formed by the Chancellor of the Board of Education of New York City. A report followed that assessed the needs of the community and started the conversation about solutions to address those needs. Since that report, the Asian American community has changed dramatically in number and diversity, but the problems sadly remain largely unchanged. The Coalition for Asian American Children and Families calls for more awareness about the Asian American community and immediate attention to implement recommendations and solutions that use the strengths and address the needs of this vibrant and diverse community.

— 3 — INTRODUCTION

For many immigrant families, the public school system is one of the first and largest government entities with which they interact. With its many regulations and policies on the wide assortment of education related services, it is also one that is quite difficult to understand and navigate.

In New York City, the Asian American population is currently over 11 percent of the total population.I At 78 percent, the vast majority of all Asian American New Yorkers are immigrants.I Because the Asian American population has many young families, Asian Americans constitute 12.4 percent of the New York City public school student population.IV The growing Asian American presence raises concerns about the ability of the educational system to adequately address the needs of our Asian American students and their families.

While broad-reaching, it is important to recognize that this report is not exhaustive, but rather a first step to raising critical issues confronting the Asian American community. CACF’s objectives for this report are to dispel myths and compel schools and policy makers to examine further the situation facing Asian American students and remove some of the obstacles to success that face many of our students. It is also important to recognize where commonalities with other racial and ethnic minorities exist. Many of the issues described in the report facing Asian American families parallel those experiences of any family dealing with the struggles of immigration, social isolation, stereotypes, and limited English proficiency.

Schools provide opportunities for children and youth to gain the skills they need to lead productive lives. Yet, questions are raised because stereotypes and biases about Asian American students abound and may cloud judgment. Some teachers and administrators see Asian American students as the “model minority” — overachieving immigrant success stories with few struggles. High standardized test scores and graduation rates fuel stereotypes of Asian American students as uniformly successful.

This seemingly “positive” stereotype has detrimental effects on both Asian American students and other minority students that are judged in comparison to the model minority. Policy makers and school staff may expect other minori- ty students to meet the same level of success without providing the necessary support. Struggling Asian American stu- dents may not access much needed services because their difficulties remain highly invisible in the eyes of both policy makers and school staff.

In addition, some school personnel see Asian American parents as aloof and uncaring. A stereotype fueled perhaps by cultural misunderstandings on the part of parents about the parent-school relationship expected in the American edu- cational system. On the other hand, misunderstandings and biases equally taint Asian American families’ thoughts about the American educational system. Many parents see teachers as too lenient and curricula not appropriately imparting successful learning skills.

Improved understanding of the Asian American community includes knowledge of its extensive diversity, the impossibility of uniform success, and the impact of culture on learning and parent involvement. Asian American families’ ability to understand the educational system can result in improved parent-school partnerships and greater success for all students.

While the Asian American population has grown and diversified, Asian American students are still facing the same difficulties as a decade and-a-half ago. Fifteen years ago, the Asian American community made up 7.3 percent of the

— 4 — New York City population. At that time, the Chancellor of the Board of Education convened a Task Force to study the needs of the Asian American community. The Task Force found language and cultural conflicts, ineffective outreach to parents, and stereotypes hindering equal access to educational services.II Despite the report, these barriers still exist.

New York City public schools can no longer ignore the plight of many Asian American students. Asian Americans are diverse in culture, language, socioeconomic status, and immigration history. To better serve these students entails a better understanding of who they are, what has influenced their lives, where they come from, and why they are here.

WHY MUST WE NOW LOOK CAREFULLY AT EDUCATION? The increased focus on education at the federal level with the No Child Left Behind initiative as well as the city level with Mayor Bloomberg’s Children First initiative has brought greater attention to reforming the public school system to better prepare all students for success.

President Bush’s No Child Left Behind (NCLB) initiative calls for higher standards, holding states accountable for set- ting approved higher standards. Federal money to pay for private tutoring has been allocated to assist students who are in danger of failing. NCLB also tries to make transferring from failing schools easier.

The reconfiguration of the public school system in New York City, the emphasis on training of key staff and teachers, a new core curriculum, and the engagement of parents and community, are all reforms reflective of this administration’s intent to improve our schools. Community school districts have been reorganized into regional divisions, combining oversight of elementary up to high school within the same regions. Funding has been provided to improve teacher training as well as leadership training for principals. Investments have been made on a new core curriculum in math and reading to be implemented in struggling schools. Finally, a new full-time position in every school, the parent coordinator, was established to be responsible for outreach to parents and community organizations.

Schools also play a significant formative role in the lives of our children who spend at least 180 days a year, 6 hours a day on school grounds. Though test scores, and promotion and graduation rates are emphasized, they are not the only aspect of one’s school experience. While quantifiable indicators of success are important factors in the discussion of edu- cation, equally important and closely interrelated are those lessons learned outside of the classroom. Such lessons can lead to a person’s healthy sense of identity and self-worth, and offer opportunities to learn interpersonal and leadership skills. The social and emotional well-being of students is interdependently related to their performance.

The focus on improving public education is a noble one. However, preparing a student population with varying degrees of abilities to meet standards as well as reaching out to a diverse parent population to increase participation are both monumental and challenging tasks. Implementing these policies, which are often disconnected to the real challenges, is difficult especially if proper support and funds are not available to provide easy access to educational support services for at-risk students, as well as translators and interpreters for parent outreach.

THE COALITION’S METHODS Over the past several months, staff from the Coalition for Asian American Children and Families has talked with stu- dents, parents, and school staff about their viewpoints and particular struggles. This has been an invaluable process, because Asian American students and their families are often an invisible population whose specific needs and strengths are overlooked. Schools are often not equipped with enough resources and staff to work with the diverse Asian American population.

— 5 — Through the assistance of community organizations, CACF led nine focus group discussions with parents, students, and guidance counselors. In addition, individual interviews were conducted with teachers, students, and community serv- ice providers. Topics discussed included issues of academic performance, informal learning, parent and family involve- ment in education, and community and school partnerships. CACF conducted a literature search on Asian American students covering topics that ranged from parental influence on performance to the influence of schools on students’ mental well-being.

In addition, CACF developed and distributed a teacher survey. The survey helped to explore what teachers felt were dif- ficulties facing Asian American students and what type of training teachers would want to assist them in reaching out to Asian American students and their families. An informal survey was conducted for a month via email, online forms, and community partnerships. A total of 84 surveys were returned.

In addition to these sources, we relied on published statistics on New York City’s Asian American population from the U.S. Bureau of the Census and the New York City Department of Education (NYCDOE). We also included informa- tion from reports and additional analyses provided by the Urban Education Project of New York University which is conducting a study of immigrant students in New York City using data provided by the NYCDOE.*

WHO ARE ASIAN AMERICANS? The Asian American community is diverse, but one particular unifying characteristic is that they are individuals of Asian descent who have experienced life in the United States. Asian American, as a term, is not used by all as an iden- tifier. Some may not identify as Asian but prefer to define themselves by country of origin. In this report, we will use Asian American to refer to individuals who can trace their ancestry to East Asia, South Asia, and Southeast Asia.

New York City has seen a growth in the number of immigrant families calling this city home. It has the largest foreign- born population of all U.S. cities. In the last decade, the Asian American population has increased by 71 percent (from 509,955 to 872,777) making it the largest Asian American population in any one city. I

However, the Asian American community is far from the image of a homogenous community of successful immigrants. Differences among Asian Americans are seen when examining socio-economic status as well as immigration history and experience. Asian Americans can be found at all points of the economic spectrum. They consist of first generation immi- grants to several generations of U.S. born citizens. They can be documented or undocumented residents.

The Asian American population in New York City consists of multiple ethnic groups that trace their origins to coun- tries in East Asia (China, Korea, Japan, etc.), South Asia (Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, etc.), and Southeast Asia (Vietnam, the Philippines, Thailand, Cambodia, etc.).

Some Asian Americans, such as Indo-Caribbean immigrants from Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago, may have come to the United States as a second or third migration. Members of these groups can trace their origins to Asia, but have spent some time or several generations living in a different country. In addition, families living in the United States may have adopted some young children from Asia.

While there are multiple ethnic groups, there is an even greater number of languages and dialects that are spoken. Members of the same ethnic group may not necessarily be able to communicate with each other due to the vast num- ber of dialects spoken. For example, India’s constitution recognizes 18 official languages.III In China, there are multiple

*The statistical analyses were prepared by the Urban Education Project at New York University; however, all conclusions and inferences drawn are solely attributable to the Coalition for Asian American Children and Families.

— 6 — dialects so that it is sometimes impossible for a speaker of one dialect to understand a conversation in another. In addi- tion, simplified Chinese text used in mainland China may not be legible to those who read traditional text that is used in Taiwan and Hong Kong.

The measure of one’s financial status and stability is often equated with the level of education achieved. There are many immigrants who have acquired higher degrees in their native countries. However, sometimes such degrees do not lead to an economically stable job here in the U.S. due to a lack of English proficiency and/or the lack of recognition given to foreign degrees.

Asian Americans in New York City have relatively high median household incomes ($41,119 compared to the overall city at $38,293).I This figure masks the fact that many households have multiple wage earners who each bring in less than the average New York City per capita income ($18,739 compared to the overall city per capita income of $22,402).I In fact, the poverty rate among Asian New Yorkers is 20 percent. This is compared to the NYC average of 21 percent. Almost a quarter of Asian American children live in poverty (at 24 percent, 6 percent lower than the NYC average).I

WHO ARE OUR ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS? There are over 8 million people residing in New York City. Currently, the Asian American population is about 11 percent* of the total population.I The New York City public school system provides education for over 1 million children and youth enrolled in their 1,291 schools and programs.IV With the growing Asian American population in New York City, it is no surprise that Asian American students make up 12.4 percent of the student population.IV

Student Population by Race and Borough in NYC Public School System, 2003IV Borough Asian Native American Hispanic Black White Total Manhattan 18,205 696 83,103 47,445 18,811 168,260 Bronx 8,359 1,165 133,426 75,290 10,431 228,671 Brooklyn 35,264 1,442 90,759 165,877 55,109 348,451 Queens 69,282 945 96,844 73,171 43,719 283,961 Staten Island 4,342 233 11,162 9,878 36,759 62,374 Total 135,452 4,481 415,294 371,661 164,829 1,091,717

Percentage of Asian American Student Representation by Borough, 2003 IV ASIAN percentage of Overall Borough Student Population Manhattan 10.8% Bronx 3.6% Brooklyn 10.1% Queens 24.3% Staten Island 7.0% New York City 12.4%

*11% is a figure comprised of Asian Alone and Asian in Combination

— 7 — Asian American families are predominantly immigrant families; many children have at least one parent who is an immi- grant. Understanding families’ pre- and post-immigration history is key to understanding how such experiences can affect their families, student performance, and family access to services. Many children, while possibly citizens them- selves, may have parents who are not citizens (i.e. legal aliens, legal temporary residents, refugees, or undocumented immigrants). Some may be separated from parents who remained in their native country or who may be working in another city and only return home on weekends. Some immigrant students may come from countries that do not offer structured educational experiences. Other students may have spent years in a formal system that emphasizes strategies and reinforces expectations that are different from those typical in American schools.

Foreign-born Population of NYC Elementary and Foreign-born Population of NYC Asian American Middle School Students, 1999-2000 VI Elementary and Middle School Students, 2000-2001 V Number of Students Percent of Students Number of Students Percent of Students Total Students 658,591 100% Total Students 74,364 100% Native-born 554,331 84.2% Native-born 46,242 62.2% Foreign-born 104,260 15.8% Foreign-born 28,122 37.8%

Characteristics of NYC Asian Immigrant Elementary and Middle School Students by Country of Origin, 2000-2001V Percent of all Asian Foreign-born Country of Origin* Number of Students N=28,122† Percent Recent Immigrant Bangladesh 3,847 13.7% 42.1% Burma 99 0.4% 59.6% China 6,307 22.4% 52.3% Guyana‡ 2,433 8.7% 38.5% Hong Kong 849 3.0% 37.6% India 3,260 11.6% 46.6% Indonesia 109 0.4% 55.0% Japan 118 0.4% 59.3% Korea North 78 0.3% 2.6% Korea South 2,203 7.8% 59.5% Macao 39 0.1% 38.5% Malaysia 126 0.4% 69.8% Nepal 66 0.2% 75.8% Other Asian Countries 71 0.3% 67.6% Pakistan 3,605 12.8% 57.1% Philippines 816 2.9% 42.4% Sri Lanka 199 0.7% 54.8% Taiwan 213 0.8% 50.7% Thailand 84 0.3% 46.4% Trinidad and Tobago‡ 1,055 3.8% 45.4% Vietnam 268 1.0% 34.0%

*Listed countries of origin are from the regions of East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia. In addition, any country outside of the afore mentioned regions that totals greater than 1% of all Asian foreign-born students was included in the list. †The total number of 28,122 will not be the sum of all the countries listed in the table. The discrepancy is due to the fact that some countries of origin were not listed. ‡Guyana and Trinidad & Tobago are countries in the Caribbean. Many Asians, particularly South Asians, immigrated to these countries and the U.S. is the country of second or third migration.

— 8 — Percent Eligible for Free or Reduced Lunch, Elementary and Middle School, 2000-2001V Percent of Students All Asian American Native-born 78.1%

All Asian American Foreign-born 87.8% Asian American Students and Enrollment, 2002IV Bangladesh 95.6% 34,370 in high school/GED Burma 85.4% 68,626 in elementary school China 90.4% 26,545 in intermediate school Guyana 92.6% Hong Kong 87.6% 1,656 in vocational high school India 84.2% 2,959 in alternative high school (Schools Indonesia 68.9% that are designed for unique student Japan 49.1% populations like gifted and talented, Korea North 82.4% drop out, at-risk, Special Education, newly arrived immigrant, incarcerated Korea South 71.4% youth, pregnant and parenting teens) Macao 97.4% Malaysia 87.8% 112 have been in high school for more than 5 years Nepal 90.6% Other East Asia 70.8% 248 in Comprehensive Day & Night Pakistan 91.6% 1,035 in Outreach programs Philippines 68.8% 3 in programs for pregnant girls Sri Lanka 85.7% 60 in Rikers Island Education facility Taiwan 63.1% Thailand 71.3% Trinidad and Tobago 92.5% Vietnam 92.2%

When one looks at all the Asian American students in elementary and middle school in 2000-2001, 37.8 percent are foreign-born and 62.2 percent are native born. Almost half (48.5 percent) of the foreign-born Asian American students are recent immigrants defined as students who entered the U.S. school system within the last three years.V

Among all students in elementary and middle school, 7.9 percent of the native born population is Asian while more than a quarter of the foreign-born population is Asian (26.9 percent).V

The number of Asian American students receiving subsidized lunches depicts the need and financial struggles of Asian Americans that often go unnoticed with general indicators of economic status. Students who come from families at or below 130 percent of the federal poverty level are eligible to receive free lunch. Those between 130 percent and 185 percent of the federal poverty level are eligible for reduced lunch. The vast majority (82%) of Asian American students in elementary and middle school are eligible for free or reduced lunch. Foreign-born Asian American students have a higher rate of eligibility at 87.8 percent as compared to native born at 78.1 percent.V

*The 32 Community School Districts are now absorbed into 10 Regions.

— 9 — WHERE ARE OUR ASIAN AMERICAN STUDENTS? Asian American students are found throughout the public school system, concentrated in both high and low perform- ing schools. They are also scattered in schools where there are few other Asian American students.

The borough of Queens boasts the highest population of Asian American residents and thus its public schools teach the vast majority, accounting for 51.1% of New York City’s Asian American student population. More than three-quarters of the Asian American student population (77.1%) are in schools in Queens and Brooklyn.IV

However, schools in Queens and Brooklyn also have some of the most overcrowded districts. Community School District* (CSD) 27 and 29 in Queens each had a shortage of over 1,000 seats in 2001-2002. Community School District 20 in Brooklyn had a shortage of IV Breakdown of Asian American Students by Borough, 2003 over 2,000 seats and CSD 24 in Number of Percent of Asian American Queens had a shortage of almost Borough Asian Americans Student Population 3,800 seats.VII Manhattan 18,205 13.4% Bronx 8,359 6.2% Another large concentration of Brooklyn 35,264 26.0% Asian Americans can be found in the schools of Lower Manhattan’s Queens 69,282 51.1% Chinatown. The staff and faculty Staten Island 4,342 3.2% of schools found in Chinatown are New York City Total 135,452 100% quite different from those found in Queens or Brooklyn where there are a limited number and proportion of bilingual and bicultural staff. In Chinatown, most of the students are Chinese Americans and there is a greater number of bilingual staff who can share the responsibility of outreaching to students and limited English proficient parents. The sheer number of families requiring interpretation and translation services in cer- tain Chinese dialects necessitates immediate attention.

There is no equivalent to Lower Manhattan Chinatown schools for any other Asian ethnic group. In the outer boroughs, the Asian American student population is more diverse and the number of bilingual and bicultural staff that can work with this diverse student and parent population is limited. Often times, one teacher or administrative staff member who is bilingual and bicultural carries the burden of being the only one at the school who can outreach to that partic- ular population.

Chinese teachers are easier to communicate with and In some neighborhoods, the Asian American community has grown you can discuss more things and ask questions. But immensely. This growth results in the change and diversification of the stu- generally, some teachers are more willing to talk to dent population. Many schools are now expected to work with communities you; some teachers treat you like an individual. Some Chinese teachers are more open; but there are also with which they have had little previous interaction. For example, the Asian some other Chinese teachers who would prefer not to American student population almost tripled in the span of 10 years (1990- work with Chinese families. 2000) in Community School District 27 in Queens, which includes the — Chinese American mother of elementary school child neighborhoods of South Ozone Park and Richmond Hill.VII

Other schools absorb large shares of recent immigrant students. Queens by far registers the largest number of immigrant students into grades Pre-K to 12th. Between 1998-2001, Community School District 24 (includes neighborhoods of Elmhurst and Maspeth) had the highest average annual enrollment of immigrant students. Some of the predominant countries include China, India, Bangladesh, Korea, and Pakistan. In addition, Community School District 30 (includes neighborhoods of Sunnyside, Woodside, Jackson Heights, and Astoria) had the second highest enrollment.VII

— 10 — Seat Shortages in School Districts with Large Asian American Student Populations, 2001-2002 VII Seat Shortage Community School Included Percent Asian American (Elementary and District, Region, Borough Neighborhoods Student Population Utilization Rate Middle School)

CSD 20 Bensonhurst, 30% >105% 2,024 Region 7, Brooklyn Bayridge, Sunset Park

CSD 24 Ridgewood, Maspeth, 20% >105% 3,799 Region 4, Queens Elmhurst, Corona

CSD 27 Richmond Hill, Ozone Park, 20% >100% 1,654 Region 5, Queens Woodhaven, South Ozone Park

CSD 29 Holliswood 10% >100% 1,058 Region 3, Queens

Some schools have no one on staff who can speak the language of their students’ families, is familiar with their culture, or can relate well with these families. Such obstacles have great implications for the outreach efforts of the school to increase parent involvement.

“There is a lot of trouble with covering the large case CACF informally surveyed 84 teachers from various grades in the New York load of students. I’m always dealing with the troubled City public school system. Out of the 77 teachers responding to the question, kids, that I don’t have time for borderline students who could benefit from counseling.” 80 percent said they were interested in being trained to better outreach to — Korean bilingual middle school guidance counselor Asian American students and their families.

Situations Faced by Many Asian American Students Some older students may have immigrated here on their own without their parents. Some are supported and guid- ed by relatives here in the U.S.; some are totally on their own. Some are given financial support from family; some are the ones expected to give financial support to their family back home.

Other students who are with parents may also be expected to work to help the family-owned business, or work to bring in additional income. For these youth, a part-time job after school can be a necessity, and not a luxury for extra spending money or simply a good lesson in responsibility.

Students may live in overcrowded homes, sharing space with other families or tenants. Often times these children may not have proper workspace for homework and study.

Some students may have been separated from their parents as infants and are only reunified with them when they are at an age to attend school. Not only are these children adapting to a new school environment and catching up in language skills and materials, they are also readjusting to life with their parents, practical strangers in their eyes. Other students are sent away at an older age because parents fear the negative influence American society will have on their children.

Asian American students face countless unique situations. The situations described here, while not universal across all Asian Americans, are not unusual stories. The situation outside of school that students must cope with will in no doubt have an impact on their school lives.

— 11 — ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE

Schools have been given the great responsibility of preparing their students to meet standards that have been raised as means to improve our children’s education and prepare them to compete in our modern society. Students and school staff both face great pressure in fulfilling these higher standards for promotion and graduation. However, policy makers, school staff, and concerned individuals cannot allow those students who require extra attention to fall through the cracks.

FAMILY EXPECTATIONS OF EDUCATION Many immigrant families see how education, English language skills, and the learning of American ways, can help improve their current situation. They see education as a way to level the playing field and give their children and their families’ equal access to opportunities for success.

Focus on Research: Relative Functionalism VIII Stanley Sue and Sumie Okazaki (1990) developed the theory of relative functionalism to explain the group success rate of Asian American students nationally. According to this theory, “Asian Americans perceive, and have experi- enced, restrictions in upward mobility in careers or jobs that are unrelated to education.” Therefore, the relative worth and function of education to achieve success is increased.

Sue and Okazaki go on to examine empirical work that refutes any genetic predisposition among Asian Americans for success. They also looked at the cultural hypothesis that identifies certain values and practices that socialize chil- dren for high achievement. Derived from anecdotal evidence, these factors include: “demands and expectations for achievement and upward mobility, induction of guilt about parental sacrifices and the need to fulfill obligations, respect for education, social comparisons with other Asian American families in terms of educational success, and obedience to elders such as teachers.”

However, Sue and Okazaki note that certain variables examined by researchers such as working hard and parental pressure did not show any group differences. The only significant difference was that Asian American students were more likely to see achieving life success as related to those things learned and studied in school.

In addition, many common values associated with traditional Asian families such as collectivism and hierarchical authority are not consistent with white middle-class values such as individualism and an egalitarian approach that has been linked to success.

Sue and Okazaki argue the importance of relative functionalism in explaining and examining success. Asian Americans see obstacles and career limitations in fields needing extensive education and therefore, see education as the only means for mobility.

For immigrant families, public school education offers an opportunity for children to learn about the culture of their new home. For some families, schools are the only mainstream institution for a means of acculturation. Education is seen as a great equalizer; educational success would open doors otherwise closed.

While it is often believed that Asian American families’ emphasis on education is an influential factor in student success, research has found that it can also be a source of stress for some students. The pressure to succeed can be overwhelming for some youth, while it can also be a driving force for others. Those students who feel overwhelmed may not manifest any difficulties. Often times, when high achievers are displaying no recognizable signs such as acting out or asking for

— 12 — help, these students may be overlooked. Other researchers have found that fear of the consequence of academic failure best explained the performance of Asian American students.IX (Eaton & Dembo, 1997).

Parents and students themselves may not realize how such pressure can have its toll on the emotional well-being of the students. For some students the pressure is magnified. Immigrant youth who enter some of New York City’s top com- petitive high schools may flounder when they are competing against native born speakers and not given extra support.

[When asked about standardized tests and Regents Other students may feel the obligation to assist their families in becoming examinations] It’s just making things easier for teach- financially stable. Therefore, performing well in school will prove their abili- ers, not making things easier for us. It’s just freaking us ty and open door for gainful employment. This would be in following with out more. Just because you get a 1450 or 1560 or whatever on your SAT score doesn’t mean you are many Asian cultural orientations that promote group responsibility over indi- smart or you are stupid. Passing your Regents doesn’t vidual concerns. In their minds, any blemish on a perfect record could be dev- make you a great master. It’s just more weight… astating for their future, or failing their family obligation. — Chinese American male, high school sophomore, native born There is a definite range involved when describing parents’ educational expec- tations. Some parents may be overly controlling while others may be unaware of the subtle pressure leading students to feel obligated to succeed. Often times parents fear their children are becoming too Americanized. Some are feeling less empowered, unable to navigate systems without their more English proficient children acting as interpreters. Some par- ents see their role in their children’s education as the only thing they can control and understand. They know the dif- ference between a failing grade and a perfect score; they learn about top schools and competitive programs. Setting edu- cational goals for their children is for some parents the only sense of control they have.

While often such pressure is seen regardless of gender differences, for some girls, the expectations for performance in school may be secondary to the obligation one has to her family. For example, some Bangladeshi girls are being sent to Bangladesh in order to be married even before they have finished high school.

IMPACT OF STEREOTYPES ON LEARNING Stereotypes are generalizations of groups based on limited truth and often perpetuated on a larger scale through the media. The most widespread stereotype of Asian American students is that of the model minority. Based on this myth, Asian American students are expected to be disciplined and obedient high The idea is that we (Asian Americans) are smart and achievers. Those who do not fit this stereotype can be seen as ignorant we have to continue to succeed. We’re working hard foreigners, or delinquent gang members. and someone assumes that you’re just born with it. Sometimes it gets annoying because they’ll say you’re Not only do some Asian Americans embrace the so-called “positive” stereo- smart because you’re Asian. People don’t see the bad type, preconceived notions of “other” groups are also common. More part; there ARE Asian students who drop out. established Asian immigrants may see newer immigrant groups as less sophis- — Indian American female, high school Junior, native-born ticated, and not equally capable of acculturating and learning.

Sometimes teachers have favorites. If one time the Stereotypes of Asian American students as high performing and academical- student doesn’t listen, the teacher will remember that. ly gifted are pervasive in today’s society. While it is undeniable that there are That student is bound to have problems with that teacher. some Asian Americans who have attained high levels of academic success, — Chinese American mother of one elementary school child such success is not innate and cannot be representative of the entire group. The model minority stereotype places unnecessary stress on students to live up to these generalized expectations and has detrimental effects on the access to much needed support services for those students who are struggling. These stereotypes can unknowingly influence how teachers and administrators interact with

— 13 — their Asian American students and families. Often the model minority stereotype pits Asian American student against other minority students laying the groundwork for future resentment.

Students themselves may feel obligated to fulfill expectations placed upon them based on stereotypes. For example, when teachers and guidance counselors see all Asian students as math and science “whizzes,” they may encourage students to explore only those areas of study and not see other areas as options, such as English or creative writing. If they are unable to meet expectations, the stress may be overwhelming to the point that these students decide to give up.

TESTING RATES Testing rates of Asian American students appear high, but those who are not prepared for the exam or who may be like- ly to perform poorly are not being tested or are not being included in the averages. The percent of Asian American stu- dents who actually take the exam is lower than that of whites, blacks, and Hispanics.

On average, Asian American students have passed standardized examinations at high passing rates, comparable to white students. In 2002, Asian American high school students graduated at a rate of 66.9 percent, second only to white stu- dents at 70.5 percent and significantly higher than blacks (44.4 percent) and Hispanics (41.1 percent).

It is important to note that reported test scores are averages, with many students falling above and below this group suc- cess rate. In addition, high graduation rates cannot deny that students drop out. High averages and graduation rates allows for those at-risk Asian American students to be easily ignored by policy makers and educators.

Differences in performance rates among elementary and middle school students from third to eighth grades can be seen when comparing native born and foreign-born students. Students exempt from these city and state exams are special needs students whose Individualized Education Plans (IEPs) specifically state they are to be exempt. In addition, limit- ed English proficient students are also exempt for the first three years that they have entered the school system.

In the 1999-2000 school year, more native born Asian students sat for the math and reading standardized exams than foreign-born students (i.e. for reading, 96% vs. 69% and for math, 96% vs. 64%). On average, native-born students had higher mean math and reading test scores than foreign-born students (i.e., math 78.7% vs. 53.6% and reading 51.2% vs. 28.1%).V

Testing Data by Race, Elementary and Middle School Students, 1999-2000*V Percent that took Percent that took Race Number of Students Average Reading Test Reading Test Average Math Test Math Test Asian 71,801 0.462 82% 0.709 84% Black 230,435 -0.177 94% -0.254 94% Hispanic 253,744 -0.210 85% -0.208 91% White 100,021 0.552 92% 0.583 92%

4th Grade English Language Assessment Passing A closer examination of elementary and middle school test Percentage by Race, 2002IV performance further illustrates the differences between Race Passing Percentage native born and immigrant Asian American students and Asian 56% among immigrant students from different countries. When White 57% looking at overall averages, real needs are masked. Black 24% Hispanic 25%

*All reading and math test scores are standardized scores calculated by subtracting the average score of students in the grade from each student’s raw score and dividing by the standard deviation of scores in the grade.

— 14 — Elementary and Middle School Asian American Student Testing Data, 2000-2001 Average Reading Test Percent Took Reading Test Average Math Test Percent Took Math Test Native-born 0.541 96% 0.806 96% Immigrant 0.306 69% 0.530 64% Recent 0.152 28% 0.354 37% Non-Recent 0.338 86% 0.578 87% All (n=71,801) 0.462 82% 0.709 84%

Some groups of students (like those from China and Malaysia) had a majority who were prepared to sit for the math standardized test, yet others had more than half who were not prepared for the reading test. Other groups (like South Korea, Japan, Burma, North Korea, and Pakistan) had much more than 50% of their students who did not take both the math and reading exams.V

Testing Data by Country of Origin, Elementary and Middle School Students, 2000-2001V Number of Percent Took Percent Took Mean Math Mean Reading Country Of Origin Students Math Test Reading Test Test Score Test Score Bangladesh 3,847 53.9 53.8 0.516 0.298 Burma 99 46.5 45.5 1.012 0.649 China 6,307 56.4 42.5 0.769 0.405 Guyana 2,433 79.1 79.3 -0.104 -0.151 Hong Kong 849 67.4 63.7 1.082 0.559 India 3,260 54.6 54.7 0.513 0.264 Indonesia 109 55 56 0.669 0.604 Japan 118 47.5 48.3 1.064 0.882 Korea North 78 25.6 25.6 1.115 0.735 Korea South 2,203 47.1 46.8 1.033 0.65 Macao 39 69.2 61.5 1.155 0.473 Malaysia 126 52.4 48.4 0.932 0.683 Nepal 66 53 54.5 0.426 0.222 Other 71 42.3 42.3 0.514 0.547 Pakistan 3,605 40 40.2 0.35 0.161 Philippines 816 72.1 72.3 0.578 0.487 Sri Lanka 199 55.8 54.3 0.687 0.554 Taiwan 213 61 59.2 1.315 0.837 Thailand 84 52.4 52.4 0.638 0.229 Trinidad & Tobago 1,055 78.1 78.2 0.141 0.013 Vietnam 268 68.3 66 0.645 0.174

Closer examination of home languages of all students illustrates the existence of immense in-group differences among those who trace their heritage to a specific country, such as China and the Indian subcontinent.*

Many people would be surprised that Asian American students do fail and do drop out. In New York City’s public high schools, the Class of 2002 cohort (all those who entered into ninth grade in 1998) consisted of 14.1 percent Asian Americans. At the end of 2002, 67 percent of them graduated, 12.2 percent dropped out, and 21 percent were still enrolled.X Students need college ready courses and skills to compete for good-paying and sustainable jobs.

*Please refer to the Characteristics of Asian American Students Charts on the following page.

— 15 — Some Asian American students do take more years to graduate than the expected four years of high school. In the Class of 1999, 69.3 percent of Asian American students graduated within four years. This is compared to white stu- dents whose graduation rate was 73.3 percent, African American students at 47.1 percent, and Hispanic students at 42.1 percent. After seven years, the final graduation rate of Asian American students was 81.5 percent and the dropout rate was 18.5 percent. This is compared to white students who graduated at 83.6 percent and dropped out at 16.4 percent; African American students who graduated at 65.2 percent and dropped out at 34.8 percent; and Hispanic students who graduated at 60.6 percent and dropped out at 39.4 percent.XI Therefore, one in five Asian American students from the Class of 1999 will be excluded from certain employment opportunities because they lack a high school degree.

Characteristics of Asian American Students by Chinese Language Most Frequently Spoken at Home, New York City Elementary and Middle School Students, 2000-01V Number of Percent Percent Recent Percent Took Percent Took Mean Math Mean Reading Students Foreign-Born Immigrant Percent LEP Math Test Reading Test Test Score Test Score Cantonese 13,803 18.4 8.1 10.4 68.8 66.7 0.934 0.506 Mandarin 4,835 52.4 31.1 28.8 58.0 50.3 1.076 0.740 Chinese dialect 4,682 25.1 7.7 9.9 78.1 77.0 1.038 0.600 Chinese (Any) 1,594 39.6 33.4 25.9 27.9 23.8 1.171 0.827 Amoy (Fukienese) 1,074 77.7 34.0 47.1 60.7 43.4 0.493 0.059 Chinese-Spanish 111 24.3 7.2 11.7 81.1 78.4 0.977 0.649 Vietnamese-Chinese 102 25.5 7.8 14.7 68.6 66.7 0.620 0.100

Characteristics of Asian American Students by South Asian Language Most Frequently Spoken at Home, New York City Elementary and Middle School Students, 2000-01V Number of Percent Percent Recent Percent Took Percent Took Mean Math Mean Reading Students Foreign-Born Immigrant Percent LEP Math Test Reading Test Test Score Test Score Bengali 5,805 65.6 27.8 18.7 53.8 53.8 0.576 0.363 Urdu 4,942 63.4 36.9 24.7 46.2 46.3 0.396 0.216 Punjabi 2,500 61.9 27.8 23.2 49.9 49.8 0.310 0.052 Hindi 1,520 56.3 27.1 13.3 62.8 63.4 0.618 0.365 Gujarati 588 29.9 13.1 9.9 60.4 60.0 0.632 0.291 Tamil 204 54.9 27.5 6.9 63.7 64.7 0.796 0.493

Like in our school, you are expected to get into a good Research has shown that students who ‘felt greater involvement in classroom college. They tell you in freshman year, “Oh, the aver- and school activities’ were more likely to be successful.XII (Alva, 1993). age SAT score is 1400, so by the time you are a junior Integration into and identification with the school were related to success. or senior, you’ll be getting a 1400.” And people get On the other hand, Asian Americans students who felt ‘isolated in school and caught in it. Not everyone gets 1400, you know, defi- nitely not. that their educational experiences have not prepared them for college, and — Chinese American female, high school sophomore, thus upward mobility’ are more likely to show lower levels of achievement. native born

DROPOUTS VERSUS PUSH-OUTS The dropout rate for Asian Americans may be underestimated. Due to the limitations of tracking students and incom- plete or inaccurate reporting, the validity and reliability of graduation rate indicators are questionable. As a result, researchers examining the dropout phenomenon consider the number of actual dropouts to be grossly underestimated.XIII

— 16 — Class of 2002 Graduation and Dropout Rates X Percentage of Percentage of Percentage of Ethnic/ Racial Groups Year Graduates Dropouts Still Enrolled Native American 1999 45.0 18.3 36.7 2000 48.2 23.0 28.8 2001 45.1 17.4 37.4 2002 41.7 23.2 35.1

Asian 1999 67.5 10.0 22.5 2000 67.4 11.1 21.5 2001 68.7 11.3 20.0 2002 66.9 12.2 21.0

Hispanic 1999 40.2 22.4 37.5 2000 39.4 25.0 35.6 2001 41.3 25.9 32.9 2002 41.1 26.0 32.9

Black 1999 44.4 18.6 37.0 2000 44.4 20.4 35.2 2001 44.3 22.6 33.1 2002 44.4 22.1 33.4

White 1999 71.3 10.4 18.4 2000 71.3 11.3 17.4 2001 71.6 11.9 16.4 2002 70.5 12.2 17.2

Total Student Population 1999 50.1 17.5 32.4 2000 49.9 19.3 30.8 2001 51.0 20.4 28.6 2002 50.8 20.3 28.9

The dropout rate given a four-year outcome for Asian Americans increased from 7.5 percent to 12.2 percent from 1997 to 2002.IV One can speculate that this increase could be a result of higher standards, or possibly the increase in the num- ber of Asian American students not well-prepared to meet standards.

Students who dropout of school are believed to have made their own decision to end their education. However, some of those who dropped out may actually have been pushed-out. In other words, pushed-out students have been convinced by others that their only choice is to leave school when in fact those students want to remain.

The experience of Asian American students who have dropped out of high school is very similar to dropout stories in general. When CACF interviewed a group of GED students, they felt dropping out seemed to be the only option. Many students expressed feelings of being lost in the vast crowd of students, but those who persistently felt isolated and dis- connected were the ones who decided to discontinue their studies. When a student missed a class, it would become a

— 17 — downward spiral of missing more and more classes, and then feeling that failure is inevitable. There was no feeling of being able to catch up or to affect an already failing grade for missing previous classes. In addition, undocumented stu- dents may have feelings of hopelessness to achieve higher education or be employed legally. They may see the comple- tion of high school as fruitless and a waste of time, and decide to dropout and work instead.

Some students who are struggling to meet standards can be seen as a weight, bringing down the overall average of a school, a red flag for under par education in these high stakes testing times. Struggling and difficult students may be met with a defeatist attitude from teachers and guidance counselors who would encourage students to prepare for the GED instead of discussing strategies to get back on track for graduation.

Often, many students who immigrate as older adolescents may have missed years of schooling and/or face great diffi- culties mastering English to successfully perform on standardized exams. External influence to dropout is added to the students’ own defeatist attitude, feelings of disempowerment, and lack of knowledge of their own rights. Therefore, many students opt to drop out and take the GED.

Immigrant students may not understand that a GED is not equivalent to a high school degree in value. One student in our focus group inquired if it was right for a guidance counselor to tell students that they should leave school and take the GED. This push-out phenomenon has gained recognition following a study published by Advocates for Children and the Public Advocate for New York City that found that while the overall dropout is at 20%, the inclusion of push- outs would increase the rate to 29-30%.XIV

ENGLISH LANGUAGE LEARNERS Because most Asian American students are either children of immigrants or immigrants themselves, English is often not their first language. Asian American students are comprised of a multitude of ethnicities and speak an even greater num- ber of languages. They make up almost 20 percent of all English Language Learners. Chinese (11.1 percent) is the sec- ond largest language group after Spanish (70.2 percent). Asian languages (Chinese, Urdu, Bengali, Korean, and Punjabi) together make up 19.1 percent of all English language learners.XV Almost 40 percent of the teachers CACF surveyed saw English proficiency as one of the top concerns facing Asian American students.

For young children in elementary school, learning English is easier than for those who are older. Older children require a longer period of time than younger children to gain proficiency in a second language. The ideal goal for all students is to gain proficiency in English, but a secondary goal is often to help these students maintain their heritage and language.

English language learners can choose from a variety of educational options. Parents and students must choose the most appropriate program that would optimize the students’ learning. However, without proper understanding of the differ- ent types of programs and the needs of the students, such decisions can prove difficult. Parents can choose from transi- tional bilingual programs, English as a second language programs, and dual language programs. The only Asian dual lan- guage program available currently is in Chinese.

The difference between the programs is the amount of time English is used for teaching. All programs support gaining fluency in English. ESL programs use English to teach all subjects utilizing strategies for teaching English language learn- ers. Students in ESL programs speak a variety of languages. Bilingual programs are required when there are at least 20 students who speak the same language in the same grade. Bilingual programs split the day between English and the stu- dents’ native language, eventually preparing students to transition out to mainstream classes. In New York City, the aim is to transition all students out of bilingual programs within three years.

— 18 — The least available option for English language learners is dual language programs that encourage fluency in two lan- guages and mix native speakers of both English and another language. With all these options, it is important that par- ents and students are educated in and understand the benefits and disadvantages of the various programs so that the best decision for that particular student is made.

It is important for older students who are learning English to continue to learn subject knowledge in their native lan- guage in order for them to sustain an optimal level of learning and not fall behind. At the same time, intensive English classes offer students opportunities to improve their language capability to compete at rigorous levels. Often times, English language learners require extra support and extra time (i.e., beyond the expected four years of high school) to complete coursework successfully.

English Language Learner Enrollment by Language Group , 2000-2001XV Predominant Language Group Percent Total ELL Enrollments Total ELL Enrollments Spanish 70.2% 94,114 Chinese 11.1% 14,944 Russian 2.8% 3,818 Urdu 2.7% 3,639 Bengali 2.6% 3,544 Haitian 2.5% 3,289 Arabic 1.9% 2,506 Korean 1.7% 2,335 Albanian 1.2% 1,665 French 1.2% 1,656 Punjabi 1.0% 1,399 Polish 0.9% 1,239 Total 100.0% 134,148

Sometimes, when students have met requirements to transition into mainstream classes, their English proficiency may not be strong enough to maintain the same level of performance when in bilingual education. These students not only struggle with comprehending and performing at a faster pace in English, but they also have lost the extra support and services they were receiving as English language learners.

Often parents may not understand the implications of the programs that they choose for their children. Their greatest concern is for their children to learn and master English as quickly as possible. Parents may wrongly fear that certain pro- grams that teach their children in their native language would interfere with their children’s acquisition of English. Their lack of understanding of language acquisition leads them to question the strategies of the various programs, or underes- timate the value of retaining a native language.

Researchers have shown that bilingual abilities contribute towards academic success of students, especially younger stu- dents. Supporting skills in a first language leads to transferable cognitive skills. Also, the ability to maintain their first language allows students access to support in their communities.XVI(Bankston & Zhou, 1995).

— 19 — Quality bilingual programs (i.e., certified bilingual teachers, extra academic support) are imperative for the success of English language learners especially if they are expected to make progress and meet certain requirements. According to an Advocates for Children report on English Language Learners, fifty-nine percent of bilingual and ESL teachers in New York City are uncertified or reaching retirement age.XVII

For the most part, Asian immigrant students do not perform as well on English language assessments as o native-born students. Studies have shown that Asian American students who demonstrate lower reading scores were more likely to report feeling isolated and uninvolved in school. In fact, those who lack English proficiency feel very anxious and iso- lated (Alva, 1993).XII In addition, while math exams may seem to be a more equal playing field for English language learners and native speakers, directions and word problems in English may be misunderstood by ELLs. Math exams not translated into a student's native language can be explained by an interpreter. Unfortunately, the availability of such inter- preters are rare. Asian American Immigrant Students and Percent Who are Limited English Proficient, Elementary and Middle School, 2000-2001*V Country of Origin Number of students Percent LEP Bangladesh 3,847 24.8% Burma 99 38.4% China 6,307 46.4% Guyana 2,433 0.4% Hong Kong 849 22.6% India 3,260 23.8% Indonesia 109 19.3% Japan 118 15.3% Korea North 78 39.7% Korea South 2,203 27.7% Macao 39 20.5% Malaysia 126 22.2% Nepal 66 22.7% Other 71 21.1% Pakistan 3,605 34.5% Philippines 816 10.4% Sri Lanka 199 24.1% Taiwan 213 23.9% Thailand 84 27.4% Trinidad and Tobago 1,055 0.2% Vietnam 268 31.3%

SPECIAL EDUCATION It is of utmost importance that parents of children in special education are aware of their children’s rights and are active participants in making decisions about their children’s educational programs. Understanding of the intricate system of

*Students designated as LEP (Limited English Proficient) scored at or below the 40th percentile on the Language Assessment Battery.

— 20 — referrals, evaluations, program and services decisions, and reviews and reevaluations is already quite difficult without the cultural barriers and limited English proficiency which many immigrant parents face.

Asian American children are under represented in special education as compared to other racial groups. In the 2002- 2003 school year, 4,079 Asian Americans received some level of special education.IV 1.3 percent of Asian American ele- mentary and middle school students are in full-time special education, and 3 percent in part-time special education.V

However, it is uncertain whether Asian American students are not getting the services they need, or if they really do not need services. Asian American children are referred at the lowest rate, but once they are referred, they are twice as likely to be recommended to the most restrictive setting.XVIII Asian American children are over represented among those desig- nated as mentally retarded, speech impaired, and autistic, and are least likely to receive preschool special education.XVIII

Information on disabilities and special education is not easily accessible to Asian immigrant parents who lack proficien- cy in English. In addition, cultural stigmas around disabilities and hesitation to seek outside help may result in delayed access to services. Physical and mental disabilities can be seen as casting a negative light on the family. In addition, immi- grant parents may not easily recognize potential symptoms as learning disabilities and instead see such difficulties as fail- ures and laziness. Many immigrant parents may not be educated or made aware of critical points in their child’s devel- opment. In addition, countries in Asia have varying, mostly limited, services that provide early intervention, so many parents are unaware that such services exist. Even when such barriers are eliminated, finding culturally and linguistical- ly appropriate help may be a barrier in and of itself. Bilingual professionals that offer evaluation and/or ongoing thera- peutic services are difficult to find in certain Asian languages and are non-existent in others.

CURRICULUM AND EXTRACURRICULAR CONCERNS Sometimes immigrant parents are not familiar with the approach used in the United States to teach their children because such means are vastly different from the ways they were taught in their native countries. They, therefore, may feel their children are not learning appropriate problem solving skills.

With the new core math curriculum implemented by the Department of Early on, the school encourages reading and writing. I Education, teachers are encouraged to use interactive games to teach math think the math is too easy and basic. They can learn concepts that may have previously been taught through drills and repeti- more difficult material, but the basic math foundation is not strong. Teachers teach 80% for reading, and tion. Immigrant parents unfamiliar with theories on learning would see 20% is for math. That’s why when students get to high such a departure from rote learning as ineffective. Differences in school they can’t handle more complicated problems. approaches can result in friction between parents and teachers, especially The math strategy they teach here it not the right way. when two approaches are not seemingly complementary. Parents may They don’t emphasize doing problems in their head. — Chinese American mother of two high school youth encourage students to use other strategies in total disregard of what is being taught in class.

In certain Asian countries, such as China, India, and Korea, entrance exams for college can determine what fate meets the student. Good behavior and effort cannot bolster a poor score. Therefore, prep courses or “cram schools” are very common to help students starting in the U.S. equivalent of junior high school to maximize test scores. In Asian countries, ranking and grades throughout one’s educational career are often the determining fac- tors for later success.

For some Asian American students, prep courses are a common after-school activity. Some families have the expendable income to pay for prep courses, while others scrimp and save, or find free or discounted programs.

— 21 — However, the skills that these prep courses impart and the behavior that is expected are at times incompatible with the skills and behaviors expected in American schools.

Parents send their children to courses that will help them prepare for standardized tests and high school admissions examinations. Many of these prep courses may follow similar teaching methods as those in Asia, familiar to par- ents who may feel such methods would be more helpful.

Parents may hope students learn discipline and obedience in an educational setting more similar to what they expe- rienced as students. The behavior expected of students in some of these prep courses are in line with expectations of students in Asia. Proper behavior consists of highly disciplined students who learn through memorization and are not expected to question or think creatively. This is in stark contradiction with expectations in American schools. Students may become confused as to what is expected of them, and must be able to learn in these two very different learning environments.

According to an article in The New York Times,XIX the popularity of prepa- How many prep courses can we take? How many dif- ferent ways can they teach and really push you until ration courses within certain Asian ethnic communities, in particular the you get it? The whole thing about prep school is, why Chinese and Korean communities, is evident when looking at the pages should you go to school while you just do the prep of prep courses listed in ethnic yellow pages and advertisements in ethnic courses and you’ll ace the SAT? papers. Not only have these courses gained in popularity among Asian — Chinese American female, high school sophomore, native born American families, non-Asian families have also begun to enroll. While for the most part, these courses offer test preparation and test-taking strategies, some have also offered cultural classes and even classes on Asian Americans.

In addition, weekend and after-school language programs are also very attractive to immigrant parents who wish their children to be exposed to their native language and develop fluency in conversation and writing. These schools also may expect certain behavior from students that digress from the independent thinking promoted more in U.S. schools.

Immigrant parents may not see the importance of extracurricular activities that are not directly linked to the aca- demic improvement of their children. American schools may emphasize the importance of participation in sports and creative outlets that will help children’s development in social skills, critical thinking, and athletics. Asian American students may not opt to participate in such activities, or participate at minimal levels because they fear extracurricular activities will interfere with academics. Some students may I work at my parents’ restaurant. The reason for me to not feel welcomed as participants in these activities, or they may not be be there is my mom is just tired. She is tired all the recruited because others may think they are not interested or not capable. time, and there is no one else to work, and they make Still others may not have the luxury of extra time if they must work after me work. I used to work every day in my freshman school. year. Now I work weekends. You know when you see your mom working and you kind of feel bad, so you work. But you have something to do like homework. There may be a difference between males and females and the influence — Chinese American female, high school junior, native born of gender roles on participation in extracurricular activities. Girls may not be given as much independence as boys and may be forbidden to participate in activities that would offer oppor- tunities for supervised girl-boy interaction. Girls may be expected to take care of household chores, or supervise younger siblings, thus limiting their available time.

— 22 — BEYOND HIGH SCHOOL Graduating high school and moving onto college is an indicator of success. Asian Americans are enrolling in col- leges at high rates, and it may be assumed that is a goal for all Asian American families. However, many families have more practical concerns for their families. Families struggling with financial hardship may need their children to enter the workforce and secure a stable job. Those who do choose to enter college may have their choices limit- ed due to financial reasons, opting for the more economical city or state universities, or doubling employment with course loads. They may also be encouraged to stay closer to homes, to both save financially as well as maintain that interdependence of the family. Undocumented students after completing their high school education, have little choice if financially a higher education is out of reach because of their inability to access government funds. In addi- tion, their status may prevent them from being able to work legally and contribute as full citizens.

Students who do opt for the college route may meet obstacles in applying for colleges. Native born parents can be very involved in their children’s college application, assisting them in their essay writing, touring college campuses, and providing feedback on what type of college would suit their children. For immigrant parents, time and English proficiency may limit parental involvement in the college process leaving many students, themselves not knowing the process, on their own or scrambling to find help. Some families are lucky to find services in the community that offer assistance through the process.

In college, the emphasis is often placed on practical studies that lead to professional careers and gainful employ- ment. Therefore, students may feel stress for following the wishes of their parents, and avoid exploring other fields that do not appear to be linked to stable employment. Students and parents may also be unfamiliar with other fields. They may choose to please their parents or may feel obligated to be financially secure to support their fam- ilies and disregard any other interests to study and pursue.

RECOMMENDATIONS: ACADEMICS DEVELOP CULTURAL COMPETENCY 1. School and regional staff, from superintendents to teachers to security officers, need to be prepared to work with the Asian American community. Training on the diversity in the Asian American community, cultural influences, and barriers to accessing services is imperative.

IMPROVE DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS 2. Schools, regional divisions and central offices must ensure proper collection of demographic data of all students and make disaggregated data on communities available. Only with a proper understanding of the needs of Asian American students can proper services and programs be planned.

ELIMINATE LANGUAGE BARRIERS 3. Schools must ensure language needs of students and parents are properly assessed. It is necessary that special attention is paid to dialects and written languages. To assist in efficient access to translation and interpretation services, a centralized resource bank of such services must be developed.

4. The Department of Education must create additional dual language programs in other Asian languages. Not only do dual language programs foster fluency in English, but in another language as well.

KEEP PARENTS INFORMED 5. Parents must be informed of the new curriculum, introduced to different strategies of teaching, and directed to where they can find resources to help support their children in their learning.

— 23 — INFORMAL EDUCATION

Our children spend their formative years and a majority of their time in the confines of a school. Teachers and school staff while imparting their knowledge of reading, writing, and arithmetic, can also serve as repositories of knowledge on social understanding and relating. Schools can become a training ground for students in understanding diversity, increasing civic involvement, and improving social skills. Schools can play a significant role in the overall development of their students.

CHARACTER DEVELOPMENT For many parents, schools are seen as places in which their children can build character and learn how to be respectable, responsible contributors to society. In CACF’s interviews, parents and students defined good students as responsible, hard-working, and respectful individuals who strive to do their best. In fact, parents felt that schools can play a special role in helping to reinforce good behavior among elementary school students.

ETHNIC IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT According to national data, Asian American students exhibit the lowest levels of self-esteem compared to all other broad- ly defined racial groupsXX (Bankston & Zhou, 2002). The cultivation of a positive ethnic identity is important because it correlates with both an individual’s healthy self-esteem and also high academic achievement. Often Asian American youth struggle with the apparent differences in expectations and values of American society and their own families, or with their identification with a minority group. When Asian American youth face such difficulties, these difficulties can continually threaten their self-esteem.

Even though I’m in the bilingual program, I try hard to The type of difficulties faced by immigrant students during their development learn about other cultures and listen to American are dictated by the age at which they come to the U.S. and the availability of music and watch American TV shows. I have other maintaining connections to Asian culture, both traditional and popular. Some friends who only want to listen to Chinese music, youth maintain close ties to their ethnic culture, speak their native language, watch Chinese television programs, and speak only in Chinese. I try to tell them that they should try other and seek friends who share the same background. Such close association with things because they should practice their English and their ethnic culture has for some students been a source of security for confident learn about the American culture. exploration of mainstream culture. For other students, such association can — Chinese American male high school senior, interfere with their exploration of the mainstream culture due to the lack of recent immigrant desire to leave their comfort zone.XXI (Tong, 2000).

While school is a place for interaction and acculturation, children and parents may begin to diverge in certain aspects, such as value systems and expectations. Sociologists Min Zhou and Carl Bankston IIIXXII (2002) have found that achiev- ers acculturate slower to American ways than delinquents who are more likely to abandon their ethnic heritage and not see the importance of maintaining it. They are more likely embarrassed by their parents and often refuse to speak their native language. The more distant such students feel from their family and ethnic community, the more they turn towards peers for support.

The difference between parents’ traditional ways and peers’ Americanized way causes an even greater divide among students who try to balance the apparent odds. Those unable to see the value in their ethnic community or access support from the community experience increasing difficulties and negative outcomes, such as low test scores and high dropout rates.

— 24 — Influencing the development of a positive ethnic identity is critical, particularly during adolescence when many minority children begin developing awareness of identity issues. Support from schools and the community can assist families in handling cultural divides and generation gaps between parents and children, as well as support the children in developing a positive identification with their ethnic heritage.

A positive ethnic identity seeks to find complements in the mainstream dominant culture and one’s respective ethnic culture. Psychologists have characterized the development of ethnic identity as a process of moving from lack of awareness to acceptance of one’s ethnic identity as described in the figure below.

THE ETHNIC IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT PROCESS

STAGE 1 STAGE 2 STAGE 3 Lack of Awareness of Ethnicity Development of Awareness Acceptance of Ethnicity • Issues of discrimination and • Exploration of ethnic heritage • Comfort with both ethnic and alienation are not understood takes place dominant culture is achieved Positive or ignored • Conflict between ethnic and • Openness to diversity and Ethnic • Stereotypes of ethnic group mainstream values may be experiencing other cultures Identity may be accepted experienced • High possibility of rejection of • Individual may choose to immerse ethnic culture in favor of dominant self in ethnic culture and adopt an culture ethnocentric point of view

A part of this process includes the understanding of the impact of stereotypes and the influence of both dominant and ethnic cultures on behavior. Through this trial, the goal is for the individual to reach a healthy sense of self, to have feel- ings of belonging to both the majority and minority groups, and to strike a balance between two seemingly opposing cultural beliefs. For example, Asian cultures emphasize interdependence of family members, while “American” main- stream culture emphasizes the independence of individuals. Striking a balance would entail understanding when and in what situations such values are expected. In its ideal state, individuals will not only feel positive about themselves, but also be open to other cultures and look to challenge oppression of any kind. Therefore, a positive ethnic identity leads to high self-esteem, improved academic achievement, and respect and openness to others. [For more information on the Ethnic Identity Process, see Appendix.]

LACK OF ASIAN AMERICAN PRESENCE IN CURRICULUM As many Asian American students are immigrants or children of immigrants, they may not have parents who have an understanding of what it means to be an ethnic minority and the history of race relations and the civil rights movement in America. Parents may have been members of the majority, grew up in more homogeneous communities with similar cultures, or from the upper crust of the social hierarchy in their birth country. Some parents may actually identify strong- ly with their Asian culture and not see themselves as American.

Schools can unknowingly influence both positively and negatively, and assist in the development of their students’ eth- nic identity. How the school depicts Asian Americans may support or undermine the worth of the individual’s ethnic culture, and thus influence the development of an ethnic identity.

— 25 — Often, students are given limited opportunity to learn about world cultures, history, arts and literature. To address the situation, Asia Society developed a website for teachers to access prepared lesson plans and online resources. While it is important that students have opportunities to explore other cultures and perspectives, information on Asian culture alone is not enough.

When they teach about Asian culture, they never talk about modern Asia as if they are living in the old age. It is still important to fairly represent the presence and contributions in the And we need to learn about Asian Americans ... like it’s arts, science, civil rights movement, etc. of Asians in America. In addition, very important to learn about Japanese Americans and presenting the immigrant experience will validate and incorporate the expe- the internment so that it doesn’t happen again. But riences of Asian American students. Such measures must be sensitive to the like the Muslim community, there’s so many people missing. We don’t know where they went. It’s like his- diversity and culture of Asian Americans. Stereotypical representations and tory repeating itself. The teachers need to know more tokenism will actually thwart any efforts in building understanding. and then we can learn more. — Pakistani American female, current college sophomore, Teachers are often stretched to the limit as they work to implement their cur- Queens high school alumna, native-born riculum, ensure their students have a foundation of basic skills sets, and pre- pare for standardized exams. Including Asian and Asian American topics into the school year are too often last on the list of priorities. Even with constraints, there are ways for classrooms to acknowledge Asian Americans and ensure rep- resentation. Teachers can encourage and direct their students to work on projects and reports on Asian Americans. School and classroom libraries can include Asian American authors. Reading comprehension can be taught using excerpts discussing Asian American history.

SOCIAL INTERACTION A school community is the social environment in which children learn how to interact and develop the majority of their non-family relationships. This is their training ground for developing their social skills and their ability to interact with people from diverse backgrounds. Schools can offer invaluable opportunities for diverse student populations to interact and learn from each other. … when you are not like the rest of them, everyone thinks, ‘Oh, you are white,’ like you are a twinkie or Students are often faced with great diversity upon entering high school. If something. You don’t hang out with all those Asians, schools at the lower grades have not emphasized mutual understanding and that means you are a twinkie. So the fact that they try respect, high schools may struggle in establishing that understanding. to place me into a category is what bothers me. (The term “twinkie” refers to being yellow on the outside and white on the inside; a metaphor for looking East When social interaction is limited to one’s own social groups, there are pos- Asian but carrying values of and being immersed in sible benefits as well as dangers. On one hand, some students can benefit White America.) greatly when supported by peers — Chinese American female, high school sophomore, native born You can see at my school … the Chinese kids stay with who face similar struggles because the Chinese kids, the Indians with the Indians, the of culture and immigration experiences. However, there is a danger of a lack Blacks with the Blacks. But then within those groups, you got the America born Chinese and you got the of mutual understanding and growing mistrust of other groups, especially FOBs. (FOB is an acronym standing for “fresh off the when students are not equipped with the skills and tools to increase that boat,” a derogatory term for immigrants.) understanding. Additionally, the parents of students may not be able to offer — Chinese American female junior in high school, the guidance to offset the dangers because of their own prejudices and/or lack native born of understanding.

In most ethnically mixed schools, self segregation is common. In one study, students from one ethnic group rarely knew their classmates from other ethnic groups. Within ethnic groups, students had more unique identifiers for their class-

— 26 — mates, such as "popular," "jock,” or “nerds.” Across ethnic groups, students would identify their classmates as part of an ethnic group, and seldom used more unique identifiers.XXIII (Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992).

Students who are more acculturated find it easier and have more opportuni- My school is diverse and people basically get along. But when they hang out they only hang out with their ties to interact with diverse communities than limited English proficient type of people, like Asians always stick together. immigrant students in bilingual classrooms. The comfort level of speaking And it’s broken down into Asian ethnic groups. It’s English may be a deciding factor as to whether or not students interact in easier to get along because you share similar culture diverse groups, or prefer to socialize in groups that speak their native lan- and experiences. guage. It is important to mention also that children who are limited English — Bangladeshi American female, high school senior, foreign-born proficient are often not given any opportunities to meet and socialize with English proficient students.

In addition, stereotypes of particular groups may influence peer interaction. All students may carry their own prejudices of other groups based on race or language. What often gets unnoticed is when native born Asian American students may not want to be identified with recent immigrants who may be seen as foreign.

HARASSMENT Excerpt from “My Journey Home” by Anna Song Published by Youth Communication* “A little girl is walking happily from school. It is Friday and she can’t wait to go home. She wants to tell everyone that she just got her first 100 on a spelling test. Suddenly, two big boys stop in front of her, blocking the little girl’s path. They are on bicycles. One of the boys, the one with the bright red hair, start shifting his bicycle. The little girl is afraid. She doesn’t understand why they are bothering her. What did she do? She wants them to go away, leave her alone!

‘Hey you! What are you doing here, huh? Why don’t you go back to China?’ the redhead bellows.‘Yeah,’ the other one follows, ‘you speak English!’ The little girl doesn’t say anything. She’s too afraid. She wants to run away, but the bikes are still in front of her. ‘Why do you have funny-lookin’ eyes?’ ‘Why don’t you speak English?’ ‘What’s your name, huh? Ching-Chong? Sheng-Meng?’ The little girl is running now. The tears in her eyes barely allow her to see where she’s going, but she doesn’t care. She can still hear the boys laughing, finding her fear hilarious. She just wants to go home, where it’s safe. She never did tell anyone about the 100 on her spelling test.

Later that day, after a good cry, I remember looking at myself in the mirror and seeing — I mean really seeing that I was different from most of the kids in school. I had black hair instead of blond, dark brown eyes instead of corn- flower blue or brown. What I’m trying to say is that I realized for the first time that America was not like Korea. Not everyone had the same color hair or eyes. There was bound to be some resentment, some misunderstanding.”

A growing concern among community members, parents, and students, is the deteriorating feeling of safety within the schools. A rising number of incidents have been brought to the attention of the community involving the attacks of Asian American students. For the most part, violent attacks appear to be few and far between. However, harassment may be a regular, daily experience of many students causing many to fear school, or fear interaction with unfamiliar people. Particularly vulnerable are a) students of South Asian descent who, after September 11th, were harassed based on the assumption that they looked Arab; and b) limited English proficient and recent immigrant students. *Youth Communication is a nonprofit youth development and publishing corporation. “My Journey Home” appears in two Youth Communication’s publications, Growing up Asian, and Starting With I: Personal Essays by Teenagers. More information on Youth Communication can be found at www.youthcomm.org.

— 27 — Harassment at schools is greatly underreported. Teachers and school staff may not know what to do about incidents and instead ignore what happened or downplay the incident. Parents may never be aware of occurrences, and students may never report.

When harassed, Asian American students, especially immigrants, may not My high school was very diverse. Sometimes there is racism and discrimination and people feel left out. know what to do or who to turn to for help. Many may be frightened to When September 11th happened, people discriminated report the incident to schools fearing backlash from the perpetrators. Many and labeled you Muslim, calling you a terrorist immigrant parents may fear the interaction with police or school security because you’re South Asian. But some teachers did because of a history of distrust of law enforcement in their native countries, talk about it; what teachers say can influence people’s thoughts. or a fear that the police may inquire about their immigration status. Strict dis- — Indian American female, college sophomore, ciplinary action taken upon any students involved in brawls may prevent Queens high school alumna, native-born many to take action.

The New York City Commission on Human Rights released a report following a survey conducted in the Muslim, Arab, and South Asian communities. The report titled “Discrimination Against Muslims, Arabs, and South Asians in New York City Since 9/11” found a vast majority of the Muslim, Arab, and South Asian respondents (83%) did not ask for help. Reasons cited include fear, belief that “nothing would be done,” lack of knowledge of whom to contact, and belief that the incident is not worth reporting.XXIV

After September 11th, there were a growing number of bias crimes against Arab Americans as well as South Asian Americans who were perceived to be Arab. They were verbally attacked, called terrorists and jeered to return to where they came from. Others were physically attacked on their way to and from school. The New York City Commission on Human Rights report quoted a student respondent: “(I was) punched by another student in the nose and (my) nose was broken. One student said ‘we should burn all Muslims.’”XXIV

One of the Muslim girls had their hair covered, and a Some students in fear of being targeted denied their heritage and their cul- West Indian child joked around about how the girl should be sent back. Sikh children have their hair ture, verbally and outwardly. Some Muslim girls refused to wear the hijab wrapped, and kids will joke around saying “is that a while others felt forced into not wearing it. Some young males who followed boy or a girl.” The schools never address it. Sikhism, a religion from India not related to Islam, cut their beards and hair — Indian American service provider, community-based and took off their turbans.* organization’s school-based program

Students who feel more vulnerable are those students who are recent immigrants and limited English proficient. These students and their parents may be least familiar with what actions can be taken. They may also be viewed as the most vulnerable.

For many, these students are segregated from others in the school, affording limited opportunities for socializing with other students. They are either segregated because of classes and schedules, or self-segregated by race, ethnicity, immi- gration history, or language. This is combined with students’ racist and prejudice attitudes towards students unlike them- selves that may be based on movies and television. Mutual misunderstanding and segregation may promote feelings of in- and out-group identification that can result in vulnerable students being targeted.

Often adults see harassment as bullying and a normal experience for children that will help toughen them up. However, an environment that condones such behavior by silence without acknowledging and correcting the biases underlying

*It is common practice for Muslim women to cover their head and/or faces with a veil. It is also common practice for Sikh men to wear turbans and leave their hair uncut.

— 28 — such action can breed intolerance of differences. Prevention and proper intervention is key, and criminalization of per- petrators is not the answer. Many students neither have the vocabulary to discuss racism, nor have an understanding of the history of the basis of the stereotypes. When empowered with this knowledge and tools, students seem to become more able to address incidents of harassment. Having school staff and administration modeling sensitive behavior when they relate to each other and their students is also important. I was attacked and was unconscious in the hospital for Principals are held accountable for the safety of their schools and are a couple of days. The principal didn’t do anything immediately and now that I’m back in school, I don’t responsible for reporting incidents that may make the school seem unsafe. feel the environment has changed. School people This contradiction may result in failure to report serious incidents as that avoid discussing racism. can tarnish a school’s reputation. — Chinese American male high school senior, recent immigrant

RECOMMENDATIONS: INFORMAL EDUCATION PROMOTE POSITIVE IDENTITY FORMATION AND INCLUSIVENESS 1. Schools need to take a proactive approach to promoting positive identity formation that includes a healthy ethnic identity

2. Schools need to offer opportunities for students to interact and learn from each other. This might include mentoring programs, planning of heritage months and other efforts to foster inclusiveness.

3. All schools, but especially those with large Asian American populations, need to be inclusive of Asian Americans in their curriculum such as placing Asian American authors on reading lists, taking excerpts from Asian American works to be used in lessons, and having books on Asian Americans and books written by Asian Americans on the shelves in school libraries.

PREVENT ANTI-ASIAN HARASSMENT AND VIOLENCE 4. Schools should start anti-bullying programs in the elementary school grades and offer peer mediation programs for higher grades.

5. Schools must improve reporting of harassment and bias related incidents and educate students, parents and staff on proper behavior and the process to report incidents.

— 29 — P ARENT INVOLVEMENT

In the midst of education reform, parents have become important partners in improving the education of our children. Increasing parent involvement has been one of the components of the Department of Education’s Children First reform to improve New York City’s school system. Resources have been allocated to hire staff at the school, district, and central levels, whose sole responsibility is to work with parents and improve parent Some people have prejudices against Chinese people. They will complain more about the Chinese families, engagement. but Chinese families are not expected to complain. And fundraising, Chinese parents don’t give as much. Parent involvement can be seen as both a parent-child and parent-school I think that would affect the children because those interaction. Such involvement will vary depending on parental beliefs and parents who can give more will be treated better. — Chinese American mother of two elementary attitudes that are shaped by parental background, history of school interac- school children tion, and economic and social status.

BARRIERS TO INVOLVEMENT Getting parents involved is a formidable task. A better understanding of the influence of culture and immigration on parents as well as the reality of their daily lives can help to build a better relationship between schools and parents before a crisis occurs. An improved understanding will also help to develop more realistic demands on parents. In addition, it is important to build upon strengths such as the interdependence of family members to offer support to students. Parents must be taught how to encourage educational success.

Focus on Research: Differences in Parental Involvement XXV In a study of Chinese American parents, differences in parental involvement (“parental expectations, strategies, and investments”) depended on economic status, acculturation, and English language proficiency. All parents in the study had high educational expectations of their children, but used different strategies and different opportunities to get their children into college. Chinese American middle class parents in suburban neighborhoods sent their chil- dren to private schools and well-funded public schools and were more involved in overseeing their children’s edu- cation in and out of school. Chinese American parents in urban areas who either worked in the mainstream econ- omy or owned businesses in their ethnic community depended on ethnic networks for support and were limited in the hours that they could supervise their children because of long work hours and/or limited English proficiency. (Louie, 2001)

Some teachers and school staff commonly complain that Asian American parents do not get involved, are hard to reach, and some may go so far as to say they are bad parents. Some teachers may feel that Asian American parents place too much pressure on their children to succeed without investing time to be involved in achieving that success.

Many parents may work at jobs offering inflexible hours and may have to care Parents are not available. Parents believe that their job for young children which limits their availability to become involved. Many is to make money, and it is the schools’ job to educate immigrant parents, who lack English proficiency, may feel intimidated or and to discipline their children. Also, parents often embarrassed to become involved. Some parents who want to be involved do move families from place to place based on where the restaurants are operating. not know how to get involved, being unfamiliar with systems and processes. — Chinese bilingual elementary school guidance counselor Other parents may not be familiar with what are realistic expectations for par- ent involvement in American schools.

— 30 — For the most part, in Asia, many decisions regarding the education of students fall on the shoulders of the teachers, the respected professionals who are seen to be more knowledgeable of what is best. Some parents see teachers and schools as experts and could not imagine what they as parents can contribute. This is in stark contrast with the increase in par- ent involvement that the Department of Education is seeking.

All the parents CACF interviewed discussed how they did not understand the One of my Bangladeshi students has a learning dis- ability. She has been assessed. The father was brought system. Much of the information regarding their children’s schools or the in to discuss her needs and recommendations. He felt processes involved in navigating the system are accessed by word of mouth comfortable seeing me, a South Asian face. The father from parents who are more familiar or who have gone through the system, or deferred to us for everything, but I’m not sure if he from community service providers with whom they have worked. They were really understood. all also afraid to complain or disagree in fear of backlash from the school or — Indian American middle school teacher teachers who would make it uncomfortable or difficult for their children.

Schools need to teach parents how to participate. This includes attending par- I don’t feel welcome in school. Some teachers are not ent-teacher meetings, responding to correspondences sent from the schools, welcoming; you can see it on their face. Parents don’t and the possibility of sitting on parents associations, school leadership teams, understand how schools are run and when you ask and the Community Education Councils. Parents need to know that they questions, they give you some kind of attitude. should ask children about school and try to monitor their work to the best of — Chinese American mother of elementary school child their abilities.

Many parents do not feel welcome at school, especially when they are struggling with English proficiency. They feel even more intimidated and unwelcome at the front doors of the school as identification needs to be checked and security guards question their presence. In addition, interpreters are rarely available. Sometimes, the only option is to use the stu- dents themselves to act as the go-between for school staff and parents, a very precarious situation as students may not tell parents everything, especially if something negative is involved. It is even more likely that high school students do not share all information with their parents as high school students in general prefer less involvement of parents.

I don’t know how the school system works actually. It Children at times may become embarrassed by parents because of their inabil- seems to be what the teacher says. And when the ity to speak English, or parents being reminders of the representation of tra- school is not accepting of cultural things like when I ditional culture that is at odds with what is “American.” Many children may sent tea instead of water for my child, I couldn’t com- second guess their parents’ ability to be involved because they are seen as not plain. I feel there are a lot of unfair circumstances because I don’t speak English fluently and I wonder if knowledgeable about how things are done here in America. This can under- it is the same for a White parent who can communi- mine a parents’ authority and further strain the child-parent relationship. cate with the school. — Korean American mother of two elementary For many immigrant parents, the school children major barrier is language. Many When I try to correct my child’s homework when I know that the teacher did not review it but simply checked if parents realize the power they gain with the ability to communicate in it was completed, my son says that it’s right because English. Many parents who have limited English skills wish to be able to the teacher didn’t say it was wrong. He doesn’t believe improve those skills. However, the reality is that there are few affordable, high that I can help or that I know what I’m saying. quality English as a second language classes available. Even when there are, — Chinese American mother of two elementary school children very few fit into an immigrant parent’s schedule. In addition, many parents would not even know where to start looking for these classes.

— 31 — In addition to language, some parents have little or no formal education. In New York City, while 36.1 percent of Asian Americans age 25 and over have at least a college degree, 23.9 percent did not complete high school.I Immigrant parents who have limited experience in formal education in their native countries have even less experience in navigating the public school system of complicated policies and procedures, such as choosing a school and transferring out.

Some parents may ask extended family members, especially those who are more acculturated or English proficient to assist them in their children’s education, such as accompanying them to meetings. Teachers and school staff should acknowledge this extra support and see them as valuable resources.

Schools need to be dedicated to ensuring an open environment for parent participation. It is important to offer concrete ways for parents to participate and get involved that would be sensitive to obstacles that many families face. For exam- ple, parents may not have flexible schedules to actually attend parent association meetings but still want to offer input. Other outlets for their input should be utilized such as surveys.

Placing parent coordinators in every school is a positive step forward for outreaching to parents. However, coordinators must be prepared to offer information on how to get involved, what is expected, and where to find resources, such as adult English classes. It is important to acknowledge that with a single parent coordinator at each school, there will be limitations to what can be accomplished. Some schools have very large numbers of parents who can also be vastly diver- sified in language and culture.

Parents we interviewed found it difficult to communicate with teachers and wish they had regular communication with their children’s teachers. While having translators and interpreters available for limited English proficient parents is important, it is often a difficult task to provide access in the many languages that our public school parents speak. Often times, the children themselves are called upon to interpret for their parents. Teachers have expressed concern with this practice citing uncertainty in the proper interpretation of the conversation to the parents, as well as the imbalance of power and awkwardness for all parties involved.

A recent reportXXVI released by New School University found that 50 percent Letters informing us of events are usually in English only. When it is translated into Korean, it is usually a of survey respondents did not receive translated written notices and 40 per- bad translation because important details are missing. cent were not asked for their input regarding their children’s education. — Korean American mother of three elementary Having translated materials and letters, while definitely important, should school children not be seen as the only solution for increasing parent participation. It is also necessary to offer parents opportunities to learn about school systems and ways to get involved.

The extent of parental involvement varies at the elementary, middle, and high school levels. While parents tend to over- see their children at the elementary school level, during middle school and high school parents may not recognize the necessity of their involvement and students are more likely not to want parents involved.

In outreaching, it may take time to develop the trust of parents. It is also dif- In elementary school, I always got notes that were ficult to pinpoint those key parents who can involve other parents or become translated. In junior high and high school, I don’t mentors. The task is more difficult in middle school and high school when receive anything, translated or not. parents often do not pick up and drop off their children, a prime opportuni- — Chinese American mother of two, one high school and one elementary ty for schools to interact with parents. In addition, there is less time to work

— 32 — with parents and develop trust because students spend fewer years in one school at the middle and high school levels than at the elementary level.

RECOMMENDATIONS: PARENT INVOLVEMENT EDUCATE AND ENGAGE PARENTS 1. All schools must assess how welcoming and accessible schools are to parents, especially immigrant and limited English proficient parents.

2. All schools should have orientation for new parents and teach them about ways to be involved.

IMPROVE THE USE OF PARENT COORDINATORS 3. The Department of education needs to establish standards for the allocation of an appropriate number of parent coordinators per school that is based on workload (the ratio between the number of families to every one parent coordinator) as well as language and cultural needs.

— 33 — COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION

The Department of Education is seeking to form partnerships with community agencies who successfully offer support services to the community because these organizations possess knowledge of their population’s needs. Through the Office of Youth Development and School-Community Services, “the Department of Education is bringing together school, families and local communities to support children’s healthy development. For children to do their best in the classroom, they must be healthy, safe, well fed and supported both inside and outside their schools.”IV

Other larger agencies with no specific expertise in working with Asian American families have been contracted by the Department of Education to help train parent coordinators in understanding the parental roles and best practices for engagement, learning how to develop a welcoming environment, and understanding student achievement levels, includ- ing strategies for students who are English language learners and in special education. One of the responsibilities of par- ent coordinators is to access resources for parents within the community, as well as develop mutually beneficial relation- ships with community agencies. The lack of expertise on the part of these agencies results in the parent coordinators not receiving the appropriate skills and resources needed to effectively assist Asian American parents.

BUILDING UPON TRUST In immigrant neighborhoods, community based agencies often are the places where families turn to for help because they tend to be staffed with people who are familiar with immigrant cultures and who are able to speak their languages. When that relationship is formed, families look towards these community based organizations to help them navigate the multiple systems of health, employment, housing, and education. Youth-serving agencies are especially seen as sources parents can turn to for help with school-related issues. It is important that parent coordinators be familiar with the many smaller community organizations that outreach to immigrant communities, but often are unnoticed by mainstream or government organizations.

Ethnic groups have varying numbers of community based organizations. For example, the Chinese and Korean com- munities both have a number of organizations, while other communities like the Bangladeshi community have far less. However, even among those communities with a number of organizations, services are not equally dispersed, varying between the boroughs and among neighborhoods with large populations.

Many immigrant communities do not have large, or established infrastruc- I learn about Filipino culture and history and language here [at FAHSI, Filipino American Human Services, Inc.] tures because of their relatively recent growth in population size. Often and I get to connect with other Filipino kids. At school, informal social networks and community leaders prove to be invaluable we learn nothing about the Philippines. resources and assistance for newer immigrant families. For example, the — Filipino American, high school senior, male, native born Council on Pakistan Organization developed from the necessity to meet the needs of a growing Pakistani community in Brooklyn. The founders and early staff of the agency were local merchants from the area who had been living there for decades and were more familiar with ways to access services and assistance for their community.

Many youth-serving organizations offer opportunities for students to explore culture and be exposed to varying com- munity perspectives and events. In fact, many youth found the freedom to explore and develop a healthy identity through their experience in a community organization. Community organizations offer knowledge of immigrant cul- tures as well as information on concerns, challenges, and strengths of immigrant communities.

— 34 — Student 1: SAYA helps you realize that there’s so many things to do to raise awareness. We feel we’re part of this group and our voice is being heard. Student 2: Individually we won’t be doing things. It gives us a sense of where we are and where we should be. Student 3: It helps us realize that there are problems and helps us make our identities stronger. — Conversation with three female student participants of SAYA, South Asian Youth Action

CHALLENGES TO PARTNERSHIPS Community organizations can be a wealth of knowledge and assistance for schools when outreaching to immigrant par- ents and supporting students. Unfortunately, there are many limitations that would impede a successful partnership. Many of these community based organizations are small, with limited numbers of staff who have large caseloads. Community organizations are often not seen as equal partners with schools in helping and supporting the educational growth and development of children. Communication between the organizations, schools, and Department of Education is often lacking or information is not shared efficiently. Communication is an even greater difficulty for those programs housed outside of public schools.

RECOMMENDATIONS: COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION PROMOTE PARTNERSHIPS WITH COMMUNITY BASED ORGANIZATIONS. 1. Asian American community based organizations that work with schools with a large Asian American population should be involved in school planning through School Leadership Teams.

2. Improve collaborative partnerships between schools and community based organizations will result from sharing goals on student performance and maintaining regular communication between schools and organizations.

3. Private foundations and government agencies need to increase grant opportunities for school and community based organization partnerships.

4. Schools need to access support and resources from those community based organizations that are knowledgeable of the ethnic communities in their schools.

— 35 — SPECIAL ISSUE: EDUCATION AND CHILD WELFARE

The vast majority of child abuse and neglect reports come from schools because teachers and school staff are mandated reporters and have daily contact with children. In other words, teachers and school staff are legally responsible to report any suspected signs of child abuse or neglect to the New York State’s Central Registry for child abuse and maltreatment. School staff are sometimes confused by immigrant parents’ child rearing practices which they may view as divergent from mainstream practices. School staff are sometimes torn between not wanting to report and getting the Administration for Children’s Services involved because cultural differences are understood, and the ultimate responsibility of having to report.

Most often, immigrant parents do not understand or are not even aware of the child welfare system. Children are taught early on in school about maltreatment and where to go for help. Abuse and neglect do occur in Asian American homes; however, cultural differences can complicate typical family challenges, such as raising an adolesant. There have been sit- uations in which children have used the hotline to report abuse and neglect to threaten their parents. Adolescents who seek more freedom may want to be placed in a foster home, that in their eyes, would not be as constricting as their home run by their traditional parents.

How the school makes a report can greatly affect the impact of the investigation and whether or not the needed servic- es and assistance are given to the family. The more accurate and the more detailed the report, the more helpful it is to make decisions regarding assistance. While it is impossible to understand all cultural influences on child rearing, schools can develop an understanding of the cultures prevalent in the school in order to better assess situations in light of cul- tural considerations.

Teachers and school staff can become more proactive when deciding to make a report to the Administration for Children’s Services. When incidents occur that are deemed to be cultural misunderstandings, teachers, leveraging their role as an authority figure, can be important advocates for the family and play a keen role in reducing the isolation that parents may be facing.

It is important that school staff is trained in reporting and understand that families have access to services provided through the Administration for Children’s Services despite the immigration status of the family.

— 36 — CONCLUSION

For many New Yorkers, New York City public schools are part of a convoluted system of regulations and hierarchies. For many Asian Americans, the breadth of regulations is further complicated by differences in language and culture. Additionally, the public education system is linguistically and culturally unprepared for the tidal wave of immigrant chil- dren entering its schools.

Asian American students are the fastest growing segment of the student population, yet they are the least understood. This is, in part, due to the sheer diversity in ethnicities, languages, cultures, and experiences represented among Asian Americans. The stereotype of the model minority denies the reality that there are struggling and undeserved students. Emotional and academic needs of Asian American students are easily overlooked.

As one of the largest and most visible public educational systems in the nation, the New York City public school system must take the lead in meeting the educational needs of its increasingly diverse population. Asian American students make up over 12 percent of New York’s public school students. Their needs must not be overlooked.

Schools must be prepared to assess and meet the unique needs of Asian American students and their families. They must be given the resources to offer the services that will equip their Asian American students with the necessary skills for aca- demic success, as well as support that will prepare them to become fully contributing members and leaders of society.

— 37 — ENDNOTES

IUnited States Bureau of the Census, Census 2000 as analyzed by Asian American Federation of New York, Census Information Center, March 2003. II New York City Board of Education. Asian American Concerns: The Report of the Chancellor’s Task Force. 1989. III Library of Congress. Country Studies. India: Diversity, Use, and Policy. Website: http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/ IV New York City Department of Education, website download September 24, 2003. VAdditional analyses on Asian students in elementary and middle schools in school year 2000-2001 were provided by researchers at the Urban Education Project, Robert F. Wagner School of Public Service, New York University. August 2003. VI Conger, D., Schwartz, A. E., Stiefel, L. Who Are Our students?: A Statistical Portrait of Immigrant Students in New York City Elementary and Middle Schools. Robert F. Wagner School of Public Service, New York University. January 2003. VII New York City Department of Planning. New York City Public Schools, Demographic and Enrollment Trends 1990-2002. July 2003. VIII Sue, S. & Okazaki, S. Asian-American Educational Achievement: A Phenomenon in Search of an Explanation. American Psychologist. August 1990. IX Eaton, M.J., Dembo, M.H. Differences in the Motivational Beliefs of Asian American and Non-Asian Students. Journal of Educational Psychology, 89 (3), p. 433-440. 1997. X The Class of 2002 Four-Year Longitudinal Report and 2001-2002 Event Dropout Rates. New York City Department of Education. April 2003. XI The Class of 1999, Final Longitudinal Report, A Three-Year Follow-Up Study. New York City Department of Education. April 2003 XII Alva, S.A. Differential Patterns of Achievement Among Asian-American Adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 22 (4). 1993. XIII Making Dropouts Visible: Assessing the Problem and Confronting the Challenge Conference organized by the Civil Rights Project of Harvard University. June 3, 2003. XIV Pushing Out At-Risk Students: An Analysis of High School Discharge Figures. Advocates for Children and Public Advocate for New York City. November 21, 2002. XV Facts & Figures, 2000-2001. Board of Education of the City of New York. Office of English Language Learners. XVI Bankston. C. L. & Zhou, M. Effects of Minority-Language Literacy on the Academic Achievement of Vietnamese Youths in New Orleans. Sociology of Education, 68 (1). January 1995. XVII Advocates for Children. Creating a Formula for Success: Why English Language Learner Students Are Dropping Out of School, and How to Increase Graduation Rates. 2002. XVIII Statistics regarding Asian American children and special education compiled by Advocates for Children, 2000. XIX Zhao, Y. Preparing Early for the First of the All-Important Tests. The New York Times. October 10, 2001, Sec. D, p. 9. XX Bankston, C. L. & Zhou, M. Being Well vs. Doing Well: Self-Esteem and School Performance Among Immigrant and Nonimmigrant Racial and Ethnic Groups. The International Migration Review. Summer 2002. XXI Tong, V.M. The Relationship between First and Second Languages and Culture: Finding a Cross-Cultural Identity. 2000. URL: http://maxweber.hunter.cuny.edu/pub/eres/EDSPC715_MCINTYRE?TongLilly.html XXII Rothstein, R. Lessons: Achievers and Delinquents Via Melting Pot Recipe. The New York Times. April 24, 2002. XXIII Steinberg, L., Dornbusch, S.M., Bradford Brown, B. Ethnic Differences in Adolescent Achievement: An Ecological Perspective. American Psychologist. June 1992. p. 723-729. XXIV Discrimination Against Muslims, Arabs, and South Asians in New York City Since 9/11. New York City Commission on Human Rights. Summer 2003. XXV Louie, V. Parents’ Aspirations and Investment: The Role of Social Class in the Educational Experiences of 1.5- and Second-Generation Chinese Americans. Harvard Educational Review, Cambridge. Fall 2001. XXVI Lipsit, M. Newcomers Left Behind: Immigrant Parent Lack Equal Access to New York City’s Schools. New School University Milano Graduate School. Center for New York City Affairs. August 2003.

— 38 — TABLE OF FIGURES

Student Population by Race and Borough in NYC Public School System, 2003 ...... 7

Asian American Student Representation by Borough, 2003 ...... 7

Foreign-born Population of NYC Elementary and Middle School Students, 1999-2000 ...... 8

Foreign-born Population of NYC Asian American Elementary and Middle School Students, 2000-200 ...... 8

Characteristics of NYC Asian Immigrant Elementary and Middle School Students by Country of Origin, 2000-2001 . . . 8

Percent Eligible for Free or Reduced Lunch, Elementary and Middle School, 2000-2001 ...... 9

Asian American Students and Enrollment, 2002 ...... 9

Breakdown of Asian American Students by Borough, 2003 ...... 10

Seat Shortages in School Districts with Large Asian American Student Populations, 2001-2002 ...... 11

Testing Data by Race, Elementary and Middle School Students, 1999-2000 ...... 14

4th Grade English Language assessment Passing Percentage by Race, 2002 ...... 14

Elementary and Middle School Asian American Student Testing Data, 2000-2001 ...... 15

Testing Data by Country of Origin, Elementary and Middle School Students, 2000-2001 ...... 15

Characteristics of Asian American Students by Chinese Language Most Frequently Spoken at Home, New York City Elementary and Middle School Students, 2000-2001 ...... 16

Characteristics of Asian American Students by South Asian Language Most Frequently Spoken at Home, New York City Elementary and Middle School Students, 2000-2001 ...... 16

Class of 2002 Graduation and Dropout Rates ...... 17

English Language Learner Enrollment by Language Group, 2000-2001 ...... 19

Asian American Immigrant Students and Percent Who are Limited English Proficient, Elementary and Middle School, 2000-2001 ...... 20

Ethnic Identity Development Process ...... 25

— 39 — APPENDIX: Ethnic Identity Development Process

According to developmental psychologists, all children must face the task of forming an individual identity separate from their parents. This task is often believed to take place during adolescence. For minority children, the stress of developing an independent identity is potentially compounded by the development of an ethnic identity, a major social identity. Developing an ethnic identity assumes acknowledgment of membership in a particular social group.

There have been several theories that detail stages in the development of an ethnic identity, and many psychologists accept a more fluid process of development. The stages of ethnic identity formation can be seen as general markers for how ethnicity can play a role in an individual’s self identification. Individuals can vary along any point of the continu- um from lack of awareness to full integration of a balanced, ethnic identity. Some may never proceed to achieving full integration. The process may not be linear and individuals may spend longer times in certain stages than others, or even skip some altogether. The development of one’s ethnic identity is influenced in part by a variety of factors, such as socio- cultural environment, peer groups, parents and families, age of immigration, and family language and religion.

These general markers include an initial lack of awareness of ethnicity in which the issues of discrimination and alien- ation are not understood or ignored. Stereotypes of one’s ethnic group are often accepted. The possibility of the rejec- tion of one’s ethnic culture and embracing the dominant culture is high. The degree of rejection is dependent on many factors described in the previous paragraph.

Next, there is a development of awareness and an increased exploration of one’s ethnic heritage and related issues such as the conflict between ethnic and mainstream values and the rejection of stereotypes. At this stage, there is an intense range of emotions and an individual may be immersed in one’s ethnic culture and hold a very ethnocentric point of view. Finally, there is an acceptance of one’s ethnic identity and comfort with both ethnic and dominant cultures. There is also an openness to diversity and respect for other cultures.

THE ETHNIC IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT PROCESS

STAGE 1 STAGE 2 STAGE 3 Lack of Awareness of Ethnicity Development of Awareness Acceptance of Ethnicity • Issues of discrimination and • Exploration of ethnic heritage • Comfort with both ethnic and alienation are not understood takes place dominant culture is achieved Positive or ignored • Conflict between ethnic and • Openness to diversity and Ethnic • Stereotypes of ethnic group mainstream values may be experiencing other cultures Identity may be accepted experienced • High possibility of rejection of • Individual may choose to immerse ethnic culture in favor of dominant self in ethnic culture and adopt an culture ethnocentric point of view

*Theorists include Phinney’s model of adolescent ethnic identity devleopment; Atkinson, Morten, and Sue’s Minority Identity Development (MID) model; Cross’s model of Black identity development; Kim’s model of Asian American identity development

— 40 —