Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document xeine n ot a England post- war in experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Manchester University Press Press University Manchester Hazley Barry andemotionaladaption Myth, memory England experience inpost- war migrant the Irish and history Life Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document y J nentoa Ld Padstow Ltd, International TJ by inGreat Britain Printed Typeset PublishingUK byNewgen that anyguarantee contentremain, accurate orwill orappropriate. onsuchwebsites is, external orthird- not anddoes to internet websites referred inthis book, party Th 2020 published First 9781526128003hardback ISBN isavailable Library the record from British for thisA catalogue book Data in-Publication Cataloguing- Library British www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk M17JA Manchester Street, Altrincham University byManchester Published Press andPatents Act 1988. Designs by himinaccordance the with Copyright, Th 2020 Hazley Barry © Copyright e publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any ofURLs for the persistence oraccuracy noresponsibility epublisherhas identifi to be Hazley eright ofBarry ed as the author of this work has been asserted asserted the author as ofthisbeen ed work has Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Rachel Hazley, and Sarah Ford Hazley, andSarah Rachel Th is book is dedicated to the memory ofTom tothememory dedicated and is David Jordan, book is Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ocuin yh mmr ad ioiy itr 220 1 history minority belonging and Otherness, memory story? Conclusion: Myth, old same the but Nothing x religious 5 Negotiating Church? the from xvi away Falling 4 xiii masculinity and memory re/ construction: myth, in Lives 3 dis/composure the and places: liminality In-between 2 emigration of meanings public exit: the of Narratives 1 subjectivities migrant adaption: inpost- the Irish Englandandthe ‘composure’ emotional war of and memory Myth, : Introduction abbreviations of List Acknowledgements Preface fi of List Contents osrcin nuty 105 149 188 35 memory ofmigrant and the processes England post- 1945 in selfhoods industry construction 76 men’sin Irish ofwork narratives inthe British inthe femininities of migrant post- Englishcity war 1945– 1969 and the shaping inpost- selves ofemigrant Ireland, war gures page ix ix page gures vii Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ne 245 230 226 Index bibliography Select Interviews Appendix: viii Contents Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Figures s e r u g i F Till, you’re MichilinPat, ‘Wisha, notthe sameat allsince 1 are smiling’, eyes Irish Gibbard,‘When Les 4 fearful you have can’t ‘Begorrah – Cummings, Michael 3 ‘Sure an’ Lee, Joseph it’s the dacent himself miscalling 2 you emigrated to London’,you emigrated Epes ydcto 191 Syndication Express © 115 Sunday Express English’, youfearful with living to usfrom prevent us…andmindyoudonothing with English living 26 June 1963,BCA/ Syndication 03673. ©Solo …lemmeadmonishhim!’,again the throubles allover starting that’ll be Oirishman page 51 Oirish- President o’ American American- the U.S.A. an &Archive CityLibrary ofDublin Image courtesy andFinance. ©Business CityArchives). 1954 (Dublin ac 93 C/063 saeo e ibr 194 9 March 1973,BCA/ Gibbard ofLes 03673. ©Estate

1961,BCA/ , 16November MC1019. Dublin Opinion Dublin ix Evening News , December December , Guardian , , Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the path meant that parents and neighbours could not observe what was what was the path could meantthat notobserve andneighbours parents in the bend place because to smoke anddrink good astrategically was the cut- ‘dump to usas known through path the linking twoestates, hill’, andmusic-ational drugs making. adolescent with cigarettes experiments andalcohol, andlater, recre- ofshared aresult Thisas changed the twogroups. between action little andthere ornointer- was on theirs, didlikewise Catholic boys andthe onourstreets, football weplayed inplaytime: segregation this spatial school to arrangement tended foster asocial secondary to largely housingestate. Up Catholic, until around the timeI went another, onto andadjoined onbacked lived housing estate that I ofaround the age of13.The part largely Protestant I became group andthe ofthe religious composition peer to where dowith I lived hadsomething I think, oflimitation This, in terms andconstraint. remember, also however, this saturation coming to view I media. the andofcourse within uration, wider at both homeandinschool, sat- aware ofthis increasingly political becoming cence I remember adoles- inTyroneup inasmalltown I reached as this period, during Friday in1998.Growing Agreement tually to ofthe the Good signing saw years thethese emergence ofall- even- leading talks, peace party ofthe ofthe some worstatrocities Troubles, well intense. as As was ofidentity, questions about cussion allegiance religion andpolitical Ireland, the inwhichdis- In Northern 1980sand1990swere years Preface that discovered groups ofboth Around the about same timemembers practice. inits andthe past object fi endlessly that isthe practice, history place ofits andapresent that object, isits apast Founded onthe rupture between

1 x

nds the present in its nds the present inits Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document when choosing where to goto university.when choosing conscious becoming well as As and identity,of meaning little given thought negotiations to whichI had one,ormeat involved anyBritain rate, in complex issues negotiations with mytion about identity, ‘true’ that meto tothe to alert fact migration as the two groups hadeff the twogroups ofterm andbythe beginning point, rendezvous ashared the hillbecame the summerholidays During path well ofthem inadvance us. reaching investigators wecould endsofthe approachgoing on,yet see both from authenticity. fi dif- itwas aCatholic oraProtestant, whetherI was would ask relations, onAnglo- ofspecialists the frequently boldest drivers, When taxi Irish anexternal and a simplifi as imposition experienced could be that likeIrish/ terms unionist/ British, nationalist orCatholic/ Protestant brought divisions so into play politicised bysuchdesignations, the sharp, contradicted and confl upinCookstown growing experiences my justwhat of‘Irish’ about kind butbecause be, ideas I might few with me my hadfurnished Protestant background notonlybecause tling, ‘Irish’.‘Irish’ as byothers whodidnotthemselvesidentify Th constantly phenomenonofbeing identifi the new too it involved but worlds, social access to supplied new in2002certainly of Glasgow where were suchthings notrelevant. cosmopolitanism ofurban identitykind about some andtowards questions divisive those away moving from afurther Irelandmy as outofNorthern migration I understood at inthat, anunconscious level, bythis, conditioned been whenfi universitycities spective orGlasgow,choices ofLondon pro- orColeraine,as rather than Belfast My were themes idealised. these with the self untainted byassociation of whileother aspects anddevalued, were denigrated ality andpolitics splitting whereby anddiffi confusing may have my of from this aprocess involved standpoint, space, at least to have orBritish. little, Irish toseemed being dowith hadlittle, or and logics ideals structuring whose adolescent practices eff divisive most of its constitutedgroup anin- space inwhichwecould contest some between the embedded, culture inwhichitwas sectarian bythe wider shaped andsatire. of ridicule Although for ofusobjects some men whobecame divide, ofthe political sides onboth leaders political towards gration gave way eventually to amore rebelliousand politics attitude ofdeni- religion nottoabout talk agreement anunspoken what hadinitiallybeen and ofsocialising, afocus as friends overschool topriority take came cult to satisfy the expectations implicit in the question without a loss of implicit aloss thewithout inthe expectations question tocult satisfy Th the plan,itdidn’tIf this was to the well. workUniversity outtoo Going to methat itoccurs of the construction at back this period, Looking e eff ect of such questions was not so much notso meto to arealisa- bring was ofsuchquestions ect ectively merged. Over the next fi Over merged. ectively through ourselves shared whilefashioning ects, lling out my UCAS forms may forms have also lling outmy UCAS cult questions about identity, about questions cult nation- ve years the group ve years is was unset- iswas Preface icted with icted cation. ed as ed xi Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Note ofthe this the past. timewith otherness indialogue ongoing process, conversations diff with into arangeof ofdirections, meinavariety wouldlead in 2002this quest me.Back environment preceded where‘Irishness’ a new ways offraming ofmyself to within makesense ofabroaderquest part as seen be can so and andbelonging, ofcultural positioning issues with ment connected at universityin 2002.More precisely, ofunsettle- outoffeelings itgrew toupaplace take whenI arrived Cookstown from inGlasgow established this isno.Th question fi inBritain of the Irish eighteen, wouldI have into research the experiences ondoctoral embarked at A- history Irish having despite studied that, little about. I knew level, ahistory to migration Britain, ofIrish amuch from tangle longerhistory however, learn, gradually were diffi I would suchmeanings quite meantsomething specifi tensions, sectarian own its city with related ofthe Troubles to the legacies whichinGlasgow, inBritain, a meanings these situations andconversations. Sometimes, particular I was whenI spoke interpreted andthat could create walk- within on roles toattached the that ‘Irish’ term could meanings condition how inBritain, aware that ofthe increasingly fact complex ofmeanings sets I became to my identity, own ofthis, aspects because andperhaps of unresolved xii 1 , u a e t r e C . M 1 was inIreland hadstayed andgoneto universitythere whenI If I Preface Th eWriting ofHistory is book grew out of the points ofcultural contact outofthe points grew isbook erently Th situated others. to the later? answer certainly ve years Almost e ok, 18 , 36–37. 1988), (New York , is book continues isbook this cult cult to disen- c. As Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Acknowledgements Acknowledgements allowing me the necessary time to redraft andextend timeto redraft the fi methe necessary allowing fellowship University at the ofLiverpool, Institute Studies, ofIrish whofi andHelen Busteed, of Mervyn generosity the completed without extraordinary Nor wouldithave been 2008and2012. a1+3award between via project the doctoral funded fi Th down sources on the Catholic Church, but supplied me with a transcript sources on the Catholic atranscript down Church, mewith butsupplied me track to DrNicole whonotonlyhelped thanks McLennan, A special for accepted photocopies. mywho graciously constant ofrequests stream and through inthe Archive inBritain, theof the materialsIrish housed University,at Metropolitan London freely meto rummage whoallowed to the thanks staff I owe sources, Inhelpinghistorian. archival mewith andfellowat Community Manchester friend andto Care, Patrick Doyle, Bomb’, ofthe 1996Manchester Memories Migrants’ in Irish ofSelf Construction and 5 Chapter on‘Re/ isbased the Exploring Negotiating “Suspicion”: English City’, Women’s inIrish of Self ofPre- Memories YearsMarriage inthe Post- War articles. Chapter 2 draws on‘Ambivalent Horizons: Competing Narratives thanks. deepest I off source mewith material ofincomparableprovided richness, andwho my to timeoutoftheir answer lives whotook questions, people, inEngland.To tomigrants tell as their meabout lives who agreed these nancial support of the Economic and Social Research Council,which Research ofthe Economic andSocial nancial support e research for this book would not have been possible without the without possible wouldnothave been for this eresearch book Th to adebt Carmel ofthanks I owe In helping respondents, me locate journal as elsewhere published been have previously ofthe book Parts e book would not exist without the participation of the interviewees ofthe wouldnotexist interviewees the without participation ebook Irish Studies Review Irish Studies Twentieth History British Century 21:3(2013),326– 341. xiii research apostdoctoral nanced 25:2(2014),276– 304; nal manuscript. er my er

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document edly strengthened the fi strengthened edly the implementation recommendations, undoubt-insightful ofwhichhas and Tom allofwhomcontributed Darkat University Manchester Press, to the amgrateful book’s reviewers three excellent Similarly, advice. I chapters reading andoff the oftheencouraged development project, andLynn Harte ofwhom andto both Liam Abrams, the manuscript, have grateful. I ameternally they invested imagination andfor ininnumerable thethe time,eff shaping ways, ofthis book Th the bounds. beyond meto encouraging explore, reining andwise, yet meinwhenI strayedportive Penny Summerfi debt ofgratitude isto Charlotte My deepest Wildman,based. Till and Geiger elusivedown copyright holders. Millar,Elsbeth metrack Archive, helped at archivist Cartoon the British and onmore Archives at than oneoccasion, holdings Salford Diocese material inthe fi from days ofthree patiently part articles photocopying thewho spent best to the thanks staff I owe similar reasons work For archival onthe inLondon. countyof herimportant associations xiv aging and kind, consistently andkind, aging off ofrefl but stimulating journeys rich debates meawakeofsanity, pushingmeto at DJkept the with night, edge wide- stint inGlasgow myduring postdoctoral after-ranging hours Hopkins were consistently Likewise, enlightening andentertaining. Kat Fennelly,Paddy Doyle, Woodbridge, David Mark Crosher andJames in hispaintings. plexity hecaptures evocatively so ofthe emotionalcom- asmallportion at even gets the book hope I only for manylife post- raised I am for settlers. hisgenerosity, grateful war and Englishurban emotional questions to Englandandthemoving deeper work onthe cover, of experiences tohisown meabout spoke buthealso which to think through ofthe the book. core ideas all contributed indiff Viola community research the andthe within Institute wider Segeroth Dorothy AilbheMcDaid, Lynch, Frank Bean, Urquhart, Shovlin,Sean excellent resourcesavailable inthe MacLua Archive, Pete Shirlow, Diane the well as 2017and2018.As between complete for the the research book issolely my product own. Th is onwhichthis book the ideas medevelop have helped Many people Catherine’s family, encour- generous, my overhere, have family been At Manchester, lively, conversations lubricated Jim with Greenhalgh, to hisexceptional use mepermission granted Canavan art-Bernard Th anks are Luddy, due to Maria anks comments on useful whoprovided eInstitute Studiesoff ofIrish Th Acknowledgements e Bell this metowards source for directing , andto NiallCarson eld. Over the course of the project they were patient, sup- were patient, they the course ofthe project eld. Over rst place. Fr David Lannon helped me make sense ofthe memakesense rst place. helped Fr Lannon David erent ways to creating astimulating atmosphere in eir sharp, incisivecomments have eirsharp, contributed to nal text. Of course, responsibility for thenal text. Ofcourse,fi responsibility ering support and succour. A special special andsuccour. support ering A ered the ideal environment the ideal ered inwhichto exivity in the process. intheexivity process. at Liverpool University Library, at Liverpool ort and and ort nished nished ering ering Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document and what its completion means. No one means more. Noonemeans completionand what means. its more andknows than anyone cost what overmanyquarters ithas years, have inme. dence they shown this the longwithout confi have survived I would career, andI doubt demoralisingprofession of inwhichtoform and often pursuesome fi unstinting haveGranny emotional,andfrequently supplied andDenise, effi I could managetimeas I wish thesis. ginal ofthe ori- attending foundparts job, timeto andcheck to read herown mother awife, and towho,at being Sarah, thethanks sametimeas nancial, support over the years. Academia is a precarious, frustrating frustrating Academia isaprecarious, overthe years. nancial, support at close ofthis project the watched evolution has all,Catherine Above away geographically,While further my family, own Mummy, Daddy, ciently. Acknowledgements xv - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document T rvnin f errs Act Terrorism of Prevention Army Republican Irish Provisional Ireland of Archives National Group Representation Britain in Irish PTA Centre History Hull PIRA NAI Offi Archives Record City County Dublin Manchester IBRG Greater Society Truth Catholic HHC Council City Birmingham GMCRO Archive Cartoon British DCA Archives Britain Archdiocesan in Birmingham Irish the CTS of Archive BCC BCA BAA AIB Abbreviations xvi ce Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document employed in this book. inthisemployed book. Th onPopular Memory experience based approach analternative, outlines Introduction to dialogic the migrant experience inthe twentieth century. To this concerns, these address approach migrant the have whichscholars Irish to employed reconstruct duelargely complicit to inthis, the been ‘recovery’ has research torical a‘record’ as employed experience, ofmigrant oralhis- been where ithas inEngland;andthat, the complexityunderplayed subjectivities ofIrish have the within historiography inBritain ofthe ‘identity’ migrant Irish namely that existing approaches to are arguments developed, critical experience migrant inEngland.Two onthe Irish and the shed light they confl ofepisodic dramaandthe legacies around ofhighpolitical moments Whensuchanapproach the plotiswoven isadopted, events. political Th experience migrant the Centring unresolved contradictions and unconsidered possibilities. contradictions andunconsideredpossibilities. unresolved register, well as as and their enact, lifereciprocities, histories diverse its dialogue, of,anevolving artefacts well as in,as are participants Migrants through whichthevector British– anddefi islived connection Irish the relationship; twoislandsisa fraught political migrationbetween eff which to the read hiddensocietal Th settings. amidst unfamiliar traffi the conspicuous human hadaless always dimension: has countries, the ‘composure’ subjectivities of migrant adaption: the in post- Irish Englandand war emotional and memory Introduction: Myth, e history of British– ofBritish– ehistory relationsIrish told isoften through theof prism Th lives new to fashion Sea the whocross Irish people c ofordinary ischapter oneapproach outlines to analysingsuch life histories Yetict. this relationship, in the ofboth development important so ese journeys are more than alensthrough journeys ese 1 ofa andexperiential realities ects eory, the central framework

ned. ned. Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document their own: allof amilieu 1945,inhabited after ofnewcomers who, until the arrival prison’. however, that, even Below Catholic were immigrants, Irish in to have known been those together with thieves, andpetty beggars part- idlers, runners, were pyramid’ ‘bookies’ ofthe social ‘the base time forming recalled, aboy. as Roberts heknew As in the neighbourhood life everyday governing hierarchies social the strict described Roberts life’. ‘merged into ofEnglishandScottish urban the anonymous background to have ofthe generations’ century,most appeared by1914 ‘successive a‘curious having occupied indeed, middleplace’ for populations; local from acohesive communityrarely form divided didthey impermeably to overlapping ject forms ofracial,religious andclass- hostility,based andwere sub- oftheandhousingmarkets, labour the worstsections inhabited although often the Irish andchangeovertime: by variation ment innineteenth- experiences were characterised Britain century into the patterns of mainstream politics all played a part in facilitating infacilitating into apart allplayed the patterns politics ofmainstream ofthe Irish incorporation mobility andthe upward growing increased Edwardian Salford,Edwardian In the fi From ‘segregation’ to‘assimilation’ 2 integration into Englishworking- life. class 1945eff after the ‘coming peaked, to migration Britain Irish ofthe colouredpeople’ an‘outcast’ formed the Irish Victorian within population society, when lating post- within Englishculture. Accordingwar to this view, while settlement ofIrish circu- stories pervasive oneofthe most portrays Roberts’s ofthein1971, lowlystatus depiction published ofthe Irish, tion. exaggerated the extent memory communalpopular ofIrish segrega- to bequeathed they ofotherness the imagery problems, urban porary for contem- ascapegoat as the Irish mobilised reformers certainly Whileprominent question. toVictoriantransformation serious isopen ition ofrepresentation however, contends, ofthis arc of the sharpness seldom occurred. seldom occurred. into thesuff milieu marrying socio- theerate, lowest formed Protestant stratum.economic A slum illit- mostly RomanCatholic immigrants, Irish the colouredpeople many with intheuntil North, cities ofcourse,the as coming of us, off marrying tiff loudlyinadrunken scorned wouldbe Still another family 4 Europe, Eastern from ofmigrants the arrival numbers, Declining 3 counter- arevisionist As settle- Irish historiography here suggests, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life rst chapter ofhiscelebrated account ofworking- life in class markingtheir amajor transitionintheir position, ected daughter its the to‘lowMickfrom Bog’. some With 1

Th e Classic Slume Classic offace.Suchunions loss asevere ered Robert , the andwriter teacher 2 amore recent As trad- for Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document matically assumed to provide objective evidence of evidence to objective provide matically assumed andmobility are auto- occupation intermarriage, but that such as criteria inthecontinuities twentieth migrants century, inthe ofIrish experiences orthat underplayvidual, the signifi assimilationists at orindi- ofthe thefamily variations level important tends to obscure It averages. isnotjustthatof group ofdata the at level aggregation group the about inferred problem for suchanapproach, however, concerns justwhat be can plausible a from appears lation perspective Isles’,the ‘British overthe this longterm, assimi- are measured andifthey beyond from ofmigrants those with incomparison are set averages, tical statis- ofdiscrete aset as presented migrants, If the ofIrish experiences ations ofthe post- decades. war the long- integration well ofthe thetransform- run before Irish, seminal among immigrant groups anywhere inthe anywhere world’: groups among immigrant ‘among appears that theoccurs fastest intoassimilation society’ British and exogamy andrelatively ‘Irish discrimination, lowrates ofreported mobility, andsocial of occupational relatively highrates ofintermarriage offi benign migrants were made subject to new immigration controls. controls. immigration to new were madesubject migrants at atimewhenother, inBritain rights dual citizenship numerous less retained the from withdrawal Commonwealth migrants in1949,Irish Eire’s ‘family’: despite ofthe sameraciallyhomogenousBritish members to as regardthe Irish appeared experts makersand social policy porary tensions inpost- andpolitical social serious society,war contem- generated Where the ‘arrival ofthethat colouredpeople’ period. earlier bysettlers in ofproblems wouldencounter experienced the sorts seemed, comparable to levels rose the with mid- Britain nineteenth century, few, it 1945inparticular, after to decades migrants whenthe ofIrish numbers able to melt have whichthewith into Irish been society. British Inthe ease ofthe interms historians increasing explained bysome teenth, afact the historiography oftheiroutat experiences peters the endofthe nine- continued to come inlarge inthe to numbers twentieth Britain century, society. British within of the Irish formation Ifthe inthe Irish position 1945confi after coloured people’ whether in respect of dress or in social, cultural or religious behaviour. orinsocial, ofdress whether inrespect peers their are from British indistinguishable they purposes practical butfor all traits, inherited andexhibit afew ancestry their Irish ledge may they acknow- EnglishorScots; themselvesas upseeing grow to the oftheir distress parents, sometimes immigrants, dren ofIrish complete ispractically Assimilation inasinglegeneration. Th the ‘arrival ofthe such,according perspective, As to this revisionist cial responses are added to Irish migrants’ relatively to migrants’ are Irish added highratescial responses meaning experience the ofmigrant from calculation 5

rather than initiated,rmed, atrans- relative A major standpoint. cance ofimportant Introduction identifi 6 When these these When cation e chil- , the , 7

3 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document class’. andthe Englishworking- peasantry the Irish forged between might be threat unity to that nationalpolitical elites: ‘a political was fear particular colonial andreligious other inVictorian aserious society, but embodied a coherent national British identity. Th the aconstitutive role Catholic ofthe as Irish other inthe formation of ‘outcast’ history, British stresses status Hickman inmodern ofthe Irish accounts ofthe to revisionist Inopposition ofpremises. on anumber their national identity’. tion’, ‘strengthening their Catholic identity at the ofweakening expense throughof the Irish aneducation- of‘denationalisa- programme based state’s the Catholic Church the wouldthus ‘incorporation’ behest, secure the “problem”resolving Catholic bythe working- Irish posed class’. At the long- the principal as viewed to be came schools entary of means term ‘one as Isles’ race’. At the ‘state- institutional level, Catholic elem- assisted the thisdiff constructing involved tual level, national British identity. ofproducing project ofits part At the concep- geneity that implicitly amyth ofassimilation’. includes eff ible’ dueto the masking ‘assimilated’ rather, se; per ‘invis- rendered their have experiences been the within historiography,demic production have not inBritain the Irish formulations whose haveHickman, hadamajor infl According to J. Hickman. inthe work ofMary powerfully most attack, come underheavy has the paradigm assimilation trends inthe 1990s, intellectual wider with andinkeeping problems, various In light ofits identityandthe‘ethnic whiteandinvisible: Irish Green, turn’ attachments. adaptions and continuities simultaneously, pluralandmutative yielding ally exclusive processes; are notmutu- andethnicbelonging Assimilation established. selfhood of whichdiff pre- to the socialisation persistence ofanti-departure all stereotypes, Irish ence, rather, the from nature oftheir byarangeoffactors, ismediated this migrant similar to that ofthe ‘average’ notfollow that butitdoes Englishperson, the underlying framework. opposition bythe native/ set for whichhave been already dual possibilities immigrant 4 concerning who legitimately belonged to the nation, social scientists to scientists theconcerning nation, wholegitimately belonged social eff inthe context Inthis period, ofdebates strategies. ofthese ects mobility may migrant andsocial ofoccupational A given attain levels Post- onrace reinforced andimmigration discourses thewar masking 9 Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life state the British sought to ‘incorporate’ Inresponse, as the Irish erentiate ofsettled andasense howmobilityisinterpreted experiences 10

mobilityinthe sameway. Th integration ects of a state- ofastate- ects ‘myth ofwhite homo- sponsored may engendering both, encompass e Irish Catholic was notonlya Catholic was eIrish erent peoples of the ‘British ofthe ‘British erent peoples uence onrecent aca- e migrant’s experi- 8 Th isthesis rests Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document of ‘invisibility’: ofacoherent ‘community’ Irish existing the legacy’ veneer beneath century projects of‘incorporation’projects and‘denationalisation’. the eff butas process, orunmediated avoluntary as seen be ‘assimilation’ Irish about talk wecan as thisInsofar shouldnot inBritain, that distinguished them ‘coloured’ from that distinguished migrants. controls immigration from ‘British’ ofashared interms racial heritage exclusion migrants’ Irish to publiclyjustify politicians omission enabled this reconstruction, economic for indispensable British was labour Irish as its communal its identity’,as cence lay Catholics ofIrish inthe acceptanceofCatholicism ofapublicmask ination and minority status. ination status. andminority ofdiscrim- ‘invisible’ discussions rendered incontemporary was turies nationalof British culturethe nineteenth inboth andtwentieth cen- Consequently,and Pakistan. aninternal other as ofthe Irish the position to post- genous prior Commonwealth the from immigration New war homo- ‘racially’ reinforced thatdigm the culture idea hadbeen British the para- doing, Inso were analysed. anddiscrimination belonging inrelation criterion of to the colour whichquestions key skin as gration’ ‘race andracismwere of recent origin, relations’ institutionalised bythe that problems assumption of‘immi-Underpinned contemporary ofa‘race intheand the construction state cooperated relations industry’. in which a variety of forms of belonging were possible’. ofbelonging of forms in whichavariety ‘spherestain the from interference whichwere protected ofthe Church … many decades’. regenerated across was their from workmates, andoften their neighbours that …the diff ofCatholic identity ensured trainingofthe youngintheassiduous primacy suchthat ‘the regation workingclass, the ofthe within British Catholic Irish reinforced the seg- achieved, to bywhichdenationalisation be means was ofidentity. to a‘loss’ lead the principal education, segregated Religiously by‘the Irish’the threataccording posed didnot, tonecessarily Hickman, orHornsby- Akenson such as Smith. Th matically follow that byscholars ‘assimilate’ the Irish inthe way described ‘invisible’, experiences ofIrish therendered distinctiveness notauto- itdoes ‘one as Isles’ ofthe ‘British the peoples ofproducing race’ mayproject have For implications points. follow twoimportant these from Hickman, and practices. and practices. national identity inacontext ofanti- andanti-Irish Catholic discourses and of religion, class bythe articulation and byanethnicityformed space; social own inits segregated historically having been class: diff its by heterogeneity; Th e Irish had formed acommunity. hadformed e Irish Onewhichischaracterised 14 from erentiation andtheir Catholics descendants, of Irish Onthe othermain- hand,manywouldalso Catholics Irish 17

16 notdisturb ‘the whichdoes twentieth- afact erentiation the from indigenousworking 11 Inacontext where fl asteady e state’s attempts to neutralise 13 Secondly, whilethe state’s 12

Introduction 15 Th ect ofstate- ect led us, ‘the quies- us, ow ofmobile 5 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document in the work of Sharon Lambert, Louise Ryan and Sean Sorohan, Sorohan, Ryan andSean Louise in the work ofSharon Lambert, ence ethnicidentifi ofIrish demonstrating well the as continued As sali- oftheir analysis. object that migrants implicitlyof Irish orexplicitly sought to the ‘make visible’ investigations have into undertaken range ofdisciplines the experiences a hidden‘ethnic the from a across 1990sscholars inBritain, minority’ ‘visibility’.becomes Working off redefi Having 6 ation. ofmarginalisation uncoveringexperiences involved anddiscrimin- has British context.British contribution toimportant the literature emerging in the on‘whiteness’ concerns the way British– defi relations, Irish ofwhich notleast central framework, emphases to the ‘invisibility’ history of‘multicultural racism’history in Britain, forgettingcultural andhistoriographical ofamuch longerpre- Windrush challengeto the acritical poses paradigm the ‘invisibility’ this respect, In inBritain. migrants ofthe ofIrish experiences variables structuring of British– relations colonialism political andBritish inIrelandIrish as itability of‘assimilation’, andthrough reintroducing the fraught history the claimsabout inev- monoculturalist underlying assumptions political thebutinherently throughunexamined unmasking achieved this was inthethe twentieth Irish century. Hickman, Inthework pivotal ofMary stimulatingtity inBritain, much- onthe of experiences discussion needed debate iden- ofIrish on questions reopen suchstudieshelped In the 1990s, paradoxes of‘invisibility’ and politics metaphor: the theoptical Deconstructing andthehealth eff into physical inrelation andmental experiences enquiries Irish to work, prompting centre andtaking in stage decades, three intheduction last pro- More academic have thansuchthemes anyBritain. informed others, suff andAsia, Caribbean the isthe Africa, from claimthatBritain, groups likeimmigrant the Irish, in to pose are perceived threat people Irish andpolitical the social isaneff thatidea ‘invisibility’ story of the Irish in Britain as a struggle for identity, astruggle as inBritain ofthe Irish inwhich‘thestory Irish’ and ‘invisibility’, forare Irish held responsible itisonlythrough narrating the more generallywhich state nationalof the British and‘British identity’ although impulses itisthe incorporating So mination identities. ofIrish of continuity aprinciple as inthe deter- mobilised have been opposition, More critically, however, ofproblems anumber attach to various 19 Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life andstemming the from paradigm, At ofthe ‘invisibility’ the heart ‘assimilation’ned ‘invisibility’, as the intellectual thus goal 21 ects ofthe Troublesects inBritain.

ofexclusioner forms in andracialoppression cations in twentieth- suchas Britain, century ect of the British state’s ofthe British ect eff the that assumption ‘the Irish’ constitute 20 an andinthemakes process ned in terms ofconfl interms ned orts to manage orts ict ict and 18 s i h t Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ‘foreign’ to secure the boundaries of Englishness – ‘foreign’ of Englishness – the boundaries to secure aninstitutionalised threat rendered and hadto inthe be aftermathofwar asymbolic pose stateBritish whilecontaining their subversiveimplications. theavowal accommodation whichenabled the identities within ofIrish ofdis- onaform predicated here partially 1922was stability after British ofdomestic the production foreign andfamiliar; simultaneously rendered society. ofBritish part Tointegral navigate this was contradiction, Irishness andcultureswouldremain an that people the fact Irish unaddressed left the creation settlement ofaparliamentical Question, oftheinDublin Irish Whilethe could Anglo- inhabit. migrants Irish TreatyIrish apolit- achieved Englandandthe ‘middle place’ ininterwar imagined could be how Irishness ofthe Anglo- cultural bythelegacies domestic impacted war,Irish shaping for diff discussion. identity at oftheoretical the level andinternal coherence ethnic the boundaries ofanIrish order to secure onto the maymapped ethnicminority/ labour be in opposition majority Irish/ itions between Catholic/ British, Protestant andimmigrant/ native overlapping inother oppos- words, division, constant ofbinary principle Th are established. collectivities ‘British’ are fi transformed bytheir presence’.transformed inturn, by thefound cultureaplace inwhichthey andthat culture was, structured partly was Catholics experience ofIrish genous peoples’: ‘the aries’. rather, Settlement, ‘adaption involved andindi- immigrant ofboth isolatedby‘impermeable bound- their from apart Englishneighbours, ‘cultural bias’, lives norlived underduress neither assimilated migrants Englishculture continued to display ifinterwar aningrained argued, has Englishsociety. Fielding Steven modern were within As negotiated Irish the ways inwhich British– conflIrish notadequately ‘the capture dichotomydoes ofself andother’ onistic: antag- isintrinsically andIrishness Britishness the relationship between communalof Irish mythology. however, It notfollow this, from does that memory, British tation within ofthe butfor Irish the counter- formation notonlyfor the represen- implications, in Ireland, important andthis has to forget Britain’s tendency powerful problematic involvement historical have they bycontinuity.and pluralityas a culture registers British much bychange,ambivalence as marked have to been inBritain, ject sub- have been migrants Irish and Ireland, andthe ofascription forms Britain relations between ofidentity formation: the possibilities limits fundamentally, however, ofthis structure formulation unduly the binary More were allworkingclass. Catholic; norwere migrants they all Irish continued connotations toOn the ofIrishness onehand,the political this convincinglyexchange powerfully MoMoulton argued, has As was itleaves isthe concern lackofroom suchaframing with One obvious erence gured as protagonist/ as gured Irish/ that opposing antagonist, British within Britain: not experience migrant inmodern the Irish rough treating British– relationsIrish a as 22

ict andtheict constant presence ofthe Introduction 7 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document limited social welfare function. Th welfare function. social limited andconsumptionthe cultural traditionsanda performance ofIrish Catholic values, conservative with external well as observers, as leaders ofethnicidentity, form adomesticated as identifi to have reinforced seen ofIrishness 1945 might the be production also the from andelaborated 1960s. constructed anoptiononce anoffi but itbecame the Victorian during periods, notpossible orinterwar was minority’ ofamulticultural ontology society. an‘ethnicracialised as Recognition the formulation upon an‘ethnic ofa as ignation depends itself minority’ paradoxically, butalso, ofwhiteness, experiences that inthe sense des- andhierarchy variation within ofwhiteassumption homogeneitymasks an‘invisible as tion ofthe ethnicminority’, Irish fi implicated inthe produc- as seen be can ofBritishness ‘whitewashing’ confl 1945’. that around the post- discourses foreshadowed after colonial immigrants 1930s ‘sparked andracialpurity immigration about ofanxieties aset inthe migrants labour oflarge ofIrish numbers andthe arrival system, accommodatedthe within could Englishparty notbe ethnic politics 8 diff ofcultural criterion the akey unstable, so foregrounding ofcolour as necessarily was since theofIrishness domestication one perspective, thisofaccommodation.extended process From andreconditioned Th the very fabric ofEnglishlife’ inways fabric that refl the very tinctive identity Englishculture:tinctive within butdis- anintegral life’ where itbecame andassociational of domestic landscape to interwar the rich andreassigned volatile ofpolitics realm mobilisation of 1919– 21’. Inthis way, ‘removed the from was Irishness oration, and religious community thepolitical displaced active mostly commem-‘strategy inwhichleisure, assimilation, nostalgic ofpartial a literature, inEnglandadopted the Irish travel andpublicspectacle, continuedpopulation enthusiastically, to withIrishness engage through trends English within modernising e arrival of black and Asian migrants in the decades after 1945 both 1945both after inthe decades migrants ofblackandAsian earrival eff erence howthe could reverberating mask At after the ofBritishness sametime,however, the ‘whitewashing’ the beginning ofdecolonisation. the beginning accommodation inthe faceofethnicdiversityat ofsocial mechanisms notmerely Its decorative butindicative ofimportant presence was ofmany andperspectives. backgrounds woven into ofpeople the lives thread 1921,abright green after butitremained, and idiosyncratic, personal deeply were often meanings andits widely Its salience varied the 1945.Inturn, after continuedict to inthe articulate period 23 Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Onthe in other hand,however, embedded remained ‘Irishness is held true, for isheld example, true, for many of 25

popular culture. Whilethepopular English cial ‘race relations’ was paradigm 24

ected ected the infl rst in the sense thatrst inthe sense the ofAnglo- ects Irish bycommunityed, uence of wider Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ment andthe celebration ofnational origins. socio- networking, andsocial sociability respectable advance- economic andrecords refl their itineraries bodies, the county non- conceivedas themselves as associations social political ofCatholic welfare inEngland,institutions thewithin networks such from particularly inthis period, attention observers contemporary from didattractdisorderly ofyoungmaleandfemale behaviour migrants of the largest such body, Counties Association: theIrish London terms of an incapacity for domestic and familial life’ andfamilial for ofanincapacity domestic terms were notpublicly defi andIreland,migrants ingeneralIrish Britain relationshiplatent political between around the unresolved anxieties fully infl fully andpower- initiated inthe aprocess 1950s, settlementwar destinations, inthe larger post- established centres andassociations clubs, the Irish retreats to transparency in discussions of Irish identity, ofIrish indiscussions to howtheretreats transparency disguising bility’, namely the nature way the rhetorical ofthe concept habitually symptomatic ofamore generalproblem inapproaches ‘invisi- stressing ethnic) bywhich tothemselves. locate ofexternal scheme (immigrant/ designations and contradictory white/ ible/ were confronted ashifting with migrants inpractice Irish visible), (Irish/ oppositions aligned vertically Catholic/ British, invis- Protestant, sought to defi has on‘invisibility’ discourse the academic complex case: if inthe Irish Th ofwhite Englishness. the boundaries beyond other migrants positioned e relationship between internal and external designations was thus internal andexternal erelationship was designations between Similarly, continued ofthe Irish to betray stereotypes whilepopular ourconnection. from that so image ofIreland Irish ourHomeland andthings may benefi promoting at the alltimes national to inoutlook, be all ourmembers inreligion, butweexpect andnocreed we enforce inpolitics nocode non- and,being inLondon people Irish andnon- sectarian political, of bodies are oneoftheorganised the greatest County Associations saidthat It been has committees. ofvarious members as their part andto play totheir encouraged join Association welcome, butindeed are notalone sphere. Ladies inthe social vista upanew which opens life inLondon, ofIrish conversant allaspects Onebecomes with best. them at their andsee people yourown amongst evening or asocial conversation, enjoy apleasant onecan adance, drink, aquiet asking, lonely feel inthis Citywhen,for great the never andoneneed friends new andmakes years, offormer many oldfriends onemeets as far inso advantages its has ofaCounty Association amember Being Th is fl andfi uenced isinturn designations attening ofcategorical ofthe history ne the boundaries of Irish ethnicity in terms of a series of ofaseries ethnicityinterms ofIrish ne the boundaries bythe Church.nancially aided 28

interest acombined in ecting 27 According to the journal 29 inthe mannerwhich Introduction 26 Th us, whilethe us, ned ned ‘in t 9 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Jim Smellie, managerofHomelessto senior inLondon, complain about and welfare offi rights ahousing Birtill, 1992Angie InNovember andexperiences. histories common shared authorities that migrants sceptical vince blackandIrish sought to con- andresearchers andactivists minorities, black andAsian ‘Th ethnic minorities. ofthe the ‘ethnic from construct meaning its minority’, specifi thus inrelation notonlyproduced was to that of‘assimilation’, butdrew legitimacy isacknowledged’.legitimacy that so moretheir visible existence issues to makeIrish ‘the and need until the Equalityof Commissionfor 1997,tocessfully Racial persuade wherebyapplication andrefusal activist- attempted,researchers unsuc- generated arounddiscourse ethnicmobilisation thus lay of adynamic At ofthe census the onBritish forms. of an‘Irish’ heart ethniccategory socio- andcoming to centre redistribution, economic onthe inclusion at the combining national and demandsfor level, identity recognition for ethnicrecognition to buildingacase increasingly turned activists the from mid- networks, policy access to local tially onsecuring 1980s selves to institutionsselves governmental andthe public sphere. identifi inhowbodies shift animportant suchmarked andas inBritain, of multicultural politics the within framework for migrants theto inclusionofIrish campaign welfare organisations andsocial academics groups, activist work ofIrish acoordinated attempt byanet-debate thisembodied process inBritain, tion ofpost- amajor theme ofpublic as emerged groups immigrant war representa- inwhichthe political aperiod Initiated during the 1980s. ofethnicmobilisation form active in through apolitically fashioned was reality, historical anobjective but merelyFor described never ‘invisibility’ formulationcontext its anddeployment. conditioned production ofits 10 infl ofletter- practices informed dynamics these organisations, to writing of anti- welfare oflocal andreports the well surveys as racism.As Irish anti-contemporary sought ahistory to make‘visible’ racism movements, of onthe drawing experience heavily language that, onIrish practices when Irish migration was at its peak. peak. at its was migration when Irish to explain why nopost- apparent, mobilisation ofIrish was history war for anti- evidence elusive so and,implicitly, seemed discrimination Irish inorder to explain why the necessary also ever, was of‘invisibility’ astory at anoffi refused was recognition longas So readership. amongthe paper’s ethniccommunity’ the notionofan‘Irish to popularise Irish Post Women’sand theIrish London ofthe the Centre journalism andeven Group Representation inBritain the Irish suchas groups activist formed uential fi uential Ethnic mobilisation thus stimulated aproliferation ofdiscursive Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life hiseditorial used frequently founder Brendan MacLau , whose gures in the media and government, the literature andgovernment, inthe media ofnewly gures eIrish’ were thus but not‘invisible’ se, per cer Women’s at Irish London Centre, wrote to ed with ‘the with inBritain’ them- Irish ed addressed 31

32 Th e notion of Irish ‘invisibility’ ‘invisibility’ enotionofIrish cial level, how- level, cial 30 oue ini- Focused cally cally black relative to to Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document within Th within off born British- publicdebates ofthe the about nationalplace amidstvocal belonging inthe 1980stook mobilisation amongblackactivists cation ofpolitical and other non- the Paul intensifi noted, Gilroy As has white minorities. attempted to bywhichactivists elide diff tactic Ireland, fi Northern the andIreland’ Troubles,Britain here indicates, Birtill’sAs reference to the ‘continuing colonial relationship between recent report on homelessness inthe City. onhomelessness recent report felt that: Birtill the organisation’s failure ‘more and more Irish people in this country are becoming aware of are becoming inthis country ‘more people andmore Irish years’, for sixty perhaps serious most in 1981, Ivan Gibbons observed At islands are at the atimewhen‘relations neighbouring between conscious oftheir Irishness. politically the context became inwhichthey Community in Britain in Community anti- of popular racism.AccordingIrish to aresurgence inEngland,incited attacks Army (PIRA) Republican Irish of the Troubles ofProvisional inthe wake which,particularly inBritain, bythe eff andshaped triggered also mobilisation was case the Irish inthe post- highereducation inBritish opportunities Butin period. war generation, many second ical ofwhomwere benefi the post- butdrawnamore from self- decades, war consciously polit- were of notbyandlarge that migrants participants suggests involved biography ofthe actors developments: collective to these aresponse as silent.’ andattempts to remain people bystaying invisible of contact British with the ofavoidance toform took invariability this hostility responses ‘Irish situation came’. the outofwhichthestand political bombings Inturn, ofintensity’, level a new little attempt ‘very whilethere to under- was apply” NoIrish” need and“NoIrish “No Blacks, to’ were now‘raised as windows innewsagents the 1950sand1960sinthe advertisements your justifi andnon- Britain ship between white communities …We donotaccept andIreland inaway thatBritain eff andcontinuing inthe historical rooted colonial relationship between community. Th application ofthe race relations to the concerns legislation ofthe Irish inthis country. narrow people ation Irish It facing avery represents also Your anddiscrimin- ofdisadvantage the scale omissionnotonlyignores insulting. status the ethnicminority isdeeply ofthe Irish acknowledge Th e fact that the ‘Health and Homeless in Hackney’ report fails to to fails report thate fact the ‘Health andHomeless inHackney’ 35 Yet, for many second- the Troublesgeneration activists formed atcherite Britain. cation for putting allthe together. European ‘white’ groups ofpost- spring then ‘coming immigrants war ofage’ e disadvantage and discrimination facing Irish people is is people Irish facing anddiscrimination edisadvantage gured as a‘colonial as gured war’, discursive akey represented , ‘attitudes in openly expressed whichhad been to the aseparate distinguish Irish as ina group 34 ethnicmobilisation mayread Irish too be ectively mirrorsthe colonialectively relation- Discrimination and theIrish Discrimination erences between the Irish the Irish erences between ofexpandingciaries Introduction c. 16–19, in 1968–1998, 33 ects

11 - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document what is loosely called their “heritage” and“culture” their “heritage” called what isloosely ’. 12 tion between ‘Irish’ and‘British’,tion between to the that extent is, the confl to the ‘visible’ extent the distinc- ofbecoming means that itsharpened felt ofdiff sense diff generation, of ofthe their second through sense members whichsome clarifi fl aneff as read England could be itgenerated in practices the discriminatory for mobilisation because colonisation. ofBritish Butthe Troubles history shared atrigger also was a experience through blackandIrish projecting between distinction ical the categor- erode ithelped arounddiscourse ethnicmobilisation because theRepresenting Troubles a‘colonialandparcel as ofthe part was war’ World War: to the Englandbefore migrated Second parents whose Hickman, Troubles, ofMary hinted at also inthe recollections was centring onthe eff A similarmotifofethnicawakening, years, recalled that: years, to Meath mother Englandfrom inthe hadmigrated post-self, whose war throughict whichthe diff erence hitherto hiddenor‘dormant’, for a recognition could secure Crucially, a as however, could only function politics this diasporic Ireland madeonehave Northern to thinkit. about lot ofpeople, at university, inmy late inevitably, whenI was mancy teens but, likea centre. I’d went say through myofIrishness dor- aprocess sense isto Studies Now my the ofanIrish forefront Irishness director as were. ofwhothey stock take itto onesideto conscious oftheir identity orwhohadbrushed been but throughout this country, Sunday whohadnot forced those Bloody For alotofsecond- Liverpool notjustfrom generation people, Irish felt too. saw their angerthat I untilIrish that andsuddenlyI point conscious that hadbeen they having been orever and notrealising second- them, with aconnection generation suddenlyforming Irish, Sundayaware whowere ofother andbeing girls overBloody friends ofmy some outwith falling I remember were absolutely it. madabout ofuswho what haddoneandthose theattempted troops to justify who people daughters amongst atmy school ofservice classroom outin breaking bigarguments remember I paratroopers. by British bythe batoned RUC andB- being selves andlater shot being Specials fl being images well. Suddenlythere as were and I thinkitdidfor alotofother people Th e civil rights movement and Bloody Sunday focused my Irishness my Irishness Sunday focused movement andBloody rights ecivil ed. ed. Th Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life eTroubles politics the thus stimulus for provided adiasporic erence ‘invisible’ culture. outwardly British within ashed up on the television of Irish Catholics likeour- Catholics ofIrish uponthe television ashed ‘British’erence and‘Irish’ between could be 37

ofconfl ect intheict ‘homeland’, acon- 36 her- Birtill Angie ofthe ects 38 it in ict Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document tion in the 1980s thus syncretised the schemas of British multiculturalism of British the schemas tion inthe 1980sthus syncretised British hands within the handswithin columns oftheBritish and letters pages suff myth ofIrish stimulated the replenishment ofapowerful the emotiveoutcome inthePrison, hunger Maze ofwhich strikes ‘these islands’. between and struggle the within contextBritain ofdispossession ofanationalist mythology promote, second- in ofthe Irish the history recast generation activists hard to worked they the respectability myth endangering ofIrish as bypost- established the Troubles settlers viewed war apprehensively, Where the communitythe inBritain. ofthe experiences Irish bodies the situation Ireland and inNorthern between ofanalogies discovery history,interpretation ofIrish thisofinvestment the kind motivated inethnicmobilisationinvolved ananti- towards colonial Republican groups activist predisposing well as As struggles. their own recognise inwhichsecond- likeourselves’ Catholics ‘Irish could generation activists state the British and between a‘war’ as Ireland seen couldNorthern be spective onthe Troubles’spective implications for inBritain. the Irish of the pre- amilitant per- advanced existing Federation Societies, ofIrish the docility as perceived ofwhat they who,critical groups activist of new for the organisation afocus 1981onwardsfrom the publication became establishment in1971, since its cohesive votingbloc as community’ ‘Irish tothe mobilise Where the failed founders hadsingularly ofthe paper nial domination. refl merely people, Irish towards displayed hostility the well wider as as ofthe ofTerrorism operation 1974Prevention the discriminatory Act, Group Representation (IBRG), inBritain Irish established to the newly ected a longer history of British oppression, rooted ultimately rooted oppression, incolo- ofBritish alongerhistory ected Th inBritain. living people ofIrish rights andpolitical liberties onthe to civil attacks continuing led has war Th unit. political sovereign independent, ofthe asingle, islandofIreland must as includearecognition solution andwetherefore maintain thatcolonial policy any justandlasting ofBritish Ireland’ result that in‘Northern isadirect the war recognises Th people. ofthe ofIrish majority theagainst wishes ately ofIreland Act bythe created andmaintained 1920Government that deliber- the Ireland’ stateletIBRG recognises of‘Northern was community ofthe Th Irish inBritain. position the disadvantaged inthe situation resulted whichhas inIrelandthis intervention and It ofBritain. is onthe part oneofintervention been historically has byBritain’sstructured relationship to Ireland and…this relationship [T] areand underscored inBritain living people ofIrish he lives Perhaps signifi most e discourse on Irish experience generated around onIrish ethnic mobilisa- ediscourse 40 Accordingstatement: to a1986 policy were the 1981Republican cant inthis respect 41

e IBRG recognises that this this that recognises IBRG e Introduction e IBRG also e IBRGalso 39 According Irish Post ering at ering e 13 . Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document suff of‘oppression aform where of themes utilised has this history’ period accounts community integration,during Irish of harmonious activism sanitised for portraying criticised haveof othergroups been minority fi atic ofthis consequence isthat post- tend experiences migrant to be war and identifi ofsettlement onto back processes imaged been the 1980sand1990shas bywhichaninstitutional generated in discourse projection, of historical parent concept inrelation to post- akind involved also has migration war as the last traces of a disappearing communal authenticity, traces of a disappearing the last as post- war are fi important dynamic in research on Irish subjectivities in Britain. inBritain. subjectivities onIrish inresearch dynamic important an identity as generated through notregistered ethnicmobilisation has of categories andthe racialised processes memory these ship between ofmemory. strategies To ofpersonal part as date, however, the relation- whomightorcontest rework incorporate, them migrants, by ordinary ofpost- munal memory negotiated suchhadto be andas settlement, war the otherofexperience within with com- narratives competed also they but andjournalists, writers academics, ofcommunitypractices bodies, Th others. editing ofself- and categories whileactivelyandre- submerging ascription, images ofstock arepertoire experience, incorporating version ofIrish apowerful anddisseminated generalised mobilisation constructed, ethnic doing, Inso consonant for the ethnicrecognition. with criteria a state- ‘multicultural gaze’,sponsored inways them rendering ‘visible’ to inBritain experiences Irish but that ethnicmobilisation subjected st to mobilisation meet with struggle 1945. Th after this have process into played the shaping subjectivities ofIrish through transmissionengendered ofknowledge andcircuits practices to think refl inEnglandneeds tities egory, butthat any attempt iden- ofIrish tothe understand production cat- ananalytic ethnic mobilisationas invalidates theof‘invisibility’ use ofthe coloniser. strategies incorporating ofthe interms andthat explain ‘invisibility’ discrimination could its even that could ofdiff naturalise the basis thatwithin framework, Anglo- migrants ofIrish the legitimate insertion that helped history Irish interpretation of anadversarial ination, nationalism andIrish supplied onthe ofcultural diff grounds entitled to recognition history. Multiculturalism the concept supplied ofan‘ethnic minority’ inBritish– roots much with deeper and anationalist mythology Irish 14 gured in terms of negation and lack. Where the community histories andlack. ofnegation interms gured It atrans- follows this as from that of‘invisibility’ the deployment Th ering, discrimination and disadvantage are amplifi anddisadvantage discrimination ering, e importance of these observations hereof isnotthat the history observations ofthese eimportance gured as ‘invisible’, as gured or‘incorporated’, ‘unrecognised’ ornostalgicised Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life e point isnotthat epoint the fi cation that specifi have historical their own ese meanings shaped andwere through transmitted the shaped meanings ese ndings ofactivist-ndings associated researchers exively howthe about discursive andards of evidential reliability,andards ofevidential erence anddiscrim- ed. ed. city.A problem- 43 Whether they they Whether erence and 42

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document and later ‘ethnic’, mediated was their designations experience ofthese tion ofdomesticity, andreligious decline. liberalisation social unavoidably through mediated the advent of‘affl was ofbelonging forms new andfashioned discourses to these responded buthowthey societies, andreceiving sending inboth racial categories, of repertoire to ashifting were subject the settlement process: migrants negotiation ofdiff migrants’ identity shaped urban also implication, however, second that investments inEnglish these was A disturbing the hegemony ofCatholic- nationalist inthe process. ideals culture, rural within inate selfhood alternative ofindividuated models the dissem- about excitementsstories helped life, ofurban emigrants fl homeat intervals, regular society: returning Irish post- ofcultural changewithin vector apowerful formed created, war the extensive via they transnational networks that emigrants, this was ment andleisure, consumption andsociability. Oneimplication of off reconstruction economic and social British butbecause stagnant, theeconomy Irish was because Ireland, notonly left context people transformation. Irish ofsocietal ofexchange forms diverse Ireland 1945,fostering after awider within thetion enhanced socio- Englandand cultural interconnections between migra- mass inreality theIreland Commonwealth left inthis period, interaction play intoself- ofmigrant the dynamics Although fashioning. andsocial ofcultural production processes the waysto wider obscure tend subjectivities, the determinant ofIrish underlying antagonism as unfl ‘invisibility’ approaches whichdeploy thewithin debates around offi normative defi of aparticular the with realisation andpersonhood itimplicitly ‘agency’ equates victim; post- assign this framing Not onlydoes of the position migrants war conceiving the British– relationshipIrish ofdomination. solely interms ofthe post- dispersal community, migrant war aneff butitisalso orrepressed. diminished absent are orlost, something routinely as treated subjectivities Irish terms, within the lived contexts the within lived were generated. inwhichthey terms, ontheir treated own to andrequire be object, aresearch as of their own Th British– cultures. onboth impacts relationshipIrish reciprocal andits andthroughthe post- this shaped societies, ofthe development war encountered andreceiving ofidentity sending the they discourses inboth relationship;itical they however,point, merely isthat were never migrants e subjectivities constituted through thisthus process have esubjectivities avalidity inpost- whilethe Irish So ‘immigrant’, Englandcould be war ‘white’ Undoubtedly, withthe and ephemerality isassociated this tendency Th is last point leads into leads point athird islast general problem, namely that made themselves for employ- expandingered opportunities inscribed nition ofethnicempowerment Th cial multiculturalism inthe 1980s. through negotiation of active exively, British– positing Irish uence’ andthe idealisa- ush with money and money ush with eff ects Introduction ofastatic pol- erence within within erence ect of ect 15 e Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document discursive environment. environment. discursive andconstantly changing avariegated through with articulation life cycle, versionsofself at competing diff and refashioning ‘journeys’, ofmigrant negotiate theindividuals particularities fashioning contested consideration overtime;itinvolves andredrawn too ofhow ethnicityhave ofIrish been howthe boundaries involve acknowledging diff Th societies. andreceiving sending both tural transformations aff through, andinseparable the from, 16 fact’. ‘anhave as representations of‘identity’ encouraged accomplished already however, to appears case, In the Irish the imperative ofethnic‘visibility’ has emphasised: has Hall Stuart As isinpractice limited. andremade historically constructed have been that interest suggests subjectivities above inhowIrish ‘identity’, Irish about the habitual outlined omissionofthe dynamics of‘construction’ theemployed vocabulary and‘diff mobilisation. For although consistently much ofthis has discourse outofethnic thatconcern emerged discourse the with academic has is intrinsically processual andperformative: processual is intrinsically however, stressed, has Jenkins Richard anthropologist ethnicselfhood As inandthrough the process. dynamically migration how the ‘I’isformed contributes reifi to its cultural society offi within anormative ideal as treat ‘identity’ historical and internally riven ‘identity’, problematisation its an unstable, incomplete discouraging as rather,it is, tends to that naturalise of‘invisibility’ rhetoric the optical exclusion; to ideological subject or that have experiences these notbeen ofthe ‘native’that those arefrom experiences indistinct Irish population, existence ‘have’, whichindividuals aproperty citly conceived as ontological whose itisimpli- interrogated historicised, anddeconstructed, to be a category there thatgranted acoherent, unproblematic already isalways ‘identity’ Irish ‘white’ identity,given for take ofthe Irish the claimsabout ‘invisibility’ so trends behavioural weretain automatically expressions as read ofapre- suchthat suitable candidatesforthe the Irish cer- paradigm, assimilation erence within the Irish migrant experience does not, therefore, not, only erence experience migrant does the within Irish ject to the continuousject ofhistory, ‘play’ culture, power. fi Far eternally being from undergo constant they transformation. whichishistorical, everything like But, Cultural have identities histories. come somewhere, from Taken amore collectively, fundamental suggest points various these 46 ‘visible’. outwardly to become , primed as of treating Instead ‘identity’ their made ‘whiteness’ tacitlyassumed Just the assimilationists as Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life andbehaviour. expression its inspeech precedes Th 44 life in experience ofeveryday the lived ecting

xed in some essentialized past, they are sub- they past, essentialized xed insome production cation, impeding understanding of understanding cation, impeding broader economic, social andcul- social broader economic, inking about the production of the about production inking . Ultimately, to the tendency cial ontologies ofthe multi- erent inthe moments erence’ whentalking 45

e point isnot epoint Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document produce histories in the mode of what Ann Laura Stoler, ofwhat inthe AnnLaura mode produce histories about writing Friday the year. following Agreement Good have to Others tended ofthe in1997andthe signing Labour of‘New’ thefollowing election pronounced increasingly whichbecame atendency tive andtherapeutic, commemora- both was function whose histories produced projects based important instance, the Equality. Commissionforimportant Racial government and,inone local bycharities, and funded 1980s and1990s, inthe andacademics bycommunity conducted activists projects history oforal ofarash the products stimulated above andutilised described authenticating identity. claimsabout Th and ofcontesting ‘invisibility’ means Irish animportant thus provided intwentieth- migrants ofIrish In the case has oralhistory Britain, century peoples, historians of migration have been to the fore have ofmigration historians inthis been trend. peoples, andcolonised ofthescholars ofwomen,the experiences workingclasses Alongwith sources. traditionalarchival within neglected have been experiences whose groups social for researching scholars methodology akey became halfoftheIn thetwentiethoralhistory second century tomemory’ andthe‘turn migration history, Oral inthis book. deployed the chiefmethodology Totion ofsubjectivities. that oforalhistory, end,weturn to adiscussion to exploring suited constitu- the dialogic andto amethodology period, the post- inEnglandduring whosettled migrants to ofIrish the lives war access to investigate. Suchaninvestigation presupposes seeks this book narrative, which ofemotionandsocial workings through the reciprocal are formed where sites subjectivities migrant as It repertoires, isthese dence provides an essential record of the hidden history ofmigration’. record anessential ofthedence hiddenhistory provides orill- islikely unrecorded to be story andthat oralevi- documented, that the migrant’s been has ofmigration claim oforalhistorians own the Th oralhistorianAlistair reminiscence, ongroup Frequently many community- ofthese based an ongoing sense of themselves and an understanding of their fellows. oftheir ofthemselvesandanunderstanding fellows. an ongoingsense and‘do’ence, learn use, construct whichthey with intheir dailylives, ‘belong’. Th ‘have’,nor ethnicityis‘something’ that people or, to whichthey indeed, endlessly, terms themAlthough about inthese wetalk neither culture ‘event’ inthe fi and the ofthe forms telling – through whichweare able to perceive the andthe telling – the remembering the patterns ofthe remembering study, of butthe events ofthe material event, notonlythe mechanics rather than to chronicles history with It whodeal ofthose isthe task ey are, rather, ey experi- complex whichpeople repertoires rst place. 48

omson has observed, ‘a central andabiding observed, has omson e process ofethnicmobilisation eprocess Introduction 51

49 47 s A

17 50

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document and off record their onthe experiences historical …have inscribed minorities ofcultural ormembers menandwomen,indigenouspeoples class outofhistory. written Th previously andgroups for individuals possible itmakes concerns themode agency munity Britain’s within multicultural landscape. ethniccom- anIrish audible, visible andwhichmakes oration becomes voice which anIrish muted through incorp- via the medium as functions authentic identity. Irish Within ofmemory, this mode oralnarrative thus ofthe persistence ofan evidence well as as anddiscrimination, tage ‘assimilation’,about ofdisadvan- recoverexperiences often stories these an offi life course, leaving unaddressed the issues ofconfl the issues life unaddressed course, leaving interact overthe remembering migrant autobiographical andcollective of are investigations Britain ofhowprocesses inmodern of the Irish Absent studies from right. own inits evidence asource ofhistorical as notregistered has experience, suchthat ofcollective narratives memory cifi notionsofethnicity, to collective allied approaches have been the spe- More involved. generally,researchers ofthe aresult way ‘recovery’ as contextpolitical ofthe 1980sand1990stheof goals activist- cultural and bythe wider isshaped form ofexperience whose narratives their ofmemory, sites status of as productive neglect projects history oral most Britain, inmodern people data ofIrish onthe lives personal for have the accumulation allowed migrants Irish with ofrich interviews memories’. ofpersonal fashioning while inBritain, ofthe Irish Inthe case andthe ‘the ofremembering tend process also to neglect such histories this mode is ‘subaltern termed has the study memory’. ofcolonialisms, in Memory 18 about theintwentieth- oftheabout experiences Irish Britain. century oralnarrative toaccess 35 years havegain the to last ‘untold used stories’ Virtually allbook- in published inBritain ofthe Irish oralhistories length city of individual migrant journeys has usually been subordinated to subordinated usuallybeen has journeys migrant city ofindividual A Th As seen to workthem. against seen made – being points the political beside are often be andmay infact memories ofpersonal andthe fashioning the ofremembering process itisthe offi because inquestion, been have not ofremembering acts Subaltern to European epistemologies. counter offi to invoked are often oralhistories it, against colonial andstruggles Ineff the colonised. the notthe access message, the to medium, point untold of stories cial myth of white homogeneity and historiographical assumptions assumptions cial myth ofwhite homogeneityandhistoriographical Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ered their own interpretations their ofhistory’. own ered omson notes, the distinctive contribution of oral history inthis the contribution distinctive oforalhistory notes, omson implicitly status cial versionsandthe they sovereign give to restore ofthe amore completeorts memory 52

rough ‘recovery’ history, ‘working- rough ‘recovery’ cial memory that isonthe line; cialmemory 54 Yet Stoler suggests, as pluralityand ict, 53 Against Against Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document through ‘experience’, where ‘experience’ event’. isa‘linguistic looking- of‘experience’;glass rather, whoare constituted itisindividuals whohave external individuals accessthrough reality to some anobjective way. inasimple, itisnot unmediated direct argued, Scott has Joan As the claimthat yielded the ‘evidence has odology ofexperience’ isnever Post-1980s and1990s. problematisationstructuralist ofempiricist meth- inthe ofdebates the about status knowledge part ofhistorical initiated as rethinking oftheever, epistemological oneofthe maincasualties been has experience, how- andcultural memory. ofsocial of personal Suchamodel the from held ‘distortions’ apart ‘identity’ andthe ofdiscourse ‘rewritings’ refl ated narrative the status ofanunmedi- personal experience implicitly assigns Th transparent. isconceived as ible, this medium aud- through voice whichamuted Irish becomes amedium as functions here ifmemory context: andsocial theof the subject relation between constitution of subjectivities. constitution ofsubjectivities. subject’,personal for the inter- evidence oralnarrative becomes subjective available the to particular indiscourse construct subject ‘the generalised draw on through onhownarrative subjects culture.is shaped Byfocusing ofnarrative self- processes insight yield into can location how subjectivity study so ofthe repertoires, drawn collective andadapted from narratives of the subjects oftheir throughthemselvesas experiences sense locating for the study subjectivity. make ofmigrant possibilities Ifmigrants new untenable. to point world also Onthe andself becomes other hand,they the about of‘facts’ arepository oforalnarrative as the idea inseparable, andcontent Ifform ofknowledge. are eff theory respondence inherently mode ‘unreliable’ ofacor- the within frame the ‘recovery’ separated it. from cannot be tities’. thatit isthrough andnarrativity narratives weconstitute iden- oursocial that wecome to know, world, and ofthe social andmakesense understand, isthrough this narrativity ‘event’ frames Somers ofnarrative: ‘it interms memory production. production. memory long- inherent as of inrecent adaption theorisations seen psychic term and shaped constantly by wider processes of collective and public myth. andpublicmyth. ofcollective constantly processes bywider and shaped to reworking subject active, psychically as ofmemory relation aview with narrative inter- have brought oforalhistory itinto subjectivity, theorists ofthe process. migration part inhabit as environments they discursive the with diff constitutive migrants’ dialogues histories: migration within potentially neglected migration supplyaccess often to adynamic Th Th bythis notionof opened In order to exploit the possibilities fully ese absences have in part been underwritten by a particular reading reading byaparticular underwritten been have absences inpart ese ese points concerning discursive mediation render oral history in render mediation oralhistory concerning discursive points ese 57 itthus narrative isconstitutive ofourexperience ofreality; Inshort, ection of an objective realm, or the direct expression or the realm, direct ofapre- ofanobjective ection given 55

58 of narratives Approached personal thus, e ‘recovery’ of‘invisible’ e‘recovery’ Introduction 56 Margaret Margaret ectively ectively erent 19 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document become available once consumption morebecome for inreshaped personal tofor awider, distribution audience, at they whichpoint mass, typically the ‘original’ forces, social diverse andgeneralised are reworked stories time,and underthe infl Over at the national andpubliclevels. orinstitutions situated by groups purposes appropriated for particular may situated andprivate, at at onelocation, be and individuals the local bygroups tion. Within constructed andimages stories suchcircuits, produc- ofreciprocity, interms of discursive approached circuits via consumers andproducers ofculture isnotone- forms way, butisbetter ‘cultural circuit’. According to this formulation, the relationship between concept ofcultural myth isthat forthe understanding production ofthe for self- sibilities third useful availableunderstanding them. within A ‘composure’: Group, bythe isthat Popular of concept Memory here, developed A key 20 narratives of collective self- self- ofcollective narratives understanding. wider within andprohibitions embedded ideals bythe norms, limited) (and shaped composure isaninherently process, social memory sense, andparticular, local range ofexternal national publics, andgeneral.Inthis a within understood toandfeel belong need bysubjects’ conditioned also itis continuity; for subjective need solely byapersonal governed vate act, apri- andpresent isnever past Composing audiences. andimagined real onvarious focused recognition inrelation occurs foralso social to aneed well- Simultaneously, however,being. andpresent this integration ofpast continuity, inorder to promoteofsubjective present, asense and security acceptableto makethe to ofthe experiences the past self situated inthe overtimeinvolvesexperiences anattempt andpresent, past to synthesise ofthe self’s theofnarrating ahistory act temporal dimension: crucial integration’. of‘psychic asense achieve a Integration here encompasses thewhole from diff one’s about story to byadesire aunifi form life isshaped Th intheof telling. act engaged ofthe subject desires and bythe emotionalneeds isinformed of interpretative reconstruction through Crucially,ively the reconstructed ofrecall. process this process but acreative andinterpretativethrough act are whichexperiences select- whereby experience are copies ofprior brought the before retrieval, mind, ‘memory’. of process Autobiographical isnotapassive remembering If ‘experience’ neither then oflanguage, does outside notoccur does dothe pos- too change overtime,so collectivities sinceIn turn, social with our lives and identities, that ofcomposure. usafeeling give andidentities, ourlives with that memories help usto wecompose relatively feel sense comfortable ofourculture. Inanother andmeanings using the publiclanguages memories orconstruct wecompose Inonesense making. memory theof process isanaptly to term Composure describe ambiguous Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life erent andpotentially confl 60

ofthe self, to parts icting e act ofcomposing a eact ed and integrated andintegrated ed uence of uence 59

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ation of the past projected through publicmemory. projected ation ofthe past confl experience often sally accessible: personal available makes for self- andexpressionunderstanding are notuniver- the subject- Sometimes, pasts. those and reworking the circuit positions actively ininterpreting engage they as even pasts, theirunderstand own aff whichinevitably a process andpublicnorms, memory role collective informing apowerful agendas experiences and histories across arangeoffi across andhistories experiences interestetal inthe elicitation, recording andconsumption ofpersonal ‘public culture ofself- intense fostered soci- nevertheless has divulgence’ the ofa development andappropriations, exclusions, distortions own Westerncity within its enacts culture. Whilethisnecessarily process ofauthenti- asign as fetishised been experience has voice ofpersonal ofwhichthe andthe everyday, part around the as personal sive activity anexplosion ofdiscur- witnessed the twentiethhas century in the past, excluded ofcultural representation the from havemeans been people andcommunitiesindividuals contribute Ifordinary tofrom. andtake ‘from above’, people ordinary upon imposed something aprocess butas vate memory production. production. vate memory for pri- the andreshape possibilities shape powerfully forms generalised public audience andinwhat that butinthe form, sense distributed widely access gain to stories a ofwhose the question underpins necessarily itics adaptive andpower-its laden character, that notonlyinthe sense apol- thisis about process have emphasised theorists Whatform. memory tural memory. In such instances, wheretural there memory. resistance to isactive Insuchinstances, extent andeff minorities’, tothe racismandxenophobia, subject others have been ‘model as feted have Wheregroups been some process. and selective afraught dominant within been myths nation ofthetories British has Itthat true the his- dichotomous inclusionofmigrant iscertainly terms. in memory migrant about questions framing caution against points re- presentation. re- experience andpublic personal tightening ofthe circuitbetween epochal to, self- representational generated ‘from practices below’, an signalling contend must increasingly public narratives andadapt with, themselves post- within complex ‘narrative ecology’ Englishsociety: offi war anddiff storied more become has memory ofpopular landscape the contemporary voice of personal experience becomes ‘muted’. experience becomes voice ofpersonal orformulated, the located ofexpressionan alternative be mode cannot madeto fi be cannot experiences personal merely as publicmemory nottoOn the see other hand,itisimportant Th With to these historiographymigration, the onBritish wider respect e circuit gives groups and institutions with particular interests and andinstitutions particular with groups ecircuitgives ects of which have been actively erased from British cul- British from actively erased ofwhichhave been ects erentiated, markingthe ofanincreasingly development 64

and reconstruct howindividuals ects t with dominant meanings and dominantt with meanings elds and media. elds andmedia. 62

the with interpret-icts 61 if Insuchinstances, Introduction 63 Arguably, cial and 21 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document launches, dedicated to the preservation and display of the achievements anddisplay ofthe achievements to the preservation dedicated launches, reminiscence and book and exhibitions, groups projects munity history ability, for com- points focal have spaces become inrecent these also times acontextas ofasemi- for the performance offi bypost- established andassociations clubs longserved has migrants war Where the network ofcentres, England to foster commemorative activities. across this context bodies for Irish considerable supplied opportunities has memory. ofpopular Morethan so for manyfocus other post- groups, war bution’ to ofimmigration ‘rebuilding a as Britain’ surfaced the war after ofwhich the ‘contri- part culturalism andnational as identity inBritain, the confl contextone important practices, for the incitement memory ofcollective inpost- communalIrish memory 1945 England.Ifthe Troubles formed fashioned and a sense of belonging to an ‘imagined community’ extended. extended. community’ to an‘imagined of belonging andasense fashioned whichanaffi from ofthe past aspects of recycling inherent aretrospective towards to the cultural circuitevolve of some migrants at the expense of others. at the ofothers. migrants expense of some munity, experiences the personal naturalising expressing, andpreserving the within com- alignments interests andvalue hegemony ofparticular ticular, representations ofcommunal identity may refl change and generational ageing. change andgenerational ageing. andcommunal attendant ofloss withering byasense cultural as upon ofinjusticesense to ordesire contest the silences ofnational memory, of ‘liquidmodernity’, much notso bya are practices triggered, memory Under communities. the conditions ofembodied theagainst reproduction andinter- individualisation increasing generational forgetting militate world inarapidly where changing spatial dispersal, the journey migration of record achievements andcommemorate andcollective the personal within operative ofproduction circuits with intersect transnational processes ofrepresentation national within space. these and publiclevels Inturn, places and oftransmissionarticulate circuits newspapers, diaspora ticular and now’. Via oftransnational forms diverse communication, andinpar- ofthe enablesadaption‘here to thetaneously demandsandpossibilities to ahomeland, emotionalconnections butinaway that simul- preserve self- Collective to for example,narration maymotivated, be byaneed ofself- practices temporary representation off con- andthe ofthe process possibilities migration to other aspects into arelationdominant memory ofcontest andopposition. national and against forgetting minority struggle anddisavowal, locking may the ofa take form memory ofpersecution, histories acknowledging 22 Th Perhaps signifi most At the sametime,however, related may production be also memory ese various points have a particular salience for have the of development aparticular points various ese Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life communities. migrant ofsettled public’ the ‘particular debates the against backdropofwider overmulti- occurred ict across personal between ‘vertically’ well as as national borders, cantly, may production refl memory 66 the Inthis generalisingprocesses mode, rmative image of settlement can be rmative imageofsettlement be can respect- ofIrish cial code er for their negotiation. the cultural ect ect a need to to aneed ect 65 n par- In between

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ance and success, refl ance andsuccess, aheroic narrative ofhardship, portray endur- histories these advantage, on discourse. As Michael Roper suggests: Michael Roper As on discourse. the life, stress alongside attention dimensioninsocial psychic to acrucial composure draws ofnarrative production, our dynamic astructuring as ofthe subject’s theBy stressing for importance internal coherence need ways. inparticular andreworked recycled being are themselves environment inwhichthea social of publicmemory forms overtimethrough interaction with dynamic ofsubjectivities the reworking exaggerationting andocclusion, andfi forget- towards tendencies experience intopast aresource. Inaccuracies, composure the transforms tural subject’s production, to rewrite tendency ofcul- broadercycles playing outagainst ofoverlapping dialogues by sets integration, where thisisconditioned process interior ofsubjective process for ofmetaphor an theakind we read integration as ofnarrative forms centring onthe ofmemory. ‘unreliability’ thatoral history Bysuggesting andthe ‘culturalposure’ thus circuit’ address squarely of earliercriticisms coherence, of‘com- concepts for these subjective byaneed underpinned post- indefi values migrant war post- dispersed the well continuing generation, as as war hegemony of further emphasises the particularity of lived relationships the context oflived as the particularity emphasises further for ‘integration’ ofmemory, principle Kleinianthought astructuring as madereference has Whereabove. this to discussion the subject’s need outlined ofmemory ther delineate the role the within ofdesire theory ofKleinianformulations use makes toGraham Dawson, this fur- book ofdesire. asubject constituted, discursively butas only as not in the available. to forms conceive It ofthe subject, isthus necessary the world through the ‘screen’ invest diff emotions, oftheir own apprehending formulation negotiation whereby anactive isalso subjects, thewhichthought within terms supplies are andaction formulated, but Discourse onetoo. itisapsychic event’; isnotonlya‘linguistic Experience of the post- generation. war changeisnotsolely explainable ofculture. interms this suggests, As ofinterpretative anact reconstruction, as remembering In theorising bythe cultural historian developed bythe framework Informed experience. onearlier dependent complete, partly andalways never process, andpartial aselective as …[and] amatter as subject ofnegotiationcodes involving anactive the ofcultural assimilation allowsus to see perspective A biographical experiences. to those experience andthe emotionalresponses lived orotherwise – dictory through amatter formed butas ofpersonality formations – byideological whollycomposed as contra- competing, What ofsubjectivity, emerges thisofapproach from kind isasense not ecting the emotional needs of an ageing and spatially ofanageingandspatially the emotionalneeds ecting 67 anddis- ofdiscrimination ofastory Instead ning the usability of the past. ning the usability ofthe past. 68

ctionalisation, become evidence of of evidence ctionalisation, become Introduction erently 23 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document onciling confl unconscious inthe fi the Kleinianaccount life isthus a‘continual psychic conceived as struggle, relationsthese engenders‘incompatibility’, to confl ‘psychic leading quality ofthe identifi the andfragmentary diverse the social world). the social into orimpulses internal feelings whichitexpels orprojects (by jection world) andpro- into internal phantasy its externalincorporates objects split off (‘imagos’) are constituted, and broken apart objects internal phantasy internal whereby andexternal ofexchangeprocess worlds, between Subject- isthus anongoing formation aKleinianframework within anxieties associated with these internal objects are projected in turn. inturn. are projected internal these objects with associated anxieties asite whileforming and onto whichdesires are developed, objects’ tasy world the here ‘external supplies which‘internal from phan- objects’ Th inturn. responses handleandassimilate these subjects bysignifi or denied are andimpulses accommodated needs psychic the ways inwhichbasic by shaped stitute the subject’s are powerfully landscape internal psychic the external world. Inparticular, whichcon- the emotionsanddesires inrelation dynamically to ofself evolves sense in whichanintegrated 24 developing ego and its internal objects evolves. evolves. internal objects andits ego developing more complex theision ofthe selfrelationship becomes as between self- inborn own to its in response the internal div- urges, destructive inthe splitting early Klein, this of the originates ambivalence subject anongoingthreat stability. to psychic tling emotionspose While,for where diff cess, environment. bidto acoherent form ceaseless wholethrough interaction its with ina andsubdivided reordered to andsplit, is constantly added being subject- in- formation isthus complete’ ‘always inthat never it partial, Th andthe social. the psychic interactions between through previous formed andbeliefs impulses ofthem)bydesires, make use isconditioned interpret and andhowthey select environments (thecursive they forms invest isto intheir say dis- that subject’ howsubjects involving anactive to say that the ‘assimilation is‘a ofcultural codes’ matter ofnegotiation eff life. ofthe Interms positioning ofsocial sibilities adaptcondition andadapt howindividuals to the constraints andpos- subjectivities personal these Inturn, emotionsanddesires. of personal relationswhich regulate social are centrally implicated inthe shaping andvalues life,the so codes thewithin concrete ofeveryday practices arewhich theembedded subject’s world isdeveloped internal phantasy of emotionandculture insubject- from formation. Ifthe external objects It thus follows that subject- formation isanecessarily Kleinianthought pl this suggests, As Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life through alternating processes of introjection (by whichthe self (by throughofintrojection alternating processes diff andsubsuming ict erent parts ofthe self exist erentinconfl parts 70

cant parental others fi (especially rst instance, for a narrative phantasy capable ofrec-rst instance, for anarrative phantasy erence’. Narrative reconciliation, aces emphasis on the reciprocity ontheaces emphasis reciprocity 71 cations established via via cations established Dawson explains, As ict, andwhere unset- ict, andbyhow gures), ofdiscourse, ects ambivalent e external ict’. In pro- e 69

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document fi Summer- relation As itself. concerns the interview thewithin interview particular public shaping the interview from outside, but‘audience’ outside, from publicshaping also the interview particular identifi ofthe self oftheandformation reworking ofnew pressures, to these fi ofdif- impact are narratives notonlyrecords ofthe subjective migrants’ confl psychic changeoverthe life course: the jective ontoin one’s awindow the phenomenonofsub- opens Butitalso past. separated the from enduringsignifi easily be of whichinfl that confl experience, the the self unresolved isanaccretion ofpast for confl to also read for reading coherence, well as as tion isthat, itisnecessary infl experience and,underthe exercise conditions ofthein past present, an the unstableconfl outcome as ofpsychic seen be ance ofthis to here isthat the need ‘identities’ articulate whichmigrants Th inthe management andanxieties. defences of fears engaged for coherence andintegration,the work thisincludes ofpsychic also suff a the self as register they ‘the ofexperience donotjustregister Oral narratives self’; sive ‘splitting’: however, defen- towards tendency constantly negotiates acountervailing eld states: cult aspects of the migration journey; they areofadaption records too they ofthe journey; migration aspects cult uence over how that past can be represented to represented the self. Th be uence can overhowthat past this above, ‘audience’ noted As a as mayconstituted inthe be abstract, anaudience. a narrator andarecipient subject, between or inter- that inthe of arelationship sense itisthe product subjective Th confl psychic further and ensures world: splitting ofintegration, interferes more with inclusiveprocesses that exacerbatephantasies the existingofthe internal fragmentation another’. Th intheresulting ‘diff and anxiety- ofthe psyche) parts between also, (andthus, imagos free anxiety- between are established ‘Resistances’ the psyche. producing the selfzoneof bycontaining undermining from alimited itwithin self- Th it. against protection are the disintegrating eff thatChief amongthe factors provoke splitting imagos ofthe self andits Lastly, onefi use andcondition use conscious self- the well desire as As presentations. e process of the production of memory stories is always dialogic dialogic is always stories ofmemory of the eprocess production cations inpursuance ofthesettlement. goals ict and the events which occasion it. Th it. whichoccasion andtheict events uence memory production; the prism ofthe the present prism cannot production; uence memory e self’s defences against anxiety therefore defences anxiety against produce narrative eself’s divided nal kind of dialogue aff ofdialogue nal kind formation, whereconstantly unconscious desires erent identifi erent ects of anxiety and the defences developed in andthe ofanxiety defences developed ects ese ‘ego ese defences’ work to prevent anxiety ict will occur. will ict off cut cations becoming ecting the production of memory ofmemory the production ecting cance of people andplaces cance ofpeople isunderscores the point icts which both originate originate whichboth icts 72

present within icts Introduction 73

one from e implica- e import- icts icts 25 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document is the ofthe characterisation Britis At indebates stake identities inBritain over the ofIrish development anddynamics themes stories: key life andmigrant memory Myth, politics. Irish Northern with connected inrelation production to themes incitingandshapingmarked, memory the instances infl insome see, Ireland andIreland Northern more about generally.cussion weshall As university, onmy accent, prompting anddis- others questions focused Th male,white and,signifi I was at the University ofManchester. 25and27,based between Inaddition, astudent researcher, outI was were carried aged the timethe interviews situation. At into the interview identityaural I carried markers ofsocial aff was ofmemory the production respect, andidentifi perceived byhowthey conditioned also was migrants. to as themtheir about lives meaningful most what to toabout prompt was talk respondents this way, I sought ratherfeelings In that than theissues abstract lay the behind questions. story- encouraged oncontextualtelling byfocusing andpersonal details that I triedquestions to ask at their ease, deferential, to putsubjects as so non- to appear trying well as As techniques. and positive threatening and inemotionrather rich than externalmemories ‘fact’, negative usingboth to pre- defi at ifthis the didnotappear interested timeto them, correspond even what toabout tomost talk encouragein suchaway as respondents andmy ofthe reading the historiography, project were yet approached of goals bythe research informed ofquestions onaschedule were based the study of‘interiorities’. were ‘semi- Interviews inthat structured’ they towards orientated into andmethodologies apreference for frameworks to history. translate thisand social was Interms ofthe current project, through undergraduate my ofstudy inphilosophy chosen programmes interest relating inissues to ‘identity’, aninterest developed subsequently my butstimulated initialinterest atheoretical too inBritain, inthe Irish here. in2002notonlysparked My to migration important Glasgow own ofmy autobiography own are ofaspects anumber isbased, this book and the identities ofthe interviewer. onwhich ofthe Interms research situation, includingthe overarchingofthe goals interaction the interview interprets attempts to the structure interview, andhow the interviewee howthe interviewer byarelation shaped isalways between produced Th itself. the within refers interview obtaining to the dynamics 26 us, while some respondents identifi respondents whilesome us, Finally, the themselveswithin interview constructed how subjects Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ned themes. Interview strategy was based on trying to elicit ontrying based was strategy Interview themes. ned cantly, accent. Irish aNorthern with spoke particularly uence was ofthis dynamic h– such, relationshipIrish As itself. the mewith institution oftheed ected by the various visual and visual bythe various ected me.Inthis ed e narrative Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document societies. societies. subject- post- within were assigned they positions EnglishandIrish war the various encountered, andtransformed how migrants internalised ofidentifi‘the mechanisms unpredictable always areifi as identity’ ‘Irish from diff Irish British– this contexts relationship, inwhich shaping anddiscourses the everyday eff signifi the experience alensthrough migrant forms whichto the read changing journey, chapters identify important journey, important chapters identify ofthe migration memory ‘episodic’ andcollective inindividual moments Firstly, onkey focusing aspects. concerning principal three production, post- experience. migrant war adaption, diff signalling ofnarratives, repertoire evolving andhistorically of adiverse the subjects themselvesas located dynamic: migrants Englandwas war inpost- negotiated whichmigrants the liminal position lives, individual of the from perspective Examined ofEnglishness. discourse oppositional defi ofwhichwere sharply theethnic group, boundaries ‘members’ofabounded of Englishcultural life, butnorwere migrants dichotomy. Th anassimilation/ simple within incorporation resists identity collective experience are mediated through such myths, suchthat through experience the are suchmyths, historical mediated ticularly, ofmigrant reconstructions howpersonal with itisconcerned more par- historiography; academic within experience projected Irish interrogating myths andthe these versions of the relationship between settlement myths ofIrish inpost- ofpopular a set England, andwith war into condensed have ofmigration experiences been howthewith lived Th andgroups. individuals for both able pasts’ ‘use- representationsrepresentation, become howthese andinturn, of forms diverse within contexts generalised have everyday been these of the ‘cultural circuit’, chapter each of explores experiences howlived throughness the lensofthe Troubles the inEngland.Employing notion Church. And Chapter 5 ofdiff experiences addresses attitudes andthe Catholic changing to religion, marriage migrants’ inthe post- culinities industry. construction war Chapter 4 investigates explores mas- ofIrish the construction ofwork, onexperiences focused negotiation inthe offemininities post- Englishcity.war 3 Chapter and‘settlement’, arrival between the ‘liminal’ phase , examines women’s 1945. homeafter ofleaving experiences addresses Chapter 2 , addressing contexts onthe context Focused ofmigration. ofdeparture, Chapter 1 post- of adistinctive communal Irish memory,war centring onthe lived ects. Additionally,ects. however, intheof making participated also migrants Th is broad agenda is developed via a focus on the dynamics of memory ofmemory onthe dynamics afocus via isbroadagendadeveloped andcultural social cance ofthis relationship overlooked andits 74 itshowshowthe post- doing, Inso experience Irish war erence co- andintegration as featuresarticulating ofthe e Irish didnot‘assimilate’ eIrish eff Th meaningful. erence became to what Paul collectivity Gilroy terms ed lieux dem lieux é moire ortlessly into ortlessly the background e book isthus concerned ebook is book shifts attention shifts isbook cation’; itforegrounds erence andother- Introduction inthe formation ned against an against ned 27 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document have been renegotiated through psychic adaption renegotiated through to psychic thehave and pressures been myth, chapters ofself inpopular trace howunderstandings shifts wider and ‘rewritings’ these relationshipby analysingthe dynamic between ‘rewritten’have been at diff Th of settlement. ‘there’ andpresent, and‘here’, past between narratives migrants’ within andwholeaff part onthe interaction such,this between focus As inthe present. tional needs ofthe interms narrator’s well as and experience, as andemo- standpoint events ofprior legacies ofthe interms subjective are understood journey this way, representation ofsignifi subjects’ explored the within context awhole. life ofthe narrative as individual are themes wherein particular life ofmigrant a smallnumber histories, onin- chapter each isbased embedded, of depth analysisandcomparison are inwhichthey ofmigration the from overallstory narratives migrants’ of tend tosegments existing abstract approaches to theoforalhistory use Where of the levels. journey, migration andcollective at individual both changeoverthe course to explore ofsubjective mobilised the dynamics journey.migration an eff andadapting available in selecting formulas toire ofavailable narratives, multiple subject- between reper- adiverse within inscribed positions ‘scripts’, thus negotiate theforegrounds book howmigrants the tensions ‘fi engender. these desires andtheexperiences psychic Rather than the to the specifi inresponse possibilities, manipulate migrants andexploitthe ways individual distinctive these formationavailable makes for self- memory shifting and understanding At theare corethe ‘expressive ofthe book this complex possibilities’ and settlementof Irish andidentity indiff the ofwhichinterpreted meaning ofexperience, each narratives peting ofpost- memory one collective ofcom- butamosaic settlement, war Th meaning. ofshared were repositories they much as common ofmemory, sites were ofpluralityandcontest sites these as inpost- communalan Irish memory around organised Englandwas war endeavour to ‘compose’ ‘settled’ of versionsofself. While the production interact communal with they migrants andpublicmythsindividual as to the diff production: memory attention mythetical at ofpersonal ofcollective the level to the functions theor- chapters pay here implies, special autobiographical remembering course. at diff remembering for personal sibilities ofdominant redefi settlementreworking myths necessarily 28 t’ between personal reconstructions andadefi reconstructions personal between t’ Finally, this concern the with ‘composure’ isalso memories ofmigrant into back Secondly, memory onthe routing thisofpopular focus as to ‘compose’ort experience the whichvalidates aversionofpast Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life rough investigation of how versions of past experience rough investigation of howversionsofpast relationship ofanalysingtheords dynamic ameans intheerent journey, migration points and ways active erentiated andpsychically c circumstances structuring their structuring c circumstances contradictory,erent, often ways. cant features ofthe migration erent inthe moments life nite ofmigrant scheme ere was never only never ere was nes the pos- nes 75 In Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document and 1969) they are diff they and 1969) 1945 the southofIreland allleft forcommon Englandbetween (they However, features in sharebasic some migrants ofthese whilethe lives married diff married indiff resettled) at diff moved they Th of 45 oral histories, migrant diaries, autobiographies and memoirs. autobiographies andmemoirs. diaries, migrant of 45oralhistories, sample byawider indepth,drawnandsupported from histories case totitative solution the problem ofrepresentivity. Chapters examine ten since 1945. contours memory ging collective ofIrish illuminating the whilstsimultaneously chan- ofsettlement, possibilities Alessandro PortelliAlessandro puts it: isthusthis mode withadiff concerned in Oralhistory conditions. historical underparticular self andthe social insight the generating into critical relationsupon the shifting between samples orenumerating ofapre- the characteristics defi the weighting upon of this notdepend conception, generalisability does Within life inthe experiences. course ofindividual and transformed are reinterpreted to illustrate by whichsuchhorizons as the processes how diff to analyse possible inconstant play selfitbecomes andsociety between up the specifi points trajectories migrant onindividual In this regard,whileafocus through the compilation notgraspable profi dynamics ofacollective subjectivity, ofmigrant the dynamics about underlying reveals parison ofwhat their‘the com- average’ experience, migrant butbecause Irish refl they notbecause selected, havenarratives been e interviewees inthis diff sample from came einterviewees also with the objective reality of things. ofthings. reality the with objective also but moreperhaps consistent the notonlywith presence ofsubjectivity harder to often handleandwork but unwieldy with, representations, Th underthe grid. subsumed thatof the mosaic be cannot andliterature the with portions oralhistory deal of the individual, individuality. their irreducible cherishing butalso sciences As sharing, work of countless diff the world actual orpatch- ismore likeamosaic grid, science the social of abstraction the necessary ever, to remind beyond usthat, onlyserve others in the samesituation. Th diff perceives destinies, multiple possible moment, in each entertains, person each coherent intight, patterns organised indicatesthat are hardlyities ever Th orimagined. real possibilities, of shared …off Oral history imply, points these As notoff the approach here taken does erence is shaped through shared ‘horizons ofpossibility’, througherence ‘horizons shared isshaped well as diff andlived erent people city of individual experiences, byholdingthe interrelation experiences, city ofindividual diff andmakes erent possibilities, aterent diff places, erent times between 1945 and 1969; they settled (and settled 1945and1969;they erent between times ers less a grid of standard experiences than a horizon than ofstandardexperiences ahorizon agrid ers less erent incountless other respects. and andoverlapping, touching, erent shapes, ese myriad individual diff individual myriad ese diddiff they erent times; inmultipleerent lives individual erent ofrepresentivity. kind As 78

e fact that possibil- efact these erent places inIreland; erent choices from notion of some ect Introduction erences, erences, how- but group, ned ey give us give ey 77 erent jobs, jobs, erent Individual Individual er aquan- le. 29 76

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 3 ofVictorian andpopularisation On the ghetto origins ofthe see Irish images 6 , t h g i e W . R 6 4 D Ftptik ‘A uiu Mdl Place: Th Middle Curious ‘ A , Fitzpatrick D. 4 7 D H Aesn , Akenson H. D. 7 assimilation gradual change variation, emphasising accounts revisionist For 5 2 Th 2 Notes inpost- beginning Ireland. war diff specifi indiff this forces experience; theirtorical lives, whichshaped migrationtoIrish post- andhis- discourses Englandandthe societal war However,ways. share what isarelation they to the broadexperience of 30 1 , s t r e b o R . R 1 Roots of an Historiographical Tradition ofanHistoriographical Roots ’, D. MacRaild , ‘ andthe Immigration “ConditionIrish ofEngland” Question: Th Study ofIrish ImmigrantsPrejudice: A in York, 1840– 1875 (eds), Gilley S. and Swift R. to contributions the see generally, Scouse . wf n . ily es, (eds), Gilley S. and Swift A. R. and Hutchinson J. also Th ‘ See O’Day Place’. , Middle Curious ‘A Fitzpatrick, particular . Sit ad S Gle (d) Walvin , (eds), J. 10–59; Gilley S. and Swift R. 67–85. ( 1995), Royal Society Historical in Nineteenth- ofIntegration Britain: Problems Century ’, the Victorian City 1832–49 ’, Manchester, dniy e . ute , , Adaption Busteed and Identity M. see identity accounts more weight whichgive communal to Irish the notion ofanenduring Wide Grave: Popular the to Catholicism inWales’, amongthe Irish Cradle the inP. O’Sullivan (ed.), ‘From O’Leary, P. and 254–276; 1999), , ( Dublin see the contributions andGilley, tosee Swift 59. 1984), , ( Harmondsworth odn, 17 , 22–23. 1971), , ( London M . onb-Sih Hornsby- Smith , M. P. the post- during ofthe assimilability Irish the easy stressed See 1945 period. quantitative both sociologist scholars, A. Dale , ‘ Th ‘ , Dale A. since World theSecond War Sociology erence within it. Weerence it. within nowto turn analysisofsuchissues, the empirical e locus classicus ofthe ‘outcast’ classicus e locus is thesis J. M. Werly , ‘ Th Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life c ways, are representative ofthis of experience, andofthec ways, realities , vol.5: iepo 2007). , (Liverpool 3: 98) 1 4 ; J Rx ‘Imgat ad rts Lbu: Th Labour: British and ‘Immigrants , Rex J. 519–544; (1988), 39:4 e Gaelic Revival in London, 1900– inLondon, eGaelicRevival ofEthnic Identity 22: Limits ’, in Patriots: National Identity 1940– in Britain 2000 e Assimilation of Irish Immigrants inEngland Immigrants ofIrish eAssimilation ’, Th e Classic Slum: Salford Life oftheCentury in theFirst Quarter Slum: Salford eClassic Religion and Identity Passage toBritain: Immigration and Politics History in British Th ( London , 1985 ) , and esp. M. A. G. Ó Tuathaigh , ‘ Th ‘ Tuathaigh , Ó A. G. M. esp. and 1985), , (London eIihDapr: APrimer e Irish Diaspora: Roman Catholics in England: Studies in Social Structure Structure in in Social Roman England: Studies Catholics acetr, 21 n . ece , , Belchem J. and 2016) (Manchester , Irish Historical Studies Irish Historical 3 91) 4 7 ; n . ingn Finnegan , F. and 149–173; (1981), 31 Th Th rs nMnhse . 1750– eIrish in Manchester c. 1921. Resistance, eIrish in Britain: Th Victorian Th abig 97); M P Hrsy mt and Hornsby- Smith P. M. 1987); , (Cambridge e Irish in Britain, 1815– eIrishin Britain, 1939 (Leicester, 1996),183– 195. For revisionist s and social historians, have likewise have likewise historians, s andsocial Th e Irish in Britain, 1871– inBritain, eIrish 1921 ’, in e Irish in Britain, 1815– eIrishin Britain, 1939 Immigrants and Minorities 1 71 (17 , 35– 38 More 345–358. (1973), 18:71 ( Belfast , 1993 ), 211 . British British 211. 1993 ), , (Belfast ( London , 2002 ), 145 . 145. 2002), , (London e Local Dimension eLocal Transactions ofthe Irish, Catholic and Catholic Irish, ok, 1982). , (Cork British Journal of British odn, 1989), , (London Th eIrish World Poverty and Poverty Th e Irish ine Irish erent and erent eIrish in e Irish 14:1 , in , e e

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 18 , t r e b m a L . S 8 1 Hickman, 17 252. Ibid., 16 Ibid. 15 Critique Britain: A in Irish the of Historiographies ‘Alternative J. Hickman, M. 14 Hickman, 13 Political British “Race”: Deconstructing and ‘Reconstructing , Hickman M. 12 2–7. Ibid., 11 17. 12–13, Ibid., , Hickman 10 M. 9 2 Ii. 3 21 4. 241, 3, Ibid., 24 Moulton , M. 23 Fielding , S. 22 in Women Whiteness: Irish ‘Deconstructing Walter , B. and Hickman J. M. 8 2 Ii. 7. Ibid., 25 21 context inthe ofwhiteness for British histories On the case utilityofthe Irish Bracken J. P. include premise a as ‘invisibility’ take explicitly which Studies 19 20 . Panayi , , i y a n a P P. 0 2 Victorian Britain Victorian of the Segregation/ Model’,Assimilation andGilley, inSwift 296–299. inBritain the about Irish Discourses ’, 7, 240. 7, 11 1993), , ( Buckingham 209–230. Th Motherhood: and Networks Social Women, ‘Migrant inBritain Nurses ofIrish Experiences Ryan , ’, L. 2001); Britain ’, 1985 Royle, E. (ed.), 122–142; Lunn 1980), , ( London K. in Context ’, Sociological G. Schaff a h c S . inPost-and the Irish G War Britain ’, e e s 2010). ( Harlow , and Migration Studies Britain: Th Worn: Th Green is Wherever and (ed.), Irish Identities Society: Emigration MacLaughlin J. in Your Politics: Th Th ‘ Research ’, , O’Sullivan P. and , Sorohan Disadvantage and Racism Disadvantage odn, 18 . resae , M Pasn ad M Mde , Lloyd, Madden, C. M. 1991); , ( Liverpool and Pearson M. of an Invisible Minority: Th , Greenslade , s L. i 1984); t r , ( London u C . L odn, 18 , 69–73. 1989), , (London Feminist Review Feminist e Invisibility ofEthnicity eInvisibility andAnti- RacismIrish ’, Irish Londonduring theTroubles An Immigration ofBritain: Multicultural History since 1800 Racism Religion, Class and Identity Religion, Class and Identity Religion, Class Nothing Story: Th Old buttheSame Irish Studies Review Irish Studies er and S. Nasar , ‘ Th ‘ Nasar , S. and er Irish Women 1922– in Lancashire, 1960: Th Class and Ethnicity: Irish Catholics in 1880– England, Irish Catholics and Ethnicity: Class 1939 Religion, Class and Identity Religion, Class Ireland and theIrish England in Interwar e Irish among the British andthe amongthe Women British eIrish amongthe Irish ’, , 250. , e Invisibility of Irish Migrants in British Health inBritish Migrants ofIrish eInvisibility 2 00) 137–147. (2000), 26:1 5 95) 7. (1995), 50 Location and Dislocation in Contemporary Irish in Contemporary and Dislocation Location ( London , 1995 ) ; M. Mac an Ghaill , ‘ Th ‘ Ghaill, an Mac M. 1995); , (London eHealth and Well- Being oftheIrish in Britain Th e Story oftheIrish Diaspora eStory e Irish Communi eIrish 9:1 (20 , 4 1 . uke , itn on ‘Sitting Buckley , M. 41–51; (2001), 9:1 e White Essential Subject: Race, Ethnicity, Subject: Race, eWhite Essential Contemporary British History British Contemporary Modern Britain: A Social History 1750– History Social Modern Britain: A , 248–249. , 13. , Ethnic Studies and Racial ( Cork , 1997 ), 94 – 133 ; T. P. Coogan , Coogan T. P. 94–133; 1997), , (Cork leso 95) 7 n c. 2 ch. and 17 1995), , (Aldershot Sociology Hosts, ImmigrantsHosts, and Minorities uln, 2012). , (Dublin e Roots ofAnti- eRoots Irish Racism ty in Britain: Discrimination, inBritain: Discrimination, ty 41 : 2 ( 2007 ), 295 – 312 ; S. S. 295–312; (2007), 41:2 eir Story Introduction abig 2014), , (Cambridge odn, 2000); , (London Journal ofEthnic 2 ( 1998 ), 21:2 Th 3 (2018), 32:2 Generations Generations (Lancaster , e Irish in e Irish in eIrish 31 e

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 3 Hcmn n Wle, Walter, and Hickman 35 37 Interview with Angie Birtell, carried out by Anne Holohan and taken from from taken and Holohan Anne by out carried Birtell, Angie with Interview 37 ‘Editorial’, 36 3 Crepnec fo Age itl, osn ad efr Rgt Offi Rights Welfare and Housing Birtell, Angie from Correspondence 33 Th ‘ , Inglis J. 32 Walter , B. and Hickman J. M. 31 43 For criticism of community history approaches see K. Myers , ‘ Historical ‘Historical , Myers K. see approaches history community of criticism See For Scully . 43 Marc by articles of handful a is here exception important September An 20 (Birmingham, 42 Ireland’ Northern on Statement ‘Policy IBRG, 41 40 Eff ‘JusticeIBRG, for the Irish’ Postponing (Manchester, IqbalUllahRace 1989),Ahmed for Excuse ‘An 39 38 outbyAnneHolohanfrom andtaken carried Hickman, Mary with Interview Gilroy , P. 34 44 here refers notonlyto the ofmobility, physical means ‘Journey’ butthe devel- 3 ‘oeeses Rcs ad os o Pirte’ Priorities’, Top Jobs and Racism , ‘Homelessness, r e t 30 s b e W . W 9 2 8 2 27 London, CountyMinutes Councilofthe Irish oftheAssociations, Executive 26 On the role ofthe Church Irish theandBirmingham inestablishing London 32 and Nation her book her book (Spring/ Summer 1982 ), 13 , AIB/ ISIB/ 2/2. AIB/ISIB/ 13 , 1982), Summer (Spring/ Equality Undertaken ofResearch fortheCommission forRacial AReport Britain: Service of BrentIrish Advisory Cag otn , C Hoff C. , Craig-Norton in Britain (eds), Panayi P. and Burrell andCelebrating Identities Practice inthe AgeofPluralism: Educating ’, in K. of Sociology ofthe 1950s Memory and Collective Migration Contemporary ’, in particular, ‘ inthe TraditionalEmigrants inEngland, Irishness Sense’? Acc/ BCC), CityCouncil(hereafter 1986), Birmingham 1611/ MS F/ 3. Relations Resource Centre, Manchester, AIURRRC/ GB3228.29/ 1/ 23. Help’, Voice’, the Time for Action’, Working Lives 1992),AIB/ (16November London for Cityand East LIWC/ 3. Women’sthe Irish London Centre, to Jim Smellie,Manager Homeless Senior cultural boundaries and its ‘wider symbolism and refraction through memory through andrefraction memory symbolism ‘wider andits cultural boundaries opment ofthe and self through involving migration, the ofsocial crossing 103–105. in Honour Essays ofColin Holmesand Historiographies. odn, 19 , xii. 1998), , ( London JournalIrish Counties 1969– AIB),ICA/ (hereafter London 75, Archive inBritain, ofthe Irish Z/ 1/ 1. 1750– in Britain, Diaspora 1939 to England, 1940– to England, 1972 ete se H Eat , Ewart H. see centres Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Irish Post Irish Post odn, 19 , 235. 1997), , (London Working Lives: Th Th odn, 20 , 3 3 C Hoff C. 35–53 ; 2006), , (London Irish Studies in Britain Irish Studies e Irish in Britain: A Question of Identity ofIdentity inBritain: A eIrish Question ’, ereAin’t noBlack in theUnion Jack: Th odn, 18 , 69–70. 1987), , (London 2 05) 133–148. (2015), 23:2 Imagining Home: G Imagining , 131. , 1981. , 14November to Th Must 1981; ‘Irish Look , 14November Discrimination andthe Discrimination Caring for Migrants: Policy Responses toIrish Migration forMigrants: Policy Responses Caring , December 1970, 5– 6, AIB/ ICA/ Z/5/1. AIB/ICA/ 5–6, 1970, December , a n . uhe (d) (eds), Kushner T. and man Irish Post iepo 07). e as . . aRid , MacRaild M. D. also See 2017). , (Liverpool eIrishin Britain Histories and Memories: MigrantsHistories and their History ective Action’,ective , October 1984, AIB/ BIAS/ 1/10. AIB/BIAS/ 1984, October , ofaPolitical 1981;‘InSearch , 5September Discrimination andtheIr Discrimination odn, 21 , 80–88. 2011), , (London ender, ‘Race’ andNationalIdentity, 1945– 64 2(Autumn 1981),3,AIB/ ISIB/ Z/ 1. man, ‘Community History’, in J. ae idee 95) 60– 61. 1995), , Middlesex , (Hayes Irish Post Irish Community inBritain Community Irish BIAS Bulletin: Th BIAS eCultural ofRace Politics Migrant Britain: Histories Migrant Britain: Histories Irish Studies in Britain Irish Studies , 1August 1981;‘Now’s ish Community in Community ish odn, 2018), , (London emselves emselves for e Newsletter Irish Journal Th e Irish cer at cer , 203. , 3 3

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 50 Th . A 0 5 Th 9 4 Portelli , A. 48 59 Th . A 9 5 56 Th ‘ , t t o Th ‘ , c Somers M. S 57 . J 6 5 5 . . tlr ad K Srslr ‘Mmr Wr i Jv:A atoay ae’ in Tale ’, Cautionary Java: A in Work ‘Memory Strassler , K. and Stoler L. A. 52 Gael: Th na Caoin example, For 51 , s n i k n e J (ed.), . R Rutherford J. 7 4 in 222. Diaspora ’, Ibid., and 46 Identity ‘ Cultural Hall, S. 45 6 M dsuso o ‘opsr’ ee s netd o Summerfi to indebted is here ‘composure’ of discussion My 60 Summerfi P. 58 5 Se fr xml, enn ta. et al., Lennon example, for See, 53 5 . re , niiul eebrn ad Cletv Mmr” Th Memory”: “Collective and Remembering ‘Individual , Green A. 55 54 Th . A 4 5 odn, 18 . yc (d) (ed.), Lynch A. 1988); , ( London , O’Brien J. and McAdam , s t r e b 1890– 1940 o R . Th E P. s i in Oral History 14. 1997), 19 , 15. 1998), Approach ’, 77–90. ( 2007), Community, Culture, Diff Culture, Community, Masculinities Dawson , Th A. and Perks R. 1991). of Memories O’Grady , 1950s A. 1988); , ( London EthnicCommunitie History Present Kushner , T. See work’. Women’s Wartime Lives 205–252. in Studies History- Making Th Histories: Writing and Politics Memory: ‘Popular Group , see statementthe classic framework ofthe Popular Memory Popular Memory 3 4 . mt , eod niiul olcie eoy Women’s Memory: Collective Individual/ ‘Beyond Smith , Transactive ofFood, Family Memories andConfl G. 35–44; 20 , 287. 2006), Presuppositions and Contemporary Debates andContemporary Presuppositions ’, (ed.), Lamont W. London e most infl emost mo , neibe eois” Th Memories?” “ Unreliable ‘ , omson mo , , omson omson omson , ‘ Studies andMigration OralHistory Stories: Moving ’, odn, 18 . ’ae e., (ed.), O’Hare L. 1988); , ( London msn , ompson 2 99) 26. (1999), 27:1 213. 72–73, 2012), (Manchester , ; Lambert, Soldier Heroes: British Adventu British Heroes: Soldier eEvidence ofExperience ’, Th xod, 1984). (Oxford , Th eory and Society eory e Death ofLuigi Trastulli eDeath and Meaning Stories: Form and Other A Woman’s Place: An Oral History ofWorking- An Oral History A Woman’s Place: WomenClass odn, 20 . cwizr e., (ed.), Schweitzer P. 2000); , (London l , eld , Rethinking Ethnicity: Arguments and Explorations Arguments Rethinking Ethnicity: uential use of oral history as a source for ‘history from below’ below’ from asource as for ‘history uential oforalhistory use odn, 19 , 22–26. 1994 ), , (London eNarrative Constitution ofIdentity: A Relational andNetwork Anzac Memories: Living with theLegend with Memories: Living Anzac e ok, 19 , 73. 1991), (New York , Th Historical Controversies and Historians Controversies Historical mo (d) (eds), omson e Voice of the Past: Oral History eVoice ofthePast: Oral Irish Women in Lancashire Reconstructing Women’sReconstructing Wartime Lives s Oral History Project History s Oral Th e Battle of Britishness: Migrant Journeys, 1685tothe Journeys, ofBritishness: Migrant eBattle , 6 3 Th 16–23; , erence costeWtr Irish Women’sAcross theWater: Lives in Britain oy Pltc, ehd’ i R Jhsn (ed.), Johnson R. in ’, Method Politics, eory, 2 94) 606. (1994), 23:5 Irish Migration toLondonin the1940sand e Hammersmith Irish Reminiscence eHammersmith Irish Group , Across theWater odn, 19 , 225. 1990), , (London Th e Oral History Reader eOral History Th omson, omson, e Irish in Exile: Stories ofEmigration Stories e Irish in Exile: Critical Inquiry Critical e Use and Abuse of Oral History eUse andAbuse ofOralHistory ’, in Th ousands are Sailing: A Collection Collection are Sailing: A ousands re, Empire and re, odn, 20 . enn , M. , Lennon M. 2000); , (London Anzac Memories Anzac . ; O’Grady, Oral History Across theSea ( Oxford , 1978 ) . See also also See 1978). (Oxford , c , ’, ict 1 91) 793. (1991), 17 xod, 19 , 8 For 8. 1994), (Oxford , Introduction odn, 19 , 25. 1998), , (London , 2nd edn ( London , (London edn 2nd , eld, Oral History Irish Migration to odn, 1982 ), , (London the Imag , 7– 13; and G. G. and 7–13; , (Manchester , 3 (2004), 2 32: Reconstructing Reconstructing ( London , (London ( London , (London eoretical eoretical Identity, ining of 22 :1 Oral 33

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 6 O ‘uig se Summerfi see ‘muting’ On 62 6 Dwo, Dawson, 61 34 66 P. Nora , ‘ Between Memory and History: and Memory ‘ Between , P.Nora 66 6 Acrig o Th to According 65 Counter- Narratives: Th of Role the and Ecologies ‘Narrative , Gabriel Y. 64 , Abrams L. 63 71 , l a g e S . H 1 7 Dawson, 70 ’, History Gender in Emotion and View: Subjectivity of 69 Out ‘Slipping Roper , M. isthat ordesire whichaction towards writings An ‘object’ inpsychoanalytic 68 67 For the arepresentative Select sample commemorative ofthese see histories 75 Th 5 7 Gilroy , P. 74 7 . otli Portelli , A. 78 details. for bibliography Select and Appendix See 76 77 ‘Confl ofacurrent AHRCproject, are experiences the subject Northern Summerfi 73 Dawson, 72 Studies Anyway? Anyway? Studies ’, Memories platoon’. awartime suchas group, public’ ‘particular Th See availableence therelationships within byusingtheactive meanings ofa relationship’. impersonal indirect, We however, also, ‘make ofexperi- sense generallyavailableprovide inan representations andinterpretative categories f otli Sois n Cnprc , n . rnsn , T Kh n . Lundholt M. and Kuhn T. Frandsen(eds), , S. ’, in Conspiracy and Stories Nostalgic of psychic impulses and external objects. andexternal impulses objects. psychic – objects object- internal the interplay via between representations shaped Psychoanalysis ‘real’. to as whichare reacted phantasies See C. in occurring are images i.e. they are phantoms, internal objects states, Rycroft , reality. ininternal psychic located is conceived toRycroft Charles be As representation bycontrast isan an‘internal object’ external being bythe subject; as ofoneorthe other. orsymbols sons An‘external isonerecognised object’ ofper- parts are persons, always nearly Objects bythe subject. is directed Workshop History Journal bibliography. 12. (1989), 26 aio, I, 19 , 86–89. 1997), , WI ( Madison, Great Britain’. the Troubles during Migrants Irish Northern in andMigration: Memory 300pages. oversome mony ofoneinterviewee andMemory Political Identity Th and ch. 3. omson, omson, examples ofthis intensive analysisaree best approach to oralhistory Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Counter- Counter- andNarratives Organization Soldier Heroes Soldier Heroes eld, Postcolonial MelancholiaPostcolonial Soldier Heroes , 9. , Introduction totheWork ofMelanie Klein Anza Memories Anza Oral History Th Oral History Th e Battle of Valle Giulia: Oral History and theArt ofDialogue History ofValle eBattle Giulia: Oral Reconstructing Women’sReconstructing Wartime Lives acquiredthe signifi whichhas omson ‘the omson “general which media the various includes public” odn, 19 , 113–114. 1995), , (London Social TextSocial , 28– 33. ‘Imago’ isanother for term internal phantasy , 34. , , 4 6 Se lo R Jhsoe ‘Wa i Cultural is What ‘ Johnstone , R. also See 24–26. , eld, 5 05) 65–66. (2005), 59 eory ad D Jms , James D. and 1 Wne 96 97) 38–80. 1986–1987), (Winter 16 uhm N 00), hc aaye te testi- the analyses which 2000), , NC (Durham, Reconstructing Women’sReconstructing Wartime Lives odn, 21 , 36–37. 2010), , (London e ok, 20 , xv . 2005), (New York , Les Lieux deM Lieux Les é moire Dona Maria’s Story: Life History, Maria’sDona Story: Life odn, 21 , 208–225. 2016), , (London but cance ofanexternal object , 20. , Critical Dictionary of Dictionary Critical odn, 20 25 2008), , (London ’, ’, omson, omson, Representations , 27–30. , e Case object- object- Anzac Anzac ict, ict,

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document forced from their homeland once imperial rule was overthrown. overthrown. was forced their from rule homeland once imperial nor ‘squalor inhercities’, andnoIrish- manorwomanwouldbe born would nothave ‘hunger vales’ inherfertile Rising, ofthe Easter leader Ireland’, ‘free acquisition ofsovereignty. A Patrick Pearse, maintained a pathology, the following ofwhichwoulddisappear the invidious causes aninjustice as and coded state, was Irish emigration tion ofthe modern Consequently, emergent within myths ofthe nation, andat the incep- 1 in relation to the outgoingdepartee. through ofexit’, the ‘politics arefashioned also they and incoming aliens; inrelation are notonlyconstructed toNational external imaginaries rivals Ireland modern ofexit in Mythologies in post- selves Ireland, 1945– war 1969 andthe shapingof emigration of emigrant publicmeanings Narratives of exit: the rural order of which emigration was a structural feature, astructural highrates so of order was ofwhich emigration rural to consolidate tended by successive governments the Irish post- famine in1921.Onthe contrary, independence Irish pursued since the policies politics of independence. ofindependence. politics amidstthe country’s for ametaphor developing nationalas dispossession mobilised Europe, the was emigrant inmodern unparalleled departure than innineteenth- Ireland, where,abackdropofmass century against from ‘his’homelandfrom due to the eff deleterious Miller, an‘exile’; was inIreland theforced departee refugee, adisplaced Kerby observes inother societies, tion andaspiration European sending this to nationdeath. isslowlybutsurely bleeding which from artery asevered andyears for years been has Emigration of the following achievement didnotcease emigration In the event, 3 Where leave- withambi- associated was taking 35 2 this more apparent Nowhere was ‘misrule’. of British ects 1

5

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Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document also included the ‘cultural included also of understandings bywhichpersonal circuit’ butthey inwhichintending were enmeshed, migrants networks personal Th inhabited. they worlds of the social madesense bywhichmigrants mechanisms diverse aneff as actions exile. Popular then migrants’ andsince, whichdepict representations, through their themselvesinterpreted departure the of rhetoric migrants 1945,itdidnotautomatically after emigration followdition ofmass that while Ireland’s con- anessential formed certainly stagnation economic William inthe D speaking Norton, á the war, thatil after and 1971. 1921 ofwellin the overamillionmenandwomenbetween departure society, ofIrish resulting acontroversial as aspect persisted emigration 36 leaving aff leaving to what extent of understandings andinwhat ways personal were these And departure? interpretoftheir the own meaning this period during for England wholeft howdidmigrants namely: ofexit, tural politics Th land with ‘black despair in their hearts and tears intheir andtears eyes’. intheir hearts ‘blackdespair land with generations: as previous way as reluctant ‘exiles’, ‘forced’ their from home- at the time,post- inthe their same departure experienced 1945 emigrants According the to period? the during emigration perhaps dominant view ablest’ sections ofthe population. sections ablest’ the ‘life nation blood’, ofits and best of‘the the country very ‘bleeding’ ‘draining’ state, that butbyracialfears ofthefailure new was emigration Th and loss. self- agonised ofemasculation apublicdiscourse engendering inspection, to emigration theexternal ‘auld mass 1945provoked misrule, after enemy’ the ‘exile’ life. Where ofIrish previously aspects signifi of‘exile’tion, the rhetoric fatalistic internal against nowredirected was reduc- for its necessary modernisation tion andthe ofindustrial forms antipathetic the to byelites persistencepromoted both ofemigra- was ischapter twointerrelated bythis cul- provoked addresses questions end ofthe arace. Celt andthe as entire extinction people ofthe Irish the weare to unless see inthe nation. tackled left Ofcourse itmust be ifthere any isto virility be tackled Ofcourse itmust be nationIrish left. ifthere available anyto is for be tackled them. Ofcourse itmust be could here notget the they employment whichought …because Britain toexchanges goto work in throughout toapermit get the country at the labour andbegging of ouryoungmenandwomenpleading to suff gerous cancer, for anation ofournational life whichitispossible from the dan- most emigration isprobably evil, the dangerous most social Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life er. heart- It been has the fi to see years forsix thebreaking last ected by the wider discourse ofnational discourse bythe generated around wider crisis ected 6 Inthisofnational code context, identity where the revivalist is was underpinned, notonly byconcerns overthe economic underpinned, iswas of‘economic outthe here ect tend to screen necessity’ ese included the aff included ese 7 knows’, ‘Everybody TD Labour argued relationships andinformal ective ed the injusticeed of 9 However, nest nest 8

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document materialistic allure ofthe city: the intending upon dutyto amoralandpatriotic the resist ring emigrant eter, inadequacy, notofeconomic butofcultural degeneration, confer- into the new world’ in order to ‘better themselves’ was itself a necessary anecessary itself into world’ inorder the tothemselves’ was new ‘better For other commentators, however, ‘the to ‘fare right ofcitizens’ forth have become more or less soft andsloppy’. soft morehave orless become to desire ‘getan unsavoury more things easily’, that showing ‘our people by motivated was emigration mass Patrick Giles, Captain claimed past, content inthe hadbeen to ‘work for aliving’ people Gael. Where Irish athreat as to theof instinctively racialandreligious perceived purity ofthe clergy,and large ofcultural transfer sections were processes these into rural parishes, enticing others to the city.into parishes, rural bywhichthe ‘enjoymentsloop citylife’ back were recirculated ofmodern ‘adventure route desiring for those an escape orchange’, and afeedback of the doublefunction in relation whichperformed to itself, emigration pronounced most commercialsumption leisure, butit was ofmodern ‘youth’. Th amongIreland’s sensibility’ tallisation ofa‘modern restless increasingly incompetent the post- governance, others framed ‘crisis’war the crys- as interpretation ofpost-their ofthe own failures society. Irish independent commentators sought to of enlistthe ‘plight insupport ofthe emigrant’ diff as struggle, site ofideological aheated as functioned emigrant essay- ofthe the desires forms, various Across these competitions. writing andD reports á andNational theatre productions School local il debates, expos journalist Lenten pastorals, é government letters, s andeditorial and through sermons priestly articulated discourse, and variegated vast 1945and1965,the ‘emigrationBetween problem’ ofa the object formed which hadcome the intofi during being contestation to awider tributing ofthe Catholic- nationalist settlement con- ofemigration, andremedies consequences debate overthe causes, conventional awide- replenished ofexile, fuelled narratives italso ranging identityemigrant circulating post- within culture. Irish war of constructions wider through with articulation self were fashioned in Ireland. andworking thembyliving let doso have madefor the sake offreedom, show their appreciation for the sacrifi to want showtheir love forand ifthey their country, to want ifthey destiny …Tellown them that the landofIreland trust, istheir sacred fought to uphold ourGod- anddied ofour masters right to be given Tell generation the youth centuries that brave for menofevery seven of avictim herethe as presented emigrant observers While some It that,although isheretothe important post- recognise crisis war is sensibility was apparent inyoungpeople’s was issensibility expanding con- 12

generationsces whichformer rst 30 years of independence. ofindependence. rst 30 years 11 abarom- was Emigration 10 For cultural nationalists Narratives ofexit erent 37 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document of the wider post- of the wider world. war extinction, butto Ireland’s transformations inthe epochal participation way oflife’, notto racial the way forward, pointed emigration mass so desire toexercise collective ‘chose anew this right signalled one’s own condition of‘freedom’. 38 tion. ofemigra- meanings the personal construct whichmigrants within constituteconstraints departure’ surrounding an‘importantframework’ Th conservatism: cultural their byarestrictive to parents the upon foisted oppressions self- and increasingly confi in particular, post- scene to theofanambitious Irelandbirth was war the period. But these representations also representations also Butthese the period. ventilated could anddefi be selfhood ofIrish understandings space where competing adynamic onthediscourse formed emigrant nationalist cultural hegemony inpost- Ireland, inthatwar public to sleep onthe ship’sto sleep midnight: justafter deck down he settled as womanand apriest ayoungIrish exchange between B Heinrich writer German ö ll found himself listening to afraught inthe tomid- Dublin Liverpool from asteamer Aboard the 1950s, and self- determination ofobligation realities: narratives andquotidian National ideals ation through remembering. ongoingnegoti- andits ofdeparture emotionalimpact of the enduring arearecord also they intentionality; ofmigrant more than mere evidence Personal andambivalence. thus ofleaving by division stories present weremotivations rarely coherent butcharacterised orstraightforward, relationships migrant demands ofthe implicated indeparture, personal representations andthe these emotional ofthe tensions between because agency.complicated interpretations ofpersonal individual Precisely and experience inthat ofemigration, informed publicnarratives these Green’sis chapter applies Nancy insight that the ‘attitudes and Do you know County youknow Galway?’ Do I have to gothere my toandmy parents visit isstillalive. grandmother ‘No, Father, much too to think of Ireland. no,no…ithurts Once ayear mother went through. Notfor me,thank you!’ saw what oneyoungwomanputitto meintwosentences: ‘I my As it. luckto them for had,andgood and ambitionthan their ever parents We generations are inIreland rearing that have more ten pride times 16 Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Catholic- undermined for Englandfundamentally departure Mass 13 Andto the extent the emigrant’s to decision dent to generation submit nolongerprepared 14 For O’Faolain andnovelist the Sean writer fed back into back fed 15

the practice and ned ned during Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document graphic Ireland’.graphic ofwhatunsettling permutations Fintan O’Toole the ‘demo- termed has GaelicIreland andthe anidealised between the discrepancy sharpened did notdeliver transformation. self- aneconomic Instead, governance sovereignty ofthe nation, moment political a seminal inthe history celebrated in1921was as Where ofindependence the achievement life inmid- everyday contradictions structuring deepest Ireland. century ‘scraps conversation’, ofwhispered B ö and suitcases ll’s bodies, with strewn snapshot captures ofaferry oneof the from deck Observed this offi this comfort’, frugal with to ‘things ofthe their spirit’. leisure timedevoted In were innately people ‘satisfi the Irish communities, morally pure rural defi acute.Ifoffi especially couldand reality be disavowed Englishcity. diff gave life, way homesteads to the a illusionofcosy ofeveryday realities tural autonomy. the governed Here, horizons economic where limited ofcul- constantly tothe markets dissolve fantasy worked British upon other ‘demographic’ Ireland, however, economy’s the Irish dependence world. Inthe ofthe impulses modern expulsionvia ofthe secularising self- the defencerealisation ofanauthentic was ‘tradition’, rural secured erent landscape: the hospitals, factories and building sites of the andbuildingsites factories the hospitals, erent landscape: precious possession: her children.’ possession: her precious hecouldn’tbut even stop women…’ howmany loose seen years: I’ve either, that fairy- for inLondon two awaitress was Irelandtale …I in believe inthe samebreath? I don’t biscuits, in God – andwhiskey, priests nuns and why so shouldn’t I mention ortwo. for asecond visible For women inparticular, youngIrish ideal this contradiction between London, theLondon, isleofthe saints.’ inthethings samebreath.’ …’ anddogs beer andhorses, whiskey nuns andbiscuits, to noticeof Dublin what’s Ireland: children from andpriests, exported the Ireland a‘traditional’ society, as ned rural valorised also they ‘… women howmany loose ‘My child,’ inalowvoice. saidthe priest ‘I don’t inGod,’ believe saidthe lightvoice, ‘no, clear I don’t believe ‘Th child!’ ‘My A match fl ‘My child,’ gently, saidthe priest ‘youshouldnotmention these ‘You shouldgothere, anddon’t forget inthe onyourway back port ‘No.’ ‘Connemara?’ ‘No,’ murmured the priest. cial versionof at’s what the priest back home used to call me too: my child… at’s metoo: my to call homeused whatback the priest underthe green- ared profi asharp gray blanket, 18 Inthe mythic former place of‘cosy and homesteads’ Kathleen niKathleen Houlihan Kathleen niKathleen Houlihan 17 Kathleen niKathleen Houlihan

cial conceptions ofthe nation ofnational , achiefobject Kathleen niKathleen Houlihan Narratives ofexit hermost exporting sent to has le was was le ed

39 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document housekeeperly prowess: housekeeperly the of source authority as ofdomestic andthe embodiment depicted was ‘more person’, as ofaloving described while herfather was hermother byourparents’. after andwewereofwell kind looked the farm Herein, Brenda ‘one consideredherself to be ‘wehad because ones’ ofthe lucky inherlifepoor’, course. Although ‘Ireland phase was ‘happy’ particularly a as herchildhood Brenda recalled environments inthis period, rural upinsimilar children. Unlikewhogrew ofother anumber respondents uponherfamily’s smallholdinginCo.Galway,grew the third- ofsix born indiff interpreted be the illusion.For however, other migrants, thecould samedisjunction andthebitterness of ofthe erosion moralauthority ofthe architects the ‘fairy- Th Ireland’ adeception. tale as butonceher family ayear, ‘exportation’ butbecause to Englandexposes shesees to thinkthis ofIreland, youngwomanit‘hurts’ notonlybecause ofthe youngfemaledepiction emigrant’s For exchange the with priest. for countryside. the womenwithin Irish employment opportunities 1922,mitigating theafter eff inthe decades strategy familial thus emigration avital remained farmers, for the Particularly daughters youngundowered standards. ofthe smallest contribution to animportant material living remittancesmigrant formed andwhere resilient, especially proved economy ofthe smallfarmer the ‘congested’ suchas where inareas, the particularly west, practices, economy,of the Irish didlittle independence to alter these political sphere. were sanctifi identifi was central its institution. as Herein,Catholic family masculinity where Irish 40 of land. rates transfer highfertility andthe imparticable contradiction between the resolving imperatives, ofthese afunction was offorms, in anumber culture for whileexisting daughters.Emigration, rural within marriages andlate, inheritance through dowered the ofpatrilineal practices continuity upon dependent onthe also land,secured Ireland was rural separa onasharp tainly predicated diffi always was status ofwomen’s conformity prescriptions to these lived roles, domestic inB to thisissuggested disjunction ofemotionalresponse One kind ö ll’s a dress made, that was theoflife. kind made,thata dress was and, she’d material there’d andinthe gooutandbuysome morning be hard- were very andmy mother didalotofknitting working people, they memories, …good person, more my ofaloving father was strict, but…well, byourparents quite my after mother was of well looked that andwewere ones kind oneofthewehad lucky farm I was Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 19 20 Inpractice, however, the elevated whilenationalist ideology itbrought to the onlyminimalchanges structure Because the with controled andmanagement ofthe land,women ed as mothers ofthe ofthe as nation domestic andguardians ed cult to realise. Although to thecult realise. post- cer- was family famine in1927 and born Brendaerent Gradywas ways. ects ofovercrowding inacontext ects ofscarce tion of gender roles, social status social in tion ofgenderroles, us betrayed, exposure engenders usbetrayed, 21

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document intentionality. the ofanaccount Instead oraspirations, ofmotivations Brenda’snature ofleaving, relational her to background works stylealso occupations. into migrants particular ment whichdirected schemes post- recruit- targeted sought to via encouragemigration Irish years, war state, the bythe immediate British which,during andregulated facilitated howthiswas process too route to Andsherecalls across Leigh. migratory whereby aconcatenation of‘girls the same followed the from village’ herleave- Brenda depicts ofchainmigration, ofaprocess part as taking Th other andtheof othertingent circumstances actions people. upon and con- with entangled necessarily was in whichtheofdeparture act off ofthenature processual sense ofleaving, pace ofthe narrative, this relational avivid ofnarration supplies mode ofproximate andthe stories details to Since slowthe itworks others. is recounted through non- thatnarrative clauses contextual incorporate Brenda’sto movetheforward, steadily action experience ofleave- taking way, as andpurposeful so inadirect Rather thannarrative clauses linking Brenda: Barry: Brenda: Barry: Brenda: Barry: Brenda: shecrossed over: to as subject shewas procedures andadministrative the documentary Brendastill inoperation, recalls immediate aftermathofthe war, travel were restrictions whenwartime inCheshire. achildcarer Travellingto upemployment take as inthe home the family in1946shedeparted herparents, holding andadmired uponherfamily’s although growing Brenda small- enjoyed Nevertheless, Additionally, however, ofthe interdependent capturingasense well as as every two weeks, there was money sent. sent. money there was twoweeks, every or week money, home,every for himself andI sent money andmoney inagroup. ofus, orseven six over, came themore about from village ofthe there girls was I think the andthat’s fare, back, howI came andthen, eh, some coming, about youhadto pay the money ifyoudidleave the before 12 months not, itor andyouhadto stay ifyouliked onthe12 months job and avisa, andidentity cards coming to work …wehadto with have passports whowewere bythe paid government or bythe people was our fare children, coming after to nowwewereit again looking paid, overto herthen, and,there I came and[pause] housekeeping, was over to Lymme Warrington, from inCheshire, notfar I think she to a, quite ofmonths anumber hadleft me,andshecame before friends Yu did? You Yeah. go? to want you did And, Yeah, home my sending brother oldest and,eh, hewas because I did. Yes England? to come to I want Did oneofmy school in1946andhowitcome about, I leaved 22 ering a glimpse into aglimpse ering the ways

Narratives ofexit us, us, 41 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document gration was so common so inIreland at that was gration time,Brenda explained that: why shethought Asked emi- evolves. hernarrative ofleaving as clearer of everyone: notexpected However, was leaving out, points Brenda subsequently as to emigrate inorder toin many ensure continuity cases onthe land. had to ornot, wanted anddaughters,whetherthey for everybody’: sons byreference ofemigration the causes that to the fact ‘there wasn’t room Brenda explains to reduceovercrowding, deployed strategy’ survival needs. offamilial the butwith servicing imposition, Leave- her parents. isthus and taking notonlywithstrangeness equated, likeherbrother, tothat, goso she wanted hometo shecould money send sheaffi way: while ambivalent directly, departure about Brenda explains inamarkedly hermotivations include herfamily. to feelings invited express herpersonal Having been Brenda’s signifi departure, characterof istrative intimate regulations andimposed the strangeness the well state, as admin- the As presentation ofwhose ofothers. needs explanations to refract tendency ofmobilitythrough the intentions and andsecond- to slippage collective repeated butinthe pronouns, person tend to voice. submerge Th the personal the features formal ofwhich ofaprocess, adescription embodies memory 42 was in fact harboured byBrenda herself: harboured infact was hermother the represented, ideal embody andso into another farmer’ off them to remain the ‘to within home.Such anaspiration, married get avoid the ofafarmer, wife through emigration becoming thus allowing ‘Sometimes’, inthe home’, ‘if was the Brenda money states, as ‘girls’ could society.rural Refl andthe routine of practices ‘bigfamilies’ upwith bound the individual, the control of beyond something as ispresented departure perspective to go,inBrenda’s themselvesdesired that ofsuggesting Instead people Th if the money was inthe hometothem get to gointo was theif the other money home. off might married get they sometimes girls, whodidn’tthe ones away came work to onthe England, andthe farm their with father and onthe farm worked mostly I think the men,they and the ’em. others followed there 12or13,there might wasn’t be one’d for everybody, room come that were fi likehere, andifthere they was there wasn’t …didn’t around because the oranything money wages get Well andthe money, aye, bigfamilies, there the work was andall, e deeper signifi edeeper Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life a‘familial as ofemigration anunderstanding ecting cance of these featurescance ofthese ofBrenda’s narrative become cant others referenced inBrenda’s account also thatrms shedid‘want to’ goto England, 23

isrefl into another farmer, yeah, families insome ve orsix notonlyinthe ected, 24

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Brenda: Barry: whenBrenda refl into view clearer the inequities of rural inheritance practices. practices. inheritance ofrural the inequities onthe landand‘goto marry into afarmhouse’, dueto adestiny impeded desire unrealised intension the exists with youngself’s terly obedience wasn’t for room everybody’. Inparticular, Brenda’s ondaugh- emphasis ‘there because undertaken process, anexternally imposed was gration of youngfemininity, outthe extent screens butitalso to whichemi- a ‘good’ daughter, herintentions ideals inconformity withprescribed Th obedience. fi confi complexion. WhileBrenda initial account onadeeper takes ofdeparture onthe land. of marrying home,arole thewithin whichwouldhave family improved herchances jealousy, preference herown suggesting for this hermother role alongside however, intimates, hersister’s pet’ some with Brenda viewed privilege thewithin homehelping hermother. the ‘mammy’s characterisation As aff the dowry, received was land andso ‘went outto work’. sister, heroldest Bycontrast, onthe wholater married the siblinghierarchy, ‘the down thirdBeing further one’andso Brenda notthe daughterthat to shewas receive one: chosen inheraccount.land, isomitted Th a daughter’s ‘worth’ onthe usuallyaprerequisite for marriage andwas pounds’. Signifi be fulfi ‘to toherdesire Leigh, departure could gointo not another farmhouse’ ‘courtingWhile Brenda hadbeen aperson’ her before inGalway nancially, suchconfi to that my station with father and my quite mother sad andthat was Athenry, the[laughs] ‘Fields I came ofAthenry’ to the …[whispering] his brothers and sisters are having three hundred pounds. his brothers andsisters are having hundred pounds. three other, each nice, andweliked very was andthis buteh, house, boy farm over there, inthem days youhadto havegointo money another aladoverthere, andah,ifyougotmarried aperson, courting I was Th refl the against backdropofthese Set I saidI went outtoone andas work. the third andI was herintheandthat, house helped and shealways Th eother, my sister, sister, oldest mammy’s was shemore orless pet ese dynamics of latent tension and retrospective negotiation come oflatent dynamics tension andretrospective ese rmed that to go’ she‘wanted rmed herfamily to Englandinorder to support ‘hisbrothers andsisters are having hundred three because lled that out inyourmindabout What day? sticks to …came just19anderm was Well …there I erm again, is performance enables Brenda to recall the young self as the enablesBrenda youngself as to recall isperformance cantly, the issueofBrenda’s dowry, whichrefl own rmation can be read as a performance ofdaughterly aperformance as read be rmation can ects upon the day upon ofherleave- ects taking: e reason for this would appear to be to for be this wouldappear ereason 26

orded the opportunity to remain the opportunity orded life, Brenda’s onfamily ections Narratives ofexit 25

ected 43 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 44 disinfected in Dublin prior to boarding. to boarding. prior inDublin disinfected travelling Ireland from passengers to Englandto boat be requiring embarkation regulations temporary authoritiesestablished and Irish anoutbreak ofIreland, intheIn 1943,following oftyphus west the British song’s andBrenda’s lyrics ofherexperience: understanding own inthe the and emotionsevoked themes between association digmatic itindicatesapara- because ather parents station, Athenry isimportant Brenda’s to ofsaying goodbye byhermemory reference triggered to it, in1979andtellsthe famine, during offorced departure composed was ence ‘Th to ballad the popular New York, the post- during inherrefer- andmore directly years, famine at the treatment notorious EllisIsland, emigrants which recalls ofIrish apparent ofthe dehumanising inherdepiction embarkation process, of delousing and fumigation. of delousing andfumigation. she‘didn’tand girls know’, ‘if orhad lice’, youwere dirty andthe prospect, ‘some bystrangers, met onlyto person’ be onherown, inDublin arriving youngBrenda inthe imageofavulnerable depicted that isvividly ensues the within self. Th embedded deeply resistance toaworld leaving that ofsuppressed hadbecome release that herto oftheherfamily, emotionalbonds of the tied rupturing the momentarily, down eff vously then breaks represent the embodied raw into emotionsthat Brenda’s seep shelaughs narrative here, ner- as having to leave them andthe family- Th centred represent. world they ‘onlyBrenda, 19’, at heartbreak at herparents leaving the station evokes the fi homeandaway,between self andother. Th disintegration ofthe fi occasioning ofdepersonalisation, aprocedure itas of thisrecalls process Brenda’s ofconsciousness, stream autobiographical recollection deeply well, yeah … well, yeah mecoming about as quite there upset living then, andhewas he was ofthethe 12July, week …Belfast, erm my home from brother was were inWales they to work for …because itwas at the timebecause going I was …the people byerm inHolyhead, met andI was the boat wewent to …andallthat …andinthe …before fumigated morning, youhadtoanything likethat, gofor abath wouldbe andyourclothes orhadlice …andifyouwere or and wehadto dirty have amedical Ireland butI didn’t hotel in any westayed know ofthem andaspecial diff from alotofother girls a man,and…there was person, bysome at met Dublin, was …andI and gathers herself] hereyes from tears Brenda wipes to as themto …[pause say goodbye Brenda’s narrative here summonsthe semantic fi rst instance with what is being left behind: the poignant imageof poignant behind: the left whatrst instance with isbeing Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 27

rst- shetraversesthe voice boundary as person eFields ofAthenry’. Although this ballad e depersonalisation and dissolution anddissolution edepersonalisation 28 anaccelerating as Narrated is loss of self has to doin ofself has isloss eld ofexile. Th of erent parts is is ects e Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document stoic suff ofconfl is adegree dominant daughter. conceptions ofthe obedient Putdiff within the prohibition onthe expression embedded desire ofindividual transgressing andobliquely without expressed ment understood could be predica- personal ofherown injustices andlosses disempowerments, subject- legitimate andexplanationposition through whichthe felt ofexile madeavailable a story For the publiclyrecognised Brenda, ingly diff were strik- theirmatched, departures narrated the ways inwhichthey andBrenda’swhile the ofAileen timingandform were migration closely hotel inaLondon in1945. However, achambermaid up employment as diate post- to take hervillage, from other with girls travelling, years, war smallholdingfor the Englandinthe family imme- departed Aileen Brenda, herfamily’s whichformed chief source ofincome,small farm, andlike Aileen’s Brenda, children. Like of six onher family’s spent was childhood upinCo.Mayo ofIreland, inthe west thegrew fourth- inafamily born in1929,Aileen features incommonimportant Born that with ofBrenda. Atways. fi synthesised. tounderstanding be acoherent imperfectly, allowing narratively mediated, however be can offemininity, ideals andthe emigration regulatory tension between Th Ireland. upinrural andlife ofherparents growing memory a positive while preserving understandings publicandshared itwith that connects ofexile sheisable ofitinaway toence themakesense within story this experi- byframing experience for Brenda, adisempowering been having leaving thus acomplex ofcomposure at strategy work: despite in turn aff in turn andthat andangerinto andloss, sadness ofjealousy ation offeelings of the exile that andthat herethe ofthe facilitates transform- martyr e recognition this aff erecognition It’s lonely so round the fi We to sing. andsongs haddreams onthe wing, lovewas Our birdsWhere fl once the wewatched smallfree Low, liethe fi inthe bay. waiting shiplies Now aprison the the morn. youngmightSo see For youstole Trevelyan’s corn. youaway, areMichael taking they calling ayounggirl I heard wall. By the lonely prison however, migrants, contradictionsOther these indiff negotiated Whereerent. Brenda accounted of interms for herdeparture andthe glorifi ering Th feelings. these ords ofdisclosing Brenda ameans Walsh’srst glance, Aileen pre- biography shares departure elds ofAthenry, ofpowerlessness, themes onshared uence, based ofcomposure inthat theords enablesadegree elds ofAthenry. the fi between cation ofvictimhood, 29

y. y. Narratives ofexit erently, there erently, ere is erent gure 45 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Aileen: Barry: this role entailed an intrinsic devaluation ofAileen’sthis anintrinsic devaluation role entailed status andconstant for hard manual aconstant labour,there need was able to notbeing fulfi substitute. Th anunsatisfactory be sister, moreover, to proved the work ofaman,Aileen who could perform a boy, hadwanted expectations: where unlikeher they hadgotagirl; they bully’. explains Aileen this confl her father, his eff who,despite hard’, ‘very life was farm dueto this herfraught being relationship with byourparents’, after and wereofwell kind looked Aileen’s experience of Where Brenda felt herself ‘one that ones ofthewehad the lucky farm narrative of Irish economic stagnation, Aileen left: stagnation, economic narrative ofIrish compulsion. explainedofeconomic interms Drawing on apublic was Withinto explain hermotivations. oneversionofleave- departure taking, ontwodiff simultaneously drew Aileen needs, family 46 Aileen: Barry: Aileen: existence: ofrural unhappy memories sought to convey her Aileen From oninthesmallholding. early interview life onthe family related also to herexperience ofeveryday was departure another manager died. It was only a little farm. Itonlyalittleanother farm. managerdied. was didn’t provider. agood andhewas gamble, ’Cos hemadeoutwhere … that say …hedidn’t inhisfavour was … AllI could Erm …he drink my father. abully. He was Th confi I’ddoing anything, dothe always way, wrong andthat’s why I’ve no fi worker.door Butbutputherinsideand,well leave meinsideandI was husband, that out- harder agreat than sheworked many men.Shewas defi now. dead me. Both AndI wasn’t [laughs] I wasn’t likemy oldersister, aboy. youngerthan wanted twoboys …andthey therefamily was So my father. Aileen’s within On the other hand,andmore pervasively account, had fi I hadI’vethe to.war said,’twas And…as just often Ireland because Yes. youwent orsomething. notunless uptoa job, Dublin AndI left You nowork inIreland, times. there inthose was Because couldn’t get ne. And…no,I’d to …my say twoways of father ifthere used was Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life nitely not. I couldn’t do the things she … ’Cos I often saidto my I couldn’t dothe she…’Cosnitely things not. I often Wa aot or mum? your about What Wy not? Why dence now. Yeah. … …erm So nished. nished. to by …dictated My alovely woman.Butshewas mum was the inthe fourthgirl was I say it, …(laughs) shallI Because Well onwith get Er…I didn’t hard. Er…[pauses] very itwas 30

ectiveness as aland‘manager’, as ectiveness ‘a was real at’s say. bully. what I would A real Yeah. his to ofherfailure interms meet ict us, on a small subsistence farm where onasmallsubsistence farm us, 31

erent frameworks frameworks erent l Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Aileen: Barry: equality: and intimacy greater marital with life, implicitly associated married ofpursuingadiff ameans conceived as was emigration mother, ofhersubjugated those together with uponafarm, growing for female labour.lack of‘respect’ Th byageneral genderrelations rural on anotherwere farm, characterised servant ifshehadgonetoadomestic work as even recognised, Aileen self- ofpersonal for the ofasense development no prospect As worth. remunerated,work off arduous farm andpoorly addition to being More generally, work’: in ‘not to herselffarm as suited regarded Aileen life. social ofamore enriching the represented possibility emigration that ‘wouldn’t Aileen to goto sixpence the get dance’. By implication, were labour rarely remuneratedfarm for meaning their exertions, self- arduous nature, with its despite ‘relatives assisting’ expression: in it’. for leisure and dueto alackofopportunities this was Inpart, ‘glad was sawAileen she‘never any happiness to leave home’because Aileen: Barry: Aileen self- determination: and opportunity with emigration associates ofobligation,terms Aileen father.her tyrannical where Inturn, Brenda in conceives ofdeparture narrative, Aileen’s mother, although a‘lovely woman’, ‘dictated was to’ by trary, where Brenda’s ofadmiration inher mother featuresanobject as onthe to land.Onthedid notaspire emulate con- hermother andmarry arole. to perform felt equipped better character ofrelations ‘inside’, sought refuge onthe land,Aileen where she theself from emotionaleff to herfather’s such,inorder to As insulatesubjection gaze. her- critical work, andI said I’dwork, afarmer. marry AndI didn’t never …My husband, respect for you…Andthat wasn’trespect whateither. I wanted Yeah. went to work for anybody, youmight fi get work …Andifyou to farm notsuited was I certainly Because I was. were much whichthey to more than suited what yousee, work, farm younger than me,coming me.And,they’d upbehind overthe take And, youwouldn’t to goto sixpence the get dance. nomatter what itwas. harvesting, no matter what itwas: haymaking, …youhadnomoney, you’d Because in it. onthe farm, work allweek, Consequently, Aileen’s given life,she so experience negative offarm Dd o wn t lae Ireland? leave to want you Did youcomingHow about feel to didyourparents England? : Well I was I never gladto leave home.Because saw any happiness Did I want to leave Ireland? I did, yes, because I didn’t want farm farm want I didn’t because yes, I did, Ireland? leave to I want Did Well, I had nothing there there for was me.Because twobrothers, ects of this devaluation andthe transactional ofthis devaluation ects us, given her own experiences of experiences herown given us, ve shillings a week, andno aweek, ve shillings Narratives ofexit erent of form 32

ered 47 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document networks linking sending and receiving societies. societies. andreceiving sending linking networks transnational informal communicated via into parishes, back rural representations encounters ofemigrant citylife with were recirculated within vernacular understandings offemininity. understandings vernacular within andfulfi freedom ofpersonal oration ofheightened expectations thereby fostering dancehalls, incorp- andteenage the gradual fashions the consumption fi fuelled ofpopular offemale forms this employment expansion innew European countries, doing, they deepened dissatisfaction with the deprivations, restrictions restrictions the with deprivations, dissatisfaction deepened they doing, andself- pleasure Inso intheir homevillages. expression amongpeers for awareness ofthe possibilities increasing engendered emigrants war ofthe Englishcity, the freedoms depicting stories replete with post- intervals, homeat ofdissemination. Returning regular the chiefvectors themselvesbecame emigrants andIreland, returned Britain between oftravel the ease 1945,given butafter lettersemigrant America, from teenth century, the transmissionof were forged via connections these 48 smallholding. smallholding. divergent diff ways, the identifi formation life ofgendered shaped family diff via engendered the emotionaldispositions case, Ineach children, relations andthe ofthese impact inemotionalterms. relations, thefamilial diff diff fi justi- further overcrowding employment andnarrow Aileen, prospects anenvironmenther from inwhichshesaw refl herdesires since removed emigration asource ofemotionalloss, contradiction was thus generativewas ofdiff Th tarial andwhite- tarial andshopservice. andinretail collar work, infavour of‘modern’ inlight service domestic jobs industry, secre- were abandoning ‘traditional’, low- and status agriculture within roles ofwomen number anincreasing society,vative the sameperiod during mid- conser- astatic anddeeply as Ireland portrayed isoften century ation and consumption of modern forms of popular culture. ation ofpopular forms andconsumption ofmodern import- the self. Onesourceof the increasing individuated for this was to alternative purchase discourses could system lose thewithin familial relations interpersonal governing thecode transactional this period, What Aileen’sin cultural values. narrative helpsillustrate ishow, during ed and reinforced her desire to escape rural life. what In large rural measure, andreinforced to herdesire ed escape e contradiction between ideal versionsofidentity ideal andmaterial realities econtradiction between erentiated the the diff twoaccounts was off fed Emigration he adored hischildren. he adored diff …so he was Th ese processes were also powerfully mediated through wider shifts through shifts wider mediated werepowerfully also processes ese Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life erent to my father. man,and kind suchakind, He was erentiating attitudes the family to the world beyond as contributed to thisbut italso it, process erent subjective implications. For implications. this erent Brenda, subjective forerent their wayscared inwhichparents 33

lm andliterature, contemporary erential characterofintra- cations with placecations with in erent of experiences 36 the nine- During ected. Butfor ected. 35 inother As 34 While lment Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document labour’. Th of ‘absolute disregardfor andunpaid women,except childbearers as ating rates were offemale merely departure symptomatic ofanattitude an educated and increasingly vocal urban middle class, discontent with middle class, urban vocal andincreasingly an educated Times suchas journals within of‘pride andambitionthan theirgreater sense parents’. Prominent amuch were developing cultural transition, wherebywar youngpeople post- emblematic‘something them ofawider thus as located better’ Young women’s subjugation andtheir embrace ofrural of rejection society. ofrural ‘backwardness’ ofthe critique onecomponent life ofamore formed generalised rural For other commentators, however, women’s youngIrish of rejection out’. wives’, get cannot giving that be meaning ‘the soon supplyofchildren will hard work ofthe farmer’s wife.’ ‘the youngmenonthe aresult, farms As urgefl the making girls psychological some Senator Helena in1951,but‘thereclaimed Concannon else, issomething acity, ‘Th of racialdepletion. fears deepening the life nation’s endangered ofrural apparent rejection cap- reproductive onfemale youngwomen’s placed emigration, to be for restrictions called many ofwhom For critics, conservative observers. contemporary from negatively assessed. couldsystem be whichthe against patriarchalofthe transactionalism familialist selfhood alternative ofindividuated models life, projecting ofrural and inequities fi gotocan placesof companionship,where girls they the lackofstatus, From the lack nothing. knows this lackofconsideration oftheir needs, ofwomen’sand drudgery ofIreland, ofwhichDublin lotinmany parts manyfrom the menwith ability andinfl way. husbands, from life inevery It rural stains emanates priests, from if notdegeneration. If their goingisnotanational scourge, surely ofdecadence, itisasign Th life, ofthem are for goingmost ever. Th ofIrish ofmenandwomeninallprofessions andwalks State leaders, Yes, numbers. if notalarming potential mothers offutureChurch and arenowinever- for aturn leaving theourgirls taken worse; increasing, the problem isaccentuated …Ofrecentthe wound,wehold,has years Youth today anddiffi restive have grown Th nd something better.nd something to them! More power 37 at loss most surely at most appalling leave loss mark some onthe futureIreland. ese processes oftransfer andexchange confl processes drew ese Similarly, acolumnist for the ambitionsof , this the narrative oftransitionexpressed political is attitude 38

Th e Bell 39 and acceler- According to this perspective, Tuam Herald Dublin Opinion Dublin eir loss is irreparable inourday. isirreparable eirloss thecult world over, buthere uence the boredom to lessen y from they from country, the from ere is work, plenty ofwork’, ere iswork, 40

perceived that: Narratives ofexit the well as , as icting responses responses icting Irish Irish 49 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 16, eventually training as an electrician. anelectrician. trainingas 16, eventually until hewas while hisyoungerbrother education completed avocational until National the ageof13, Bill‘went School straightlocal onto the land’, ofIreland. intheattending inRoscommon west After farm the mixed uponhisfamily’s 50- Billgrew 1951, the eldestoffour siblings, acre whichBillDuff within the narrative culture,framework supplied limitations ofaregressive ture rendered stagnant by a regressive churchture byaregressive andstate. stagnant rendered the limitations ofa cul- whorejected emigrant, and ambitionofthe ‘new’ to the external world. andgreater openness liberalisation social modernisation, on economic attempt centred modernity ofIrish to institutionalise analternative vision urban- these and religious leaders, inan were engaged critics liberal based the against anti- Aligned promulgated bycultural nationalists modernism cultural marginalisation the within Catholic-its nationalist settlement. 50 emigrant was fashioned as a symbol of youthful ‘enterprise’ ofyouthful asymbol as and‘vigour’: fashioned was emigrant availability status ofalternative ‘across routes to masculine the water’. bythe mediated heavily also was deprivations these with satisfaction ations, many contributorsations, to asource ofnational the orimpugning as emigrant’s loss selfi oflamenting emigration inverted: instead the were emigrant powerfully freedoms inthe meantime. freedoms personal oflowstatus andfew outan extended ‘boyhood’ lived sons ofthe landuntilownership well into that middleage,meaning chosen that dueto the didnottake fact heirsfrequently this was Inpart, to wane. the practice inquestion began the period during adultmalestatus, achieve culine amas- holdinghadtraditionallyformed oftheWhile inheritance family holding. to follow inhisfather’s chosen the family andinherit had been footsteps Th youngremain. andthe the very aging have enterprising, gone,the less futureeither.near the youngandvigorous ofthe enterprising, Most offi any to likelihood be at seem the moment, not, notfi One does alaboureroranintellectual, to inshapingbe world. play abetter apart andachance for the worker,the youngandenterprising, whetherhe for, where where inaword there there vision, issome isafuturefor andfought born are being andideals ideas where new and progress, where there ismovement are thinkinganddeveloping, where people to live Onewants to remain in alandofghosts. notwish One does For light. inapositive Bill,however, notviewed thiswas inheritance is construction of the ambitious emigrant, constrained bythe constrained ofthe ambitiousemigrant, is construction Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life rite depassage rite nd any inIreland things today, ofthese andthere does 41 ofIreland, inthe to west enablingson the chosen y reconstructed his experience leaving. Born in Born hisexperience leaving. y reconstructed Within this conventional discourse, of portrayals 45 At the same time,however, dis- increasing Th e Bell initiative the independent idealised 44 Th us Bill, as the eldestson, usBill,as nding them inthe 42 Inthis way, the sh motiv- sh 43

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document to London’, 1 tries’. realisation ofdiff awareness ofthe abroad existence anda widespread ofopportunities another,material standards’ represented of‘a a function this being ‘desire anenhanced inemigration, ofincreases cause for improved although ‘a foronemajor employment’represented lackofopportunities Till, you’re MichilinPat, ‘Wisha, notthe sameat allsince youemigrated ofthe observed, 1954CommissiononEmigration the report As 46 and well dressed whoreturned ofemigrants Herein, ‘the reports Dublin Opinion Dublin erences between conditions at homeandinother coun-erences between CityArchives). 1954(Dublin , December Narratives ofexit 51 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document returnee recast the male emigrant as alocal hero: the as maleemigrant recast returnee labour, demandfor Irish rising tion created ofthe wealthy the spectacle war native during Charlestown, were once migrants considered‘an inhis where breed’ inferior seasonal to England’ and‘done well’: very bydiff material success projected imageof ambitionsthrough hisown the masculine to recognise began self’s desire for desire play endeavour: andcompetitive self’s constraining the young exploitation with is equated andbackwardness, inBill’s manhood, on the ofIrish land’essence as work narrative farm cial conceptionsphysically arduous ofnational‘work identity valorised ofdeparture. perceptions role inreshaping animportant played rural anairofprosperity’ with 52 did most ofthe workdid most andthe milking’. ifyouwere concerned, the eldestyou was the ‘asthat, farming as far ofthe family. amongallmembers equally were notshared He emphasised In Bill’s view, bythe diffi the burdens imposed refl powerfully Bill’s upinRoscommon growing experiences ofhisown assessment ten, twelve, oneo’clock inthe morning.’ there, that my father wouldgooutonthe beer, ’til and…day drinking … …of,youknow, memories whenmy fathergood even andmother was didn’t have to doallthe work left onhisown: ‘I meantBillwas often at home, hisfather’s whenhewas because habits, but also drinking Bill’s months inEnglandworking, six ofthe spent year father typically because burdensome,partly particularly outto be turned responsibility that, they’d gone to England, and had made living, andyou’d they’dthat, goneto England, andhadmadeliving, them see You …allyou’d know yourforefathers andall andyouruncles was seen ofthing. out playing anddoingthat football type done,and…Whenyou’rebe fi fourteen, thirteen, … It wasn’t [laughs], youknow. enjoyable.Itnecessity was Work hadto know, hard work very, byhand,andyouknow, very hard work, itwas doneby, was you …everything Every it. andthat was andcart donkey manual, so youdidn’t was Everything have youhad a any tractors, Th asuccess. He was Windsor- ofnotes. full andhiswallet inthe latestknotted spivfashion hisstylepaid, to the nines, dressed homeatHe came Christmas hero of the day and was in the best Jimmy Cagney style. Jimmyhero inthe ofthe best day Cagney andwas Ittheamanifestation admitted. ofthe maleego, tough was bitwas tough. itcould Th be Yes, Andyes, headmitted. good, was the money Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ected these changing perceptions of rural life. Where ofrural offi perceptions changing these ected e good rearing. A credit to A credit hismother andfather. rearing. egood 47 in1967, recalled JohnHealy the journalist As time, when British industrial mobilisa- industrial time, whenBritish erent ‘forefathers’, menwhohad‘gone 50 InBill’s of this distribution case 51 Bill Perhaps reasons, for these naturecult work offarm 49 fteen, you want to be to youwant be fteen,

48

e - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document narrative ofleaving: ofcomposure form at adistinct work inhis diately itreveals preceding 16.Bill’s 1967,aged in January imme- andthose narration ofthis event industry inthe for toajob construction Manchester take such,Billleft As I’dfarm, andthat’s makealiving, exactly what …youknow, what I did’. onthe I worked hard as …as that ‘if Billrealised forefathers, I worked byholidaying the imageofstyle andsuccess projected Recalling I hadn’t. andplenty them, ofmoney, with andwell bigcars dressed see which well, coming ofthemonholidays doingvery,back andyou’dlots very youknow,… anddoingwell, andother people, well, notdoingso but coming onholidays back and andother people come onholidays, back Kelso’. to ‘I’lltalk youin hesays, My to father ‘Go bed!’ ondown says, o’clock, o’clock two,three …JohnandMicky ‘with inthe morning, ofJanuary,the seventh I’m goingto England.’ Th Th my father andmother, inbed, them was onthem. the Lordhave mercy andthe back twoof outinthe pub,and…came obviously father was andmy ofIreland, …Wewest the boys back, went outand…I came StStephen’s it, call they Night inthe …as … itdown call they as Night, anyway, So I might!’ …onBoxing I says. so days, twoorthree that was ‘Jeez, whenwe’recome to England withus, And I says, goingback?’ the, don’t what it?Andoneofthem saidto doyoucall me,‘Why you er, plenty ofmoney, andall.Anyway. suits andwell dressed, Went to hada…Mini,youknow.were home andthey ladander… A young to the dances that much. Butanyway, went them outwith and…they …weweren’t youknow … whichwas, I wouldn’t sent to the dances, go to meto took them, the I said they dances and days before Christmas, four, maybe back came they England,er…at from back Christmas fi sound.’ andhesaid,‘Sound, I said nothing, …whenmy mates So came … orI’llgo.’ And,er…well, ‘Th place for have me…oryouhere. Oneofuswill to go.Either you here youngfella’, ‘Nowhere …look … andhesays, ‘Th hesays, out that today.’ barn ‘Sound.’ I say, wewent outthe So twoofusand fi about andwas the tenth, itwas, twelfth,whatever …December about I said itaway. andtake into the cart, Myself andmy as back father …hecame the with shovel,that toitallthe cut way round, was andthrow itout to the right down bottom.Andthe onlyway youcould clean cleaned …well youhad…that gonehard, itwas hadto be was in the barns the before, the …straw from year andallthatthe was …inthe barns, cattle in inoverthe winter, But, alright. the weather was alright, was for to putthe barns, outsome England, home,andwewere cleaning …my father hadcome …was overfrom Well, the days I left before ey’re dead now. dead ey’re And…I went uptoOn andI says, the room it. ‘Look hesays to me,‘We’ll orsixteenth ofDecember fteenth clean 52

ere’s no place for the twoofushere.’ So is was, as I said, three three I said, as iswas, Narratives ofexit ere’s no ve 53 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document determination to go and his father acquiesces, giving him money for the himmoney giving determination to goandhisfather acquiesces, Bill’sas his bidisupheld. Under byhisfather questioning Billreasserts 54 following morning. Th morning. following ofthe issuethe reopening until the scheduled isheldaction inabeyance byhisfather, to ordered bed been the as isintroduced anote ofsuspense ofJanuary, Onthe seventh it. I’m“Look goingto England.” ’ Billhaving hisclaimto autonomy: ‘Iorder andstakes went upto andI says, the room thethis moment marks whenBill transcends the constraints ofthe old his intention to leave. Th culminating inthe dramaofBill’sforward, Night Boxing of declaration Bill’sand style,their activates return to desire the leave action andmoves (‘plenty ofmoney, andall’) affl suits and well dressed, the ofBill’s return intheir appearance England.Symbolising from friends However, inthe next with ofthe stage narrative this order isdisrupted madeuphismind. fully notyet has A third isthat consideringthe possibility, Bill,whileobviously possibility the fi whoabandons hisfamily son, an irresponsible claim.Alternatively,your own as to avoidcharacterised Billwants being staking youisnotthe sameas yourfather permits because tiny: leaving Bill’s father’s ultimatum confl ofBill’s ofchange).Onereading andinneed gone stale silence here isthat straw, ofBill’s whichissuggestive having as ofhislife onthe sense farm ofthe todesire oldbarn leave (though this inthe isimplied description haveus will to go’. At his notarticulate this inthe stage narrative, Billdoes anultimatum: ‘one andwho confronts Billwith cleaned be will the barn of Th hand. inthe roleandfarm subordinate ofson anddependent positioned tradition,continuity andBill’s symbolise suggested, fi which,itmay be farm ofthe intheof thefamily outhouses narrative, set Inthe fi come, ambitions. enabling Billto pursuehis personal worker, where the constraintsbythe status implied former are over- labourerto ‘modern’ farm to manhood, the boyhood transitionsfrom way to the new, gives the isabout oldyear as this at story Set onelevel e action inthe eaction scene iscontrolled byBill’s father, when whodetermines for Manchester. onthe seventh andheaded inthe case, everything andpacked clothes, Ander, …and,toasuit. town address get the postal well …was local, clothes.’ the … whichwas ninemileto Castlerea, I went So andcycled, the seventh.’ ‘Well you’ve you’ll have nosuit, to come … and, and… ‘Yes, I’m …I’m them goingwith on I says, and,and…yeah, crying, on the seventh.’ ‘Are He says, you?’ ‘Yep.’ there, …my mother So was then’, ‘I’m goingto England ‘what hesays, are I says, youonabout?’ Anyway,the er, morning!’ and…hesays, gotupinthe morning, ‘Now the convention scene endswith theWhatever case, andorder intact. Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 53

e fi e pivotal act ofself- act epivotal inthe narrative, assertion nal stage of the narrative resolves this tension ofthe nal stage narrative resolves icts with his need to des- authorise hisown withhisneed icts uence, independence rst chance hegets. Billis lial duties, rst stage stage rst Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document that refl that inways adapt this they framework framework, acommonwithin liberal Th sphere ofwork. tifi for Bill,itisiden- andequality; intimacy greater marital with associated isidentifi departure For Aileen, ofvalues. to through express leaving aspired sets distinctive anddiffi labour of farm ofthe hardships onarejection leaving predicate account. Whileboth insubtly diff articulates life, thisrural oppositionality and Bill’s defi are narratives both leaving destiny.charge oftheir personal amoment andself- ofliberation represents authorship, take whenthey andBillthus Aileen for both are. Departure they the people to become have they surmounted obstacles as oftheir lives early and deprivations Th emigration. narrative ofaspirational situate liberal awider their within experiences formulate acoherent ofone’s understanding both for leaving, desires life for andadesire self-of rural realisation. Inthis regard,inorder to ofthe constraints byarejection choice, motivated apersonal as presented reluctance is inrelation leaving BillandAileen for to both departure, Where Brenda’s respects. of important of narrative expresses asense to ‘mana farmer ofthe world’. of Ireland constraints son oflife andhistransitionfrom inrural imposed him‘a andbuying suit’.journey Th actions, in other words, help mediate the oedipal confl help mediate the inother oedipal words, actions, future.Bill’s hisown autonomous to choose agent, father’s supportive the obligations ofthe fi hisfather’s ultimatelygress, himof ofhisdeparture facilitation relieves father. Although Bill’s to trans- the constraints hewishes father embodies identity for another, reference without notoccur to his thisdoes process ticular, of ofonesort the rejection narrative portrays whilehisleaving ofself- narratives character ofthese realisation. InBill’s inpar- case the to negotiated emphasise itisimportant Given this recalibration, Th through theofemigration. recalibrated process rather, are conventional selfhood ofgendered understandings new: notrepresent acompleteofoldfrom fore, severance does departure Bill’s life. Despite tion ofrural andAileen’s life, there- ofrural rejection e stigma of desertion: narratives of guilt andshame ofguilt ofdesertion: narratives estigma success the within andpersonal ofwealth the with achievement ed Aileen’s within whilethe versionsofself constructed Nevertheless, Bill’s narrative isthus leaving similarto Aileen’s account ina number ect the diff ect is narrative supplies a means ofinterpreting the ameans tensions isnarrative supplies us, while both Bill and Aileen locate their locate experiences BillandAileen whileboth us, erentiated subjective eff erentiated subjective ed with the pursuit of a modern form ofdomesticity, form the with pursuitofamodern ed an as lial relationship hisright, andrecognises ut fi cult the ofidentity forms lial relationships, is fi Bill’snalises overcoming ofthe the against limitations of ned ects of the gendered organisa- ofthe gendered ects Narratives ofexit erent ways ineach by implied ict 55 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document state’ and‘a into fool the bargain’. ‘desertion’, as departure condemning‘a the as emigrant traitor to the Irish ongoing Patrick Pearse portrayed Britain, with struggle midst ofpolitical Hence, inthe ornational regardfor without family needs. land, departs the who,lacking moralandphysicalemigrant strengthto remain onthe anddisloyal ungrateful for amore construction: the stigmatising basis thereby establishing the morallysuspect, as departure ‘wilful’ inscribed activity, unwilled apassive, therefore, as gration exile simultaneously Irish people’.Irish ‘Notonly’, deValera, claimed lute degradation’ themselvesand‘the to both damaging ofthe prestige to endure conditions prepared of‘abso- ofemigrants ality andpatriotism Taoiseach English cities, overcrowded deValera the ration- questioned conditions to ‘appalling’ thatin living workers were Irish alleging subject inreference Workers to Speaking a1951Christian themselves. report refl out of a spirit ofadventure.’out ofaspirit situations to ready leave inthis quite country, good people apparently Butler, donotfi Fianna Fail Townships, TDfor Dublin ‘in whichI passes’, ‘Notaweek herence ofnationalist imperatives. Bernard claimed the inco- alleging to criticism adefensive response as typically grant, toemployed displace for culpability continuing onto emigration the emi- was Inoneformulation, ofemigration. desertion critics by conservative in confl the byself- extent motivated was to whichdeparture interested desires ofthe exile post- myth within function to mask was society rural famine aselfi conceived as rather norms thanfamilial their confi Where, however, the involved subversionof needs. departure of familial to the realisation tied closely ture always society, ofrural resilience was its fea- astructural was Whileemigration abandonment. as culture: leaving Irish within emigration way ofunderstanding alludeto afurther story that involves aworking- drama. through ofthe oedipal identity, ofreconciliation, a anoccasion isalso leaving ofanew the about assertion being well as achieved: as of equilibrium father’s Inthis way, wishes. andaform theiscontained problem ofguilt conforming the to expression both andas his desire as ofhisown leaving Bill’s himto remember allowing ofinheritance, ofthe ‘honour’ rejection 56 ected, rather, ected, the self- ofthe motivations emigrants andillogical serving ofways exploited inavariety was ofdesertion 1922,this trope After ofBill’s however, ornot, Reconciled aspects negotiated these departure rapidly as we would all desire …Th wewouldalldesire rapidly as suffi resources without national for the ofourown development leave enterprises but they to improve fail bygoingabroad, circumstances do they their own Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ict with dominant duty. with notionsoffamilial ict sh act. As Kerby Miller here observes, an important animportant Kerby Millerhere As observes, sh act. cient to labour enable made as to progress be 56 thus not‘compelled’; was departure Mass it 55

e saddest part ofallthis isthat part work esaddest couldrmation, emigration be also 54 emi- Innormalising rite depassage rite nd

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the country ofbirth’.the country continued tothe railagainst ‘top- heavy, out- of- Stevenson L. fl andnational community.village proportion late 1965,Fr As as R. attractionslurid ofthe city, to parents, butalso the welfare ofemigrants’ ofthefare emigrant’s byexposure to endangered the whichwas soul, own decision sought toand bishops constitute adeeply to leave the as decision literature, advice andemigrant priests newspapers local within pastorals, soft’. fl hard from work’,plenty ofmuscle, brawn andsinew ‘emigration andthe them ‘well- with furnishing life intheof rural past, with bodies developed ‘content’ hadbeen where people Patrick Giles, to endure the hardships ation racialcharacter. ofthe anddebasement Irish According to Captain culture moretion oftraditionalrural generally, the contamin- revealing departure. departure. concerning fears the wider cultural implications ofmass of projecting oftheir andameans moraldebasement ameasure as England served debate ‘degradation’ aheated engendering inwhichemigrants’ ness, in to the problem welfare. ofemigrant 1940,ofanetworkCatholicfrom organisations specifi bythe development, facilitated aprocess andtheir parents, emigrants attempt the sustained via to infl pursued agenda was this regulatory groups, onparticular restrictions the government to lobbying impose well as As and conduct ofdeparture. the Catholic inthe Church practice to endeavoured intervene emigrants, among nationalist nation andinhibittheofsecularisation progress inaneff In response, press. and local diffi nation itself’: of‘the Irish onthe it‘the land,andwith collapse vanishing’ ofmarriage andmaterialism’; paganism from to the andgirls’ threat ‘boys of‘infection Irish expose in Englishcities owing in of money here from emigrants has made our people slackand madeourpeople has here emigrants from inofmoney owing cult to sustain, and his comments drew criticism within the within to national criticism andhiscommentscult sustain, drew of view of both health and morals. andmorals. health ofboth of view is available at home,andinconditions infi and absurd to expect. and absurd to expect. anation. Aught to as wither forwe are to doomed hope itisfoolish else up,then inevitably are drying andifthey replenishthemselves, cities For are the well- families the rural whichthe and from towns springs Valera’sDe that suggestion suffi 61 Th e logical terminus of this physical and moral weakening was the terminus ofthis was physical andmoralweakening elogical Th moralimplications. , entailing serious 59 Notonly, settlement didIrish the Rev. claimed DrDurig, 58 the comments didstirpublicconscious- Nevertheless, 64 reason a‘valid’ was While‘real necessity’ economic ofthe Catholic- to shoreort upthe boundaries 62

cient work was ‘availablecient work was at home’was 60 uence the ofintending perceptions the rejec- signalled departure mass 57

63 From the pulpitandinLenten nitely the from point better ese referred to referred the wel- ese Narratives ofexit cally tailored tailored cally ight from from ight moral 57 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document with enthusiasm anddiligence’: the at to determination andthe work home,given will solved could ‘be Paul: Barry: Paul: Barry: access oftheunparalleled tooceanic: asense comparatively trivial’. that ‘the greater percentage must prove suspected Stevenson for leaving, 58 the soil. were ‘defi at them living stages’, ‘no Whilethere good was enrichment. Paul’s family spiritual anddeeper material needs basic foron theboth land’ provided existence ofasimple rural account the where virtues ‘work emphasised Where Bill‘didn’ttive terms. Paul’s work, offarm memories’ have good However, inhislife inhighlyposi- this period unlikeBill,Paul recalled worker.bining this intermittent with construction alocal employment as timework onthe land,com- full until the ageof13,like BillPaul began Following attendanceamong four siblings. National at theSchool local the onhisfamily’s eldest son Galway upinrural smallholding, Paul grew in1938, plex role inshaping Born thenarrative ofPaul leaving Quinn. one’s well as as ofGod betrayal parental andnationalgross family: itamounted to notonlymistaken; a was suchpride fumed, Stevenson As eat though, hadn’t you? for You that. wouldn’t like, but…You inthat, much get money hadto now.even Th claim there isnothing? thoughtHave ofputting youever anything into the where town you toinpart. repay that even inaposition debt, being ofyouever lihood I don’t oreighteen years. ofseventeen there isany like- suppose period andthat andhealth, overa youreducation your housingandclothing, on ofIreland thousands spent ofpounds andthe people your family themuch from self- ofwhichstemmed sacrifi home. Th andaChristian parents loving gave youlife; good, It there God was ‘menial’, at the bottomofthe ladder. entail beginning they because as jobs whichlabels certain pride noble, there offalse isabackground Too however, often traditionthat to the Christian allwork contrary is is construction ofthe selfi isconstruction that I was well. WhenI was bob. as getting paid Liked getting afew have I’d madealiving loveto doit IfI could it. Loved it. Loved Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Ad ht bu te ulig then? building the about what And Did youlikeworkingonthe land? 68 nitely never hungry either, hungry nitely never from like’dueto the produce yielded Andalthough there ‘wasn’t much money’, work supplied farm ere you were surrounded by kindness andconsideration, bykindness ere youwere surrounded 65 the problem of‘dire cases inmost Indeed, need’ 67

sh and ungrateful emigrant played acom- played emigrant sh andungrateful ce of your parents … both ce …both ofyourparents 66

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Paul: Barry: comforts of modern materialism. ofmodern comforts the against morallycorrupting farmer peasant hard ofthe labour ideal to the land,pitting the closeness spiritual frugality, self- suffi inphysical theand authenticitythis rooted discourse manhood ofIrish worker,linity. industrial animageofthe against modern Constructed an identifi culture, Paul’s rural characterofIrish restrictive narrative expressed and ofthe regressive critique liberal byawider existence framed was Inthis regard,where Bill’s selfhood. source ofpersonal narrative ofrural Paul’strast, account life affi ofrural con- Bysharp desire. andthe limitation ofpersonal ation, backwardness identifi life was workrepresentation ofrural onthe farm For ‘not enjoyable’. work was Bill,farm On the contrary, his within narrative of economic compulsion, in a subsequent narrative focused on narrative compulsion, focused narrative ofeconomic inasubsequent However, awider within while Paul initially soughtdeparture to frame Paul Barry Paul more generallyinthese years: a living’. Th land ‘even now’, ayoungman,he‘could whenhewas if,back have made Paul hewould‘love’to states above, work As aspiration. onthe personal necessity, ofeconomic aproduct rather was version, emigration than a intwoconfl isframed departure of this process, homeonholiday. returned whohas elling afriend with Inhisaccount for likeBillheleaves in1962,trav- Manchester work, ation ofmodern Paul: Barry: You to roamthe were fi free times though. Good times. Not bad times. times. Notbad times. though. Good times enough on it, but you never had much money in your pocket. inyourpocket. hadmuch money butyounever enough onit, them. Andthere wasn’t abigfutureonthe land,like,youknow. Happy away?moving like. smaller places, Th well, going to cityorDublin. as Galway England, like,youknow. were goingto … might the Some cities be but…mostly orAustralia, to Canada ones well, like. Odd as although Paul’sNevertheless, animplicit devalu- narrative embodies at that time…? : Well nothing for there them. Th was : were to emigrating England,andsome America A lotofpeople Th Th : thereWhy many Why so happening? doyouthink that was was ofwork? that about What things sort were the best You there wasn’t So did,yeah. involved obviously much money e freedom. Like the bird. Like You efreedom. were likethe bird. You were free. ere wasn’t. Th mascu- ‘traditional’ ofrural code anopposing cation with e same inability to ‘make a living’ compelled mass departure departure mass compelled esameinability to ‘make aliving’ ere was very little money. very Very ere was little money. Good elds, and the mountains. andthe mountains. elds, 70

workanabiding onthe rms landas ere was nomoney, ere for was nojobs ey werethem allleaving ey icting ways. Within ways. icting one Narratives ofexit 69 ed with exploit- with ed

ciency and ciency 71

59 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document leaves ‘for no particular reason’, ‘forleaves noparticular identity be cannot whose afriend with incomprehensibleunknowable, and,inthe end,na ï youngerself ve: the as ofthe andcalculations youngerPaulimpulses are characterised the intentions self. Hence, ofthe and motivations the past perceptions, ofthe anattempt present from toembodies distance the perspective self- andpersonal for betterment economic fulfi Bill’s desires to validate works the narrative ofleaving youngerself’s epic ofthe ofthe youngerself. outlook Where portrayal tant andambiguous whichpunctuateand extended pauses Paul’s narration, butbythe reluc- character ofthisnotonlyby the renegotiationhesitations issuggested, ‘allurements’ the corrupting well- ofmodern Th work. paid culture infavour ofIrish of rejection avoluntary embodied departure andthe latent to project implication hewishes that masculinity rural subject- the imageof bywhichto mediate the tension between position of leave- Paul endeavours to toanalternative this, locate Alert taking. available threatens inGalway was the coherence ofthis initialaccount involuntary. as departure Paul’s however, recollection, that employment this preference, such,given land. As Paul initially, andlogically, explains identity defi for aversionofmasculine Paul Barry Paul Barry Paul Barry Paul Barry Paul Barry at inGalway thegot ajob time’: ofleave- circumstances the personal that he‘could hereveals taking have 60 Paul’s anexplicit preference articulated belonging narrative ofrural on holidays, and I went him. with on holidays, onthe other sideofthe fence. greener is always Th inother places. good very to be the that things are supposed atGalway the time. the city, time,inGalway but…Th have at inGalway gotajob I could know.I don’t Although I [pause] toajob, onlymaybe get reason, for noparticular Side[pause] in Moss andI wenthead, off were 23? : Yeah. Went Side. inMoss landed down, … then And Yeah. : : I can’t him.He overwith was think ofhisnamenow!I come even : [extended to abitofthe see world or[pauses] to Maybe see pause] : [extended Well pause] I don’t now. really know itinthe I justtook Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life : holidays? And then him. youwent with back his for back came He : Th : : What doyouthink to madeyouwant go? : When didyouleave whenyou andhowdidthat come about, at’s that the youwent friend overwith? Whowas right. with some fella some upinManchester, with here and…set ere was people going in from …into goinginfrom people ere was to the ofcloseness interms ned 72

Paul’slment, narrative e fraught e grass Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document confl Paul’s two between aninternal struggle embodies narrative ofleaving necessity, motivations andsubmerges the personal which backgrounds in Paul’s the within ofemigration publicnarrative ofeconomic framing the ‘selfi this self- by aconcern to insulate andpreserve the disavowal of image via isthus production structured andauthentic Memory son Irishman. rural aloyal imageofthe self as internalised adeeply upon ofthisimpact guilt tomatic ofhiseff andinconsistencies ofPaul’s evasions accountnostalgia, are here symp- refl donment, holding. the family himto stay whowanted andwork ofhisparents, theand against wishes Th desire. Englishcity.the to debased pursuethe in1962,Paul latter elected Back the other, for desire andadventure, wealth apersonal identifi On represent. life to andthewhichthey hisparents rural and loyalty Paul Barry Paul Barry Paul Barry Paul Barry Paul Barry morefeatures apparent: ofhisnarrative become inother places’.good very to ‘thebe inorder ‘maybe’ that to things see arerecalled, supposed Consequently, ofaban- anact as for isimplicitly Paul, departure viewed do you? in March. silence] pause] Yep [sigh,voice trailsoff] youdowhat youhave to parents, do.[extended likeevery I suppose you going? Paul’s for these As reasons the deeper account evolves, ofleaving I suppose I thoughtI suppose I’doff makealotof,fortune here and…[trails ] twoofthe damnthings! God, them, enough.Butgood like,funny off I was wentI ever homeonholidays, andidentifi ofdesire forms icting : No. [extended enough,the fi Butfunnily pause] : Well,[pause] whenyou’re youngyoudon’t itmuch thought, give : Early think. I don’t really, no.[voice quietens]ItMarch I was : didreally, think they Yeah, yeah. [extended yeah. yeah, Well I : but went, weren’t think they that happy that I Well[pause] I : You justweren’t itat thinkingabout all? : atErm, that timedidyouthink you’d coming back? be : the day doyouremember Erm, you…the day youleft? : youto want didthey? stay ontheDid they farm, : whatthen? say yourparents What about So didthey about sh’ ofthe aspirations youngerself. Initially, this ismanifest process is was despite multiple employment opportunities inGalway, multiple despite employment opportunities iswas ection upon which evokes an unresolved sense of guilt. Th ofguilt. sense anunresolved whichevokes upon ection orts, conscious andunconsc orts, cation. Onthe oneside,lovefor ered two jobs, andI didn’t twojobs, ered take ious, to limit the destructive to limitthe destructive ious, Narratives ofexit rst or second time rst orsecond ed with ed 61 e 73

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document and shame: kindness with andmoralcondemnation, sources ofcare as associated religious authority fi environments, Within around interactions religious institutions. with structured these consideredhitherto,Rosie’schildhood upare ofgrowing memories Toher childhood. amuch greater extent of thannarratives the rural source the ofwelfare Catholic during ishment, avital Church formed herfamily’s Onthe onehand,given impover- ways. in twoparticular fi usinotherto words.’ England.Left Notonlydidthis leave the family brother Rosie’syoungest Pat, father, an‘obnoxious, man’, horrible ‘went her with pregnant improvethings time.Whilehermother with was Nordid young. stillvery was whenRosie Kathleen, through chests’ bad the conditions ofthis existencePatrick and that twobabies, ‘welost Cork, the third of six children in a ‘very, very poor family’. poor the children third ina‘very, ofsix very Cork, tenement buildingininner- upinadecaying grew in 1954,Rosie city consideredthus far.respondents for in1938andleaving London Born diff respects were inimportant childhood Th remembered. could be departure and splitting exercised asimilar, ifmore pronounced,infl experience stemming that from ofallsubsequent decision devaluation the implying amistake, as to regarded leave,the comes to decision be ofone’s decisions oneimageofself,important oneofthe most life,serve ofone’s intoor admitted the story life. Th acknowledged be easily ofexperience forms cannot anddesire important Diff devalued. are leaving inherentlyself the andambitionswhichmotivated aspirations the with incomprehensible ofdesertion ofthethe actions younger stigma defl to be ofdeparture consequences you’reit: ‘when youngyoudon’t itmuch thought’. give Paul to leave. puts ofthe As decision ownership disclaim present self can rendering the self actionsofthe past By untenable, andpresent selves. the ofsplitting form disavowal past takes Ultimately,for departure. however, once the becomes concept ofnecessity 62 dad going to England, and a mother who was onherown’.dad goingto England,andamother whowas Vincent a‘stigma the family dePaul; upon conferred italso your …about ofSt the Society suchas available charities through was local provision benefi 15shillings aweekly upon nancially dependent Th In the fi However, enablestheemotional whilethis destabilising strategy I mean, it also brings me back to the fact that, erm … it was all church, …itwas erm that, to meback the fact brings I mean, italso me,but…I can ofthethe nuns other…Butmost liked kids kinda … ’cos goingto school, like dressed embarrassed, awfully I wasn’t I was ese circumstances aff circumstances ese Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life nal leaving story ofthis chapter, story nal leaving ofdisavowal suchprocesses erent parts of the self are segregated, with the with that result ofthe self are segregated, erent parts ected the ofRosie’s development ected ofself sense simultaneously are portrayed gures ected to some degree, by identifying byidentifying todegree, some ected e circumstances of Rosie Long’s ofRosie e circumstances separate, foreign andirrational, the e risk is that, in seeking to pre- inseeking isthat, erisk erent ofany those from ofthe uence overhow t andwhatever 75

74 uh were Such Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document tion ofherdomestic role: into to creep herdepic- ofstrainbegin andsigns atities homeincrease, herresponsibil- sent to School, the Industrial been her sister Annehas mother fi helping howmuch hermother, sheenjoyed emphasises edly whenher aff ofthis role the performance successful as even sources offrustration, unconscious as appear also assigned been role has the youngRosie iary self. into inthe mother the andincorporated idealised qualities, personal relationintersubjective features asource ubiquitously ofcherished as mother from twice to daughter, ofvoice ispassed in whichagift this mother, intheextract, them.above As thebetween distinction blurring self through ofher ofherown images refracting narrative inarecurrent is conventionally defi Catholic ofthe family, Irish constructions In ideal prowess housekeeperly tender aff the ofanespecially development contact was ofthisOne result close 6 years old. was for when Rosie stealing detention School inan Industrial hermother,alongside heroldersister following Anne’s particularly For the within home vival. labour the this ofdomestic form took Rosie ofways inorder to their ensure mother sur- inavariety to support upon When Rosie’s were ofthe called family members the oldest father left, accentuated the intensity ofherrelationship hermother: with On the other hand,Rosie’s father’s abandonment also ofthe family ords her a powerful form of social recognition. Although Rosie repeat- Although Rosie recognition. ofsocial form ords herapowerful At however, other the moments, with auxil- the demandsassociated great to the very poor people, I’lltell youthat people, now. poor togreat the very We nuns. church, andsaidby’em, priests, were led weren’t butthey that. I didn’tthat. at all.I just resentful feel felt youknow, that, I couldit! do worksome likethat minddoing for me!’like, youknow. I didn’t So, adaughter likeyouthat woulddo I had I wish said,‘Oh,bour God, one…neigh- andI remember out, ofwashing lines to peg I used youknow. raw red theBut from to scrubbing, be my used knuckles and ofsoap, andabar wehadthe oldwashboards I remember it. I did it, to doallthe work intheand…I did house, brother I had Pat. my after to look whichmeantI had there, shegotajob cleaning, So is alovely singernow, andshe’s Rose. called also I used singeruntil I got apretty to good be my butmy asthma daughter lady, alovely singer, andshewas andshe’s itonto us – passed actually happy. being Myand thatjustsuchalovely mum …I remember was Th e one thing I do remember is, you know we were so poor and hungry andhungry eonething I do wewerepoor youknow so is, remember nds a job at the School for the Industrious Blind, shortly after after for Blind,shortly atthends ajob Industrious the School ective bond between mother anddaughter, between bond ective refl In Rosie’s asource offeminine as virtue. ned 77 Narratives ofexit

76

ected inRosie’sected 78

63 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document her personal development when growing up.Inadditionhere to the when growing development her personal Rosie’s arangeofconstraints upon family’s imposed impoverishment Rosie: Barry: Rosie: Barry: Rosie ingly conscious ofthe limitations ofhersituation: Rosie’s increas- up,inrelation narrative ofgrowing to whichshebecame within point turning animportant here formed inparticular school pronounced.Leaving increasingly ofself becomes images opposing these ofhersituation. drudgery the enslavement, intimating to desire domestic escape anunarticulated imageof avisceral conveys ‘redher knuckles raw the from scrubbing’ claim that she‘didn’t mind’ of herrole the within home,herdepiction doxically, femininity. narrative ofsubjugated anopposing Rosie’s Against however, herinsistence that she‘didn’t para- summons, resentful’ feel self- Onthe other ofvalue. hand, asense derives whichRosie image from a‘good as rolerecognition daughter’, invited ance ofthis supporting a the perform- suggests, oftheventriloquisation neighbour’s perspective Rosie’s hermother andfamily: as to support anopportunity role supplied Rosie’sshot through From ambivalence. with oneperspective, assigned account, however, are routines representations repeatedly ofdomestic 64 I didn’t mind.Didn’t ’cos minditabit, at cleaning. quite good I was fl scrubbing obviously, onmy down handsandknees was Friday work onthe andI started Monday …andthe work doing, I was fi or less stillthere. AndI more hospital, private it’sthan inCork, done,the inthe nuns gotmeajob hospital actually a youdon’t. akid said butas nosooner known, So, that …I should’ve and,and onat me?’like,youknow, school?’ ‘Why can’t ‘Why I stay felt, …I just …Erm youknow shy without, be can a lotofpeople shy. very Butthat …I suppose I was I was, throughout my childhood ’cos, pretty getting toworthless, that be … erm I was on,whoI’d staying friends gotto know. to dawn onme Anditbegan the money. We can’t aff the money. weneed toajob, get …shehas No, weneed No,shehas that I could Andmypossible stay on’til mamsaid,‘No. sixteen? I was have aword you.’ with it anyway, So, was whatto say shewanted was, shy, shesaid,‘Oh I can’t dothat!’ to mum. … I said, Shejustwants ‘Do your,ask me?’And,er, yourmamto come inandsee so my mamwas didn’t to want leave. Andthe nunto leave. said,‘Would I really you the tension Rosie’s between As progresses, narrative ofchildhood Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life : Anyway, whenitcome timefor I didn’t meto leave school, want I didn’t to, erm, way, way. notice …I began In every inevery I w and there were allmy I was …I was[sighs] Oh,again, devastated, I wa … ht way? what … what In that? about feel you did How ord it.’ nished school onthe school nished oors, which oors, 79

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document leaving narrative concernsleaving the ofherfather, return come into whohas however. notto last, bility andharmony was Th all getting on our feet’: ‘We were ahappy group!’ all getting onourfeet’: ‘We boy.‘wewere amessenger put it, income as Rosie whenhegota job As andthe benefi School Industrial from Joe Rosie’s family, at herjoy the ofherbrother return recalls John- Rosie ofimprovement andharmony intheof aperiod fortunes as presented Inthe fi successive inthree phases. like narrative organised an elaborate, fairy- constructs Rosie version ofthisstory leaving tale- daughter relationship. eff andconvoluted to leave, thefaltering inan attempt decision to justify Aileen’s Rosie’s ofdeparture, narratives a embodies narrative ofleaving self- personal fulfi infl continued to exercise ofherchildhood apowerful emotional legacies abnegation. However, heraccount the as of thisdemonstrates, process anattemptrepresented to this break pattern ofconstraint andself- Didn’t ’cos minditabit, at cleaning.’ quite good I was fl scrubbing onmy down handsandknees was into animageofsacrifi desires sublimationher role, ofherpersonal andonce the again, partial emotionally costly. Hence Rosie’s compliance the with constraints of tohermother’s retain the need self- rendered recognition, assertion more generally.of herfamily Th for hermother’s responsibility ofpersonal sense welfare andthatseated her, upon dependent heavily also adeep- was suchthat developed Rosie ofself- sense fragile Atworth. the sametime,however, Rosie’s mother a‘good ofherself as understanding daughter’, a whichshedrew from anearlier shaped of the ofsurrogate roles mother andhousekeeper the home,herperformance may toRosie alife have beyond aspired ofself: while hermother sense for herown upon emotionally dependent role the with home,oneeff tionally complex relationship hermother. with GivenRosie’s auxiliary pretty to getting toworthless’. dawn onmethatbe I was began ‘it putit, Rosie worthlessness: as ofpersonal asense engendered eously ofthis thwarting simultan- desire butthe repeated freedom; personal constraints onlyintensifi ofthese imposition income, which‘devastated’ something the Inresponse, the youngRosie. dueto for completingfrom herfamily’s additional herschooling need prevented was Rosie to perform, expected was Rosie labour domestic the mother– to ofsevering managethe ort emotionalconsequences uence overhowleave- Where the experienced. pursuitof was taking of14and16,inthe the fi ages between overtwo years, Set Rosie’s later fortwoyears hersister London with Anne departure inRosie’s heremo- was powerful so What case processes madethese source ofidentitylment inBill’s apositive forms and cial femininity: ‘the work I was doing, obviously, doing, work I was cial femininity: ‘the ect of material deprivation was that Rosie was that was Rosie was ofmaterial deprivation ect is sense ofresponsibility, issense together with this broughtts to the family ed Rosie’sed for desire greater oors, whichI didn’toors, mind. e second phase ofRosie’s phase esecond Narratives ofexit 80 Th is period ofsta- isperiod rst phase, phase, rst rst 65 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document for England: immediately temporally antecedent to herleaving was to suggest seems she at anevent herjob the hospital, that left shehas reveals Rosie day out, I went home was to see myI went mum.’ to see homewas the onlyreason didn’t to want gohome,I … to want gohome.I didn’t ‘I states, Rosie as ofhermother. andless less because, this was Inpart, Firstly, ways. inimportant dynamics familial home altered saw Rosie largely autonomous was pital, ofhim,hisreinstatement the within family to alive- thanks father Andalthough Rosie, stayed. hos- atin job alocal the day hisconfi after Th sighting of her returned father: sighting ofherreturned to herfi venting emotionsofhate sherecalls nowswitches Rosie as terms, the ofherbrother return inidealised agoconstructed moments for the homehas continuityfamily ofthe ‘happy group’. Having only in England,andthe implications hisreinstatementmoney the within 66 the School’. Industrial involved’,to be ‘put inPat resulting away being safety, for hisown into that ofhisinjuries ‘the the had degree police buckle.Suchwas a belt heryoungerbrother Pat hebeat ‘blackandblue’with onenight, drunk Rosie’s father’s when,having come ‘spots’ home exposed were fully getting onourfeet.’ ‘We didn’t him,wewere all need ingratiate the himself with family: hisnew- Despite herfather’s opposed found Rosie eff wealth, restricted hermother’srestricted mobility: brother couldn’t gohomeat hisconfi ‘my states, Rosie avoidance as meantthat, home,italso ofthe family herautonomous stance and her father the within narrative, justifying us, Rosie, together with herolderbrother together with Rosie, andsister, us, Pat take outfor Home, I says, ‘Well sorry’, I’m ‘I’m very goingtoHome, my I says, brother’s I said, didn’tthey tomeoutfor want let my brother’s confi would…because they And…because beforethe evening. school We gotto Blarney, day, hadafantastic my and took brother into back home.Th he was we could have aff andif to goto like,ifwewanted the ourselves pictures, could please She didn’t ’cos ofgooutalot, kind whenhewasn’t yousee, there, we I hated him!Stilldo. him onsight. the top ofthe hill,and,I knew …I kinda andI hated himonsight, knew my mum see upat coming uphillpushingmy bike,andI could I was him having a few bob. But … leopards don’t But…leopards bob. him having afew changetheir spots. Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ings like should have been getting better for getting better her, likeshouldhave ings been with orded it…Butshedidn’torded doingthat to be now seem 82 rmation. Th however, ornot, Rosie’s needed Whetherhewas 85 confi Whilethis event en, having described the details ofthe the details en,having described 83 At the sametime,however, herfather 81 rmation, ’cos there’. my father was

Rosie’srms of assessment rmation, inthe 84

ot to orts rst 86

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document in a deeply resonant phrase, ‘succumbed resonant phrase, to temptation’.in adeeply Insurance number, Rosie, apparent, to decline noother andwith reason had‘already workingtwoyears’,Rosie been shehadherNational glamour’, don’t youcome over?’. herto come over: ‘why sheasks Since ‘all about stories and with dancehalls, Rosie these mesmerising After ‘sothe phrase then’, inwhichRosie’s sister London. from Annereturns Rosie’s able, also herfather’s despite butshewas emigration, to return, a- Th wage. week aff that Blind, hermother, there, worked having whoalso found heraposition workingin the Institute for the been Industrious shehas inquestion years that the two during reveals whenRosie emerge later inthe interview to begin questions to these answers Partial excluded herstory? from compressof leaving timeinsuch away that are eff twoyears which‘tempted’question herinto goingto England. the whenhersister asks 14andhave twoyears worked already have been I’dcontradiction: ‘and workingtwoyears’. been already could Rosie not However, into the Rosie sentence to bring immediately seems following I couldn’t sixteen’.tence goover’till immediately subsequent: ‘well I was the word 14,given ‘until’ whenshewas inthe herjob, sen- she hadlost sister’s ‘why question don’t at the timewhen asked youcome over?’was Initially, her tosister suggest inhernarrative ofleaving. seems Rosie Th the twoevents. England, thereby any ofacausal linkbetween undermining suggestion for at anddeparting herjob the herleaving hospital between elapsed have working, hadbeen apparentinwhichRosie thatbecomes twoyears, Th at herjob the hospital. only14whensheleft 16,andshewas to be needed inorder to receiveaNational Insurance she number realises, Rosie as together, temporal animpression coincidence. oflinear However, giving are run events three goingto England: these Rosie coincidesturn with imply that Anne’s whichin herjob, leaving Rosie coincides return with Rosie’s presentation ofthisTh third phase. leave (her job). leave (herjob). overself- isprioritised her job: family to the decision interest, justifying ‘the other fuckin’ wouldn’t bastard there’, have been sheisforced to leave ‘to for there’ Rosie ‘important’ so for be herbrother given itwas Because us, when Rosie reveals that she’d reveals whenRosie us, ‘already workingtwoyears’, been it Rosie’s Andwhy does What inconsistencies narrative dothese signify? inconsistencies are apparent revealing in inspection, On closer was major! was Th I left. So confi Th is leaves the way open for the theof initiated isleaves by way action third open phase, orded her accommodation in addition to a ‘fantastic’ 30- 30- heraccommodationorded inadditionto a‘fantastic’ shilling- rmation.’ ‘IfI can’t have the AndI said, day off at was major! Wherever it came from I don’t from itcame major! Wherever at was know, butthat 87

us, not only was alackofemploymentin notafactor notonlywas us, is in turn prompts questions about the about role prompts isinturn ofRosie’s questions e phrase ‘so ephrase then’ to seems Narratives ofexit , I’llhave to leave!’ 88

ectively ectively 67 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document regarding events immediately preceding leaving for leaving England: immediately preceding regarding events diff then tells Rosie avery hermother onadailybasis. see 68 confl emotional withdeep inher life isthatof leaving isassociated this period inherinitialnarrative twoyears why bypasses Rosie reason One possible Rosie: Barry: ofthe moment ofdeparture: reconstruction biographical the other. todesire ‘succumb’ to the ‘temptations’ of‘dancehalls on andglamour’ to hermother onthe onehand,andacountervailing ofdevotion sense a shefelt between torn to leave herwill home,butbecause against ‘felt things’, about bad so driven being shewas notbecause itissuggested, ofself- images present inearlier insublimated form abnegation. Rosie life to desire inEngland,the pursueanindependent samedesire personal apparent itmakes anundisclosed accountpreferred because ofleaving Rosie’s from erased to be needs to hermother leaving, prior working near contemplate suicide.Th then that off I set forpaying anyway. itbythe week ’twas the …so next And,erm day there obviously, ’cos I,’cos ’cos itback, andtook the ladycame I was straight Didn’t. into Lee. to the leave River my home.I had bike Came in, oncycling got better, tempted to justcarry was youknow. I really to leave could wanted home,andthings have ever only I never, feel, to for me,andI began tonormal get started hadreally things ’Cos, that things. about bad straight I felt intomind to Lee. the cycle River the water’s my the …with crossed thing …anditalmost level almost by the busstation, stillthe sameplace, andwhenthe tidecomes in, inCork city homeonmy apart bikeandthereI remember was cycling ‘the madhouse’. Th Wayit. youknow, the to mental words, call hospital with used they to call references used the from matron they ofthe BlindAsylum, got even [T] I mecards, were allgiving they leaving was he night I stories I was hearing. And they bury them under the Must ground! bury Andthey hearing. I was stories … intins!’andallthese eatpotatoes even in England!Oh!Andthey ourAnne,’go with youknow, ‘Oh! thought, Th Inspite ofallthat I thought, ‘No,I’ll… I’ll [crying] and goingplaces. for the normal fi and I felt to gooff Andweused too. tomeinCork, livenear used pal- oflife. I was type a normal ofmine,who ing round afriend with bike.AndI’dbuy this lovely …I was new ofa, getting kind try started Th e full impact of this impact confl efull heronthe to night leading London herdeparture before ict, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life I managed to [quietly forget it. crying] Never forget it. I’ll never that youremember Do day, the day youleft? . 89 ey have a way with words in Cork. And[coughs] have words away with in Cork. ey

is event, like the fact that Rosie had a good job job that likethehadagood fact Rosie isevent, rst time in years, with the bike, friends, the with bike,friends, rst timeinyears, ict fi ict nally surfaces inRosie’s nallysurfaces auto- deeply ey love Irish people people loveIrish ey on our bikes, onourbikes, erent story story erent Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document confl of iscaught Rosie upinablizzard the day sherecalls ofleaving, As Rosie denies once denies moreRosie the to desire leave. Th the fi moment ofself- into notrecede the background; does realisation, the past confl side. Th fi the diminutive, solitary recalls Her sister absentthe from scene, itisat this that point poignantly Rosie Rosie’s absolutely broke’. was ‘heart rather beginnings, of loss than new whichreinterpret the scene the interms words oftheIn hearing song, England. Th with to andassociates femininity sheaspires sophisticated the modern, of femininity, that handbag symbolises the anew shipwith boarding say goodbye’. Th ‘the to the walking plank’ words ‘now isthe hourwemust handbag, the herfi shipwith is well boarding capturedinthe imageofRosie hearing’. Th all that’, to goto opts England,enticed by‘all Rosie I was stories these invokingbike’.again the imageofher‘lovely new However, ‘in spite of ‘normal’, the wayswere extract, inwhichthings becoming vious once inthe pre- as byrecalling, begins Rosie apart. kept nolongerbe self can ofthe parts where opposing desires, to another inanarrative ofwarring and sobbed like. and sobbed off ofchocolate, twobars set andthe these boat I,I had to me!’So onlysmall,shehadashawl onher,she was ‘Wave saying, andshewas towant leave her!I didn’t justsee, to want leave home.AndI could ever. …I didn’t to my mum goodbye [crying] waving I remember So She’d, she’d …He come must down have goneto the pub,orwhat- nextnext, thing I’d my mamonthe quay. was seen Onherown. goodbye.’ absolutely the broke. Anderm, was …my And,erm heart isthe hourwemust say songs: ‘Now allthese were singing and they youhadto goupthis plankonthe Innisfallen, andI … a handbag, I’d thisyou know, old handbag, had never delighted like.AndI got I thought, ‘Jesus!’ chocolate. Bigones. gave ofCadbury’s metwobars her, ’twas onefi But she’d meoff to see down …came I never, forgave nottous. ever herfor know pretended that. young, my father’s theacross us, roadfrom sister, whowhilewewere all my Auntie Anditwas in this little to live suitcase. Nellie whoused shoved was whatknows I’d I had butwhatever putinthe suitcase, come meoff out…come to to the see boat stuff war have been ict leaving represents for her. represents leaving ict At the departure, the scene ofthe new ofunderstanding onepole from veering emotionsandimpulses, icting gure of the mother returns, a searing symbol of guilt, love and loss. loveandloss. ofguilt, symbol asearing ofthegure mother returns, e scene now becomes a metaphor for the irresolvable emotional for ametaphor the irresolvable escene nowbecomes is vacillatory interplay between uncertainty andexcitement interplay between isvacillatory is new femininity, isnew however, uncertainty. with isembodied e image as a whole depicts Rosie crossing athreshold crossing Rosie awholedepicts eimageas …she to Erm singlefare. goonthe Innisfallen, fty 90

.S went over, my andagain, mum couldn’t I . So gure of her mother waving onthe ofhermother quay-gure waving at the boat, and I remember andI remember at the boat, e boat sets sail. sets eboat , because of him. So, Jesus ofhim.So, , because Narratives ofexit rst 69 , Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document at theorigin Disparity 70 of emigrant subjectivities, without necessarily being descriptive ofthem. descriptive being necessarily without subjectivities, of emigrant were implicated inthe constructions constitution howpopular shown also ithas experiences, andlived understandings popular between cies however, whilethe to chapter upthe endeavoured point discrepan- has experience to ofemigration post- Irish form England.Moreover,war substantiate EndaDelaney’sfurther contention that nouni- there was leave- emigrants’ accounts inthis theexamined chapter personal taking, illuminating theshaping andmotivations diversityofcircumstances greatly simplifi by Coogan culture. OntheIrish other hand,however, ofexile evoked the mythology intohome, orthroughtransmitted the they ‘British’ andvalues tastes post- sent remittances whetherthrough they the vast emigrants, war lution oftwentieth- of the agency upon depended society Irish century there remains the areluctance extent to acknowledge to whichthe evo- ofthe the post- against failures measured is typically state, independent For remainsgration salient. although Ireland’s success current economic Coogan’s concerning ofpost- point the cultural awkwardness emi- war a boy: whenhewas Laoghaire inDun mailboat’ shabby, set- their making way to ‘the horde’observed heregularly faced of‘the arecollection with diaspora ofthe Irish hishistory begins Coogan to the Referring post- generations of migrants. ‘exodus’,war Tim Pat exile toandinjustice highlight despair the suff shared of anaesthetics deploy typically emigration in interpretations ofIrish ofthis Representations moment maypredicated. be events subsequent moment explaining of whichthe to meaning leave the andupon decision narrative andadiscrete anddescent, lineage the anchorofashared the Insuchnarratives ‘homeland’ behind. constitutes of origin, apoint inthe place left begin typically journeys ofmigration histories Linear name … didanything for them. Th nobody people, those about talked Nobody haunting ofchildhood. memories for dead- oneofthe bypubandprejudice, punctuated was end jobs, uncomfortable, andonto vomit- Road those Marine ferries producing Wales, andthe sight ofthe shabby, set- down horde pouring faced for in Holyhead, where left ‘the Laoghaire mailboat’ Dun near lived always relatives wereclosest forced into unwillingI have emigration. ofmy generation, ofmy person othersome Irish every nearly Like It itistheofother isdisparity. dissension things. of their origin; isnottheWhat ofthings inviolable isfound identity at the beginning Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 92

the experiencees ofpost- By departure. war eirs was a fate that did not speak its afateits that eirswas didnotspeak ered bysuccessiveered 91

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document experiences could be understood’. couldexperiences be the shape way those …whichhelped into back laid byandfed fantasies were over- emigrants ‘the Irish ofindividual experiences putit, has for self- migrant possibilities the discursive ClairWillsunderstanding: as way, experience orunmediated emigrant inany direct butitdiddefi able constructions wereable diff constructions of both cases, however, isthat emotionalconfl cases, involved of both departure andshame. What istrue ofguilt feelings and exacerbated unresolved ofthe into played emigrant constructions negative other migrants, cessing the emotionaltensions refl the emotionalramifi managing ofand sense ofmaking ameans formed available ofdeparture narratives the to desire creative staylife investment shaped orleave, andmigrants’ in diff via engendered the emotionaldispositions case, Ineach children relations andthe ofthese impact inemotionalterms. intra- relations, thefamilial diff content the ofthe diff accounts andfunctions was plex ofaff forms pre- bymigrants’ conditioned heavily com- enmeshment within departure that is here thetheir narratives suggests emotionalityofdeparture leaving signifi incorporate ofhowmigrants reading close A ating the complex diffi and often rather, subject- these ofexpressing a means andnegoti- supplied positions it fi subject- onhowclosely based publicdiscourse within inscribed position It notthat circumstances. individuals was ofconfl matrix negotiation ofthe active migrants’ via mediated itself was this agency contestationdiscursive ofdominant ofnational narratives identity. But relations theto transformation both ofsocial inpost- Ireland andthewar inthat contributed theiranddesires actions inthis agents process, ical for the ofthenation- reimagining goals were histor- Migrants building. vehicles as ofthe where served emigrant images competing of departure, generated andamplifi contributed to ofexile, the itics replenishment butitalso ofanaesthetics implicated inthe contestation ofCatholic- nationalist hegemony. Th ofexit wherein debates politics around werewar emigration centrally of forced displacement simplifi ofpost- narratives ical Coogan’s suggest. emigration war story popular histor- as limited as were never fantasies bythese set sive possibilities Th epost- ofnational discourse inIrelandwar crisis didnotrefl Herein, avail- interacted with the ways inwhichmigrants ofpro- ameans availableprovided constructions instances, In some accounts here personal indicateWhat isthat migrants’ the discur- experience ofleave- their personal orresembled with tted taking; icting representations their actions helped produce. representations theirhelped icting actions ective relations. Inparticular, relations. ective what diff ed an internally divided discourse on the meanings onthe discourse meanings aninternally divided ed erentiated bythe specifi erent ways in which parents cared forerent their wayscared inwhichparents cations of those desires. desires. cations ofthose cult emotions associated with departure. withdeparture. emotionsassociated cult andoverlayses post- amore dynamic 93

for evoked; leaving upon ections consciously selected a particular aparticular consciously selected erent experiences of family erent offamily experiences Narratives ofexit erential characterof erentiated the form, cant others within city ofpersonal ect the ect is pol- ict, ict, ne 71 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 10 0 1 Home’, Exiles the ‘Call O’Donnell, in Peadar quoted 9 Kilkenny, Carlow- for TD Labour Norton, William 8 N. Green , ‘Th ‘ , n e e r G . N 2 Notes them. resolve to manageand evolve migrants strategies andthe memory departure of the about emotionallegacies reveal inwhat too they itlies gration; tellthus the can notonlyinwhat usabout causation lies they ofemi- confl these just as bywhollyrational Inturn, considerations. rather governed than being 72 7 ClannnaTalmhanPatrick Cogan, TDfor Wicklow, in quoted 1 John Moher, Fiannain quoted Fail TDfor Cork East, Tkn rm E Dlny ‘Sae Pltc ad Demography: Th and Politics ‘State, Delaney , E. from Taken 6 5 vary.Estimates According the during to Delaney, 150,000departed some O Ieads utr o ‘xl’ e . ilr Miller , K. see ‘exile’ of culture Ireland’s On 4 3 In Patrick Fitzgerald’s Ireland men andwomenleft estimate 8 million some personal eff personal of one’s implicated inongoingemotionaladaption isdirectly to the past sent self continues the path to where evaluate taken, the interpretation autobiographical: leaving inrelationdeeply isanevent to whichthe pre- ofthe that experience are often indeparture involved recollections narrative, suchare the each within emotionalstakes cance ofleaving could refl continued to exercise acomplex infl Reports 1948– Commission onEmigration Problems Population and Other 1954 XCIX, 7March 1946,col. 2152. Snr,O’Higgins Fine Gael TDfor Leix- Off Deb. 1920– Ireland, 73 Daly , M. also 1. See ch. Emigration and Post-Are Leaving: War Irish Culture CXLVIII, No.3,16February 1955. constituted ‘the best’ inpost- constituted ‘the best’ culture, see Irish war Deb C. 17. 12–13, Wills 2007), ( Oxford , , left between 1946 and 1971. See 1946and1971.See between left E. WorldSecond War that suggest scholars alone,whilesome around 1.3 million Delaney , 1921– 71’, Emigration, Emigration and IrishWriting America toNorth and theIrish Exodus of Modern History ewe 10 ad 91 Se P Ftgrl , Fitzgerald , P. See 1. 1921. 1984), , ( Dublin and 1801 between Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ., CIV, ofwhat 12 March meanings 1947,col. 1950.Onthe variable , XCIX, 8May 1946,cols 2381– 2382. ect upon these experiences. Whatever the particular signifi the Whatever particular experiences. these upon ect [1955]),138. (Dublin Th ofmigration. ects e Politics of Exit: Reversing the Paradigm Immigration ePolitics ofExit: Reversing ’, icts shaped experiences of leaving at ofleaving thethey experiences time,so shaped icts aio, I, 2006). , WI (Madison, 7 05) 266. (2005), 77 Irish Political Studies Th eSlowFailure: Popu uln, 2002). , (Dublin e importance of narratives of leaving ofleaving ofnarratives eimportance respondent uence overhoweach e Yr 95); P Wr , Ward , P. 1985); York , (New aly, in quoted Th 1 98) 26. (1998), 13:1 e Bell lation Decline Decline lation mgat n xls Ireland Emigrants and Exiles: Th Irish Emigration 1801– 1921 eIrishin Post- War Britain 9:5(1945),383;DrT. F. abig 2015), , (Cambridge l Éien Deb Éireann áil D l Éien Deb Éireann áil D and Independent e Case of Irish ofIrish eCase D á il É ireann Éireann áil D D á il É ireann Éireann áil D Th e Best Best e Journal Exile, - ., ., ,

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 4 O te ore o ti mdriig icus se T Fn , Finn , T. see discourse modernising this of sources the On 41 Editor: Emigration’, the to ‘Letters 40 39 for example, B.MacMahon,‘Getting ontheAgain’,See, HighRoad 207, 3 ‘evn o Tedy …’, Tuesday on ‘Leaving 38 in quoted Meath- Westmeath, for TD Gael Fine Giles, Patrick Captain 11 3 Sntr eea ocno, ina al qoe i in quoted Fail, Fianna Concannon, Helena of Senator ‘Americanisation’ 37 the and emigration between relationship the On 36 in Women for Change and Emigration Going: Female of Fond Too ‘ Clear , C. in Work 35 Feminist Family: Recent the and Domesticity Women, ‘ Wills , C. See 34 3. Ibid., 33 2. Ibid., 32 1. Ibid., 4. 1929) PI/SA/ 10, 1985). 31 Mayo, Ltd, (b. Publishing Walsh (Waltons Aileen Athenry’ of 30 ‘Fields John, St Pete 29 Off Leix- for TD Independent J. Flanagan, O. 13 in quoted Culhane Fr 12 28 , s l l i W . C 8 2 5. Ibid., 27 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 25 4. Ibid., 24 3. Ibid., 23 4. Ibid., 2. 1927) PI/SA/5, 22 Galway, (b. Grady Brenda 21 Fitzpatrick, 20 19 , s i l g n I . T 9 1 Th ‘ O’Toole , F. 18 öll, B H. 17 (ed.), ‘Th O’Brien Green, J. 16 in Irish ’, the among ‘Love O’Faolain , S. 15 4 1 144– 145. ‘Muted Wedding Norris, Bells’,and K. inO’Brien, both XXXIX, No.16,4JulyXXXIX, 1951. War Deb Éireann rs clue e . eny , M ODw n . hln Whelan , B. and 2013 O’Dowd ) , chs3and4. M. Meaney , in Cultural 1714– Encounter and Exchange, Woman: Studies G. 1960 see culture Irish (eds), Quinlan C. and O’Shea F. in the 1950s Decade: Ireland , Keogh D. in 1946–1961’, Ireland, CulturalIrish Studies ’, Debate and Formulation Policy inDebate 1954– Ireland, 1975 uln, 19 , 187 –214. 1993), , ( Dublin Emigration and Irish Identities (ed.), Laughlin 112. 1954), , ( London Commission onEmigration Deb Éireann TDfor Monaghan, Dillon,Independent 12 July 1945,col. 2411;J. M. odn, 20 319–320. 2008), , (London Irish Journal ePolitics ofExit’, 266. Th oa oooy Th Moral Monopoly: at Neutral Island: A History ofIreland during World History theSecond atNeutral Island: A Irish Emigration 2July., CI, 1946,col. 70. 12July 1945,col.., XCVII, 2422. e Ex- e Ex- Culture andIrish Emigration Isle ofErin: ’, in J. Mac Location and Dislocation in Contemporary Irish Society: Irish Society: in Contemporary and Dislocation Location vntn I 97) 4. 1957), , IL (Evanston, Sligo Champion Cultural Studies Tuam Herald , 138. , , 9 0 37–42. 29–30, , ok, 20 , 142 –156. 2004), , (Cork e Catholic Churche Catholic in Modern Irish History ok, 19 , 158–178. 1997), , (Cork Irish Times 1951. , 29December , 16August 1952. 1 01) 3– 5 51. 33–57, (2001), 15:1 aly, 1951. , 11September l Éien Deb Éireann áil D Narratives ofexit end Éien Deb É ireann Seanad acetr 2012), (Manchester, Tuarim: Intellectual Th Th e Vanishing e Irish e Vanishing e Irish Reading theIrish ( Oxford , , Oxford ( ., XCVII, XCVII, ., Th e Lost D á il D á il 73 ., ,

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 5 Paa OCnel ‘Emigration’, O’Connell, Peadar 58 Ireland57 ’, Post- Famine deValera, in“absoluteEamon Living in,‘Emigrants degradation” quoted in in , Gráda Ó Identity56 C. Butler,Bernard Fianna Fail Townships, TDfor Dublin from and in quoted Taken Ideology 55 ‘Emigration, Miller , K. 54 7–8. Ibid., 53 5. Ibid., 52 9. Ibid., 51 1. Ibid., , y 50 l a Duff e Bill H 49 . J 8 4 137 Ibid., 47 6 4 6 Pu Qin b Gla, 98 I A , 1. 1938) PI/SA/9, Galway, (b. Quinn Paul 68 10. Ibid., 67 9. Ibid., 66 8. Ibid., 65 , Stevenson L. R. , t 64 r a w E . H 3 6 6 Rv D Lcy ‘aihn Nto’ Nation’, ‘Vanishing Lucey, in Dr quoted Rev. Meath- Westmeath, for 62 TD Gael Fine Giles, Patrick Captain 61 6 Rv D Drg qoe i ‘rs Yuh od o’ Eirt’ Emigrate’, Told: Don’t Youth ‘Irish in quoted Durig, Dr Rev. 60 45 , g r e b s n e r A . C 5 4 Duff Bill 44 74 4 Se fr xml, ’ali, Lv aog h Irish’ the among ‘Love O’Faolain, example, for See, 42 5 ‘rs Wres n nln Dgae’ Degraded’, England in Workers ‘Irish 59 4 . cur , il u Pol Cm Hm?’ Home? ’, Come People Our Will ‘ McGuire , V. 43 parts ofBritain’,parts Deb 212. 1997), ( Manchester , Review Irish Quarterly Studies: An Commission onEmigration 1940– 1972 ua Dpplto , Depopulation ’, ‘ Rural Deb Éireann August 1950. August 1951. Tribune Press England’, 1951; ‘Th Independent the Editor’, Irish Independent for So Long? for So , Garvin T. also, 5. See ch. esp. Sleep inOneRoom’,Sleep ValeraDe Affi Will1951; ‘When It End?’, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 12July 1945,col.., XCVII, 2430. , 31August 1951;‘Grim onPlight Revelations ofEmigrants’, y (b. Roscommon, 1951) PI/ Roscommon, y (b. SA/ 4, 2. y (b. Roscommon, 1951) PI/ Roscommon, y (b. SA/ 4, 1. 1951; ‘Warning, 1September to Workers’, eWorkers Controversy’, inBritain No One Shouted Stop!Th No One Irish Examiner Caring for Migrants: Policy Responses toIrish forMigrants: Policy MigrationCaring Responses toEngland, iepo 07), h 1. ch. 2017), , (Liverpool Irish Independent odn, 2004). , (London 1951;‘Th , 9September ., CV, 9May 1947,cols 2540– 2541. HisCharges’,rms Th eIrish Countryman Irish Times Shall I Emigrate? to Workers 1951;‘Irish , 3September inEngland: Letters Irish Monthly Irish Examiner , 31August 1951;‘Th A RockyRoad: Th Donegal News Donegal , 135. , , 30August 1951. 1951;‘Letter to the Editor’,, 4September Preventing theFuture: Was Why Preventing Ireland Poor So Irish Independent e Death of an Irish Town eDeath Irish Independent uln 16 , 3. 1965), (Dublin, 5:30 (18 , 525. (1986), 75:300 , 7 4 Dcme 91) 514–517. 1951 ), (December 79:942 Southern Star Southern eExodus’, e ok, 13 , 145. 1937), (New York , Irish Independent , 30AugustWorkers 1951;‘Irish in 1951. , 8September eIrish Economy since the1920s Th e Emigrants inEngland’, eEmigrants Munster Express e Bell Irish Examiner 1951;‘Letters’,, 1September , My 92 . Connolly , M. 1952; May 3 , , , 31August 1951;‘Fifteen 105–116. 1 96) 723–724. (1946), 11:2 , 30August 1951;‘Mr Evening Herald cil, 16 , 44. 1968), (Achill , , 7September Irish Press , 6September D á il É ireann Éireann áil D Connacht Irish Irish Irish Irish D á il , 30 , , 15 ,

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 93 Wills, , s , l n l a i W g o o 3 C 9 P. . T 2 9 (ed.), Rabinow P. ’, in History Genealogy, ‘Nietzsche, Foucault , M. 91 12. Ibid., 90 14. Ibid., 89 11. Ibid., 88 12. Ibid., 87 11. Ibid., 86 Ibid. 85 Ibid. 84 Ibid. 83 10. Ibid., 82 9. Ibid., 81 8. Ibid., 80 Ibid. 79 5. Ibid., 78 2. Ibid., 77 3. Ibid., 76 2. 1. Ibid., 1938) PI/SA/8, Cork, 75 (b. Long Rosie 74 6. Ibid., 73 4. Ibid., 3. 1938) PI/SA/9, Galway, 72 (b. Quinn Paul Education ’, 71 in Revolution ‘ A , Basil Fr 70 2. Ibid., 69 ( London , 2000 ) , ix. ix. 2000), , ( London Reader 140–145. Th odn, 19 , 79. 1991), , (London e Best Are Leaving eBest hrvrGeni on Th Worn: Green is Wherever , 10. , Irish Monthly e Story oftheIrish Diaspora e Story Narratives ofexit 8 6 Arl 1954), (April 83:968 Th e Foucault 75

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document begins to remember that: begins draw herinto conversation day tedious Elizabeth room, inthe barracks eff at MrsCasey’s frustration with andsimmering bored point, At London. to one timeandagain wartime herback of herlife, leading herdays spends refl had always craved, Elizabeth she the lacking intimacy the andmother amarriage ofwife roles within Confi sergeant. police the local to marry ofherchildhood village small rural 2 years when the station had been the scene of youthful leave- the leave- scene ofyouthful whenthe stationyears hadbeen takings: into Westlandation, the trainjourney Rowthrows to hermindback the travelling herhusband with into to have Dublin alife- threatening oper- cancerandis shehas discovered has At Elizabeth after another moment, the central characterinJohnMcGahern’s the anurse war, during as workinginLondon After Reegan, Elizabeth femininities Liminal in the post- Englishcity war dis/ composure femininities of migrant In- andthe places: liminality between taking of cases off ofcases taking Th andwinter dark. the countryside inandoutof came Christmas toafter herback London train taking How to the glowinthe ofthis lights night cityused whenthe little boat oneofthem, buthe’d was the timewhen shetoo to care listen. never she’dMass itgave herback them toabout to want always talk Reegan; andcuriosity,her envy much that so so whenshe’d come homefrom at Easter,to Communion, especially to excite whenmany itused came; to lovewatching the homefrom cityparade theShe used younggirls ned now to the undeviating daily rhythms of the barracks, andto dailyrhythms ofthe nowto barracks, the undeviating ned the racks and the scramble across the across and theplatform scramble to the get racks 76 eputting- on ofovercoats andthe Th e Barracks ecting upon the events the events upon ecting to, returns the orts to orts 1

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Chambers puts it thus: puts Chambers Iain the contradictions onwhichidentityplaces destabilised isbased. context culturesand inwhichadaption to the transitionbetween an ‘escape buta oranextension obligations, patriarchy’ from ofits independence. independence. aroute as to emigration andgreater material betterment presents migration: for told narrative coherence,the about within stories need registered Th Alistair As acontexttion as patriarchal culture’ inwhich‘Irish dichotomy. byasharp are structured migra- portray writers Whilesome women’s representations ofIrish Historiographical to migration Britain signalling women’ssignalling ‘enduring ethnicaffi in competing constructions offemininity. constructions in competing byconfl formation, riven adivided as force, centrally subjectivity ofgendered implicated inthe production power, agenerative butas constraint, anexternally notas imposed women’s accounts. and‘familial obligation’ within coexisted dence of‘individual agency’ ofempowerment: evi- on issues perspective asingular rarely disclosed women’s to migration twentieth- England,women’scentury narratives inherstudiesofIrish observed Ryan has Louise As selfhood. gendered conceptionambivalent mobility, ofthe relation between and power to diff at diff things, butallthese loss, andfamilial ness city isneither andself- aplace ofindependence realisation, norofloneli- refl neitherand theafi cityhas however, Reegan, family, theElizabeth relation between emigration the confl upon ections the world. inthe wombandthe home,youhavehide for ever toout get face the shehadwept fi as weeping, on the trainthat girls Always went eight outto the the miles last boat. a process of acute disjuncture, presents both an urgent need for, anurgent both ofacutedisjuncture,a process presents need and [T] he experience which bydefi ofmigration, present. and aheterogeneous inheritance ical ascatteredhistor-self at between homeinaninterminable discussion identity, tochallenged makeher- required the strangerisperpetually off Cut Following JohnMcGahern’s this amore chapter lead, develops erent situations. the from homelands aconstantly oftradition,experiencing 2

omson observes, this ‘discussion’ observes, omson engendersapressing 5 Within JohnMcGahern’s ofthe innerlife of portrayal 6 Pushingthis tension further, this chapter conceives ofthe youngerself, the desires English icting Inher meaning. xed norstraightforward rst time too, hard to know you cannot hard toyoucannot rst timetoo, know liation’, emotionalinvestmentsicting 7 only never was Migration nition is centred around 8

4 In-between places In-between erent times, inrelation erent times, narrative anopposing 3 was reproduced, reproduced, was 77 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 25, arrived in Britain each year between 1946and1961. between year each in Britain 25, arrived around 30,000ofwhom,the single andunder majority female migrants, for Irish opportunities new note, suchconditions opened and Lambkin inwomen’s moments only realisable at particular Fitzgerald As life cycle. continued to expand inthe post- were generally ifthese even period war for female that work 1945,ensuring after opportunities in the decades that the forced state into wouldbe continued reliance onfemale labour Yet the within post- the demandfor ‘manpower’ suchwas economy war posure’ implicated intheir managementposure’ andreconciliation. 78 identifi of‘becoming’,process illuminating the confl the chapter off of autonomous selfhood, whichwomen‘achieve’ that asense via isaprocess migration suggests coherently constituted subject- Chamberlain Where Mary positions. inthe ‘in- spaces are produced subjectivities migrant gendered between’ representation ofthis interstitial moment to explore the ways inwhich Th married. yet neither are they longer house- ofparents, underthe supervision daughters,living bound are no they inthe life cycle: while phases women are caught between the It environment. intheir liminalbecause new isalso roots’ down theirhave homeland, ‘put they notyet have they departed places: while the womenare caught andsettlementbetween isliminalbecause arrival women.Th ofthree thewithin journeys migration moment of‘liminality’ onakey focusing the settlement early process, Th and over 22 per centand over22per in‘professions’. cent in‘commerce’, over5per with employed cent work 9per inclerical cent60 per were 20diff across spread England andWales in1951,over service’ were stillworking in‘personal cent although over30per the ofIrish- census, workingwomenin born the transformation predicted by some contemporaries during the contemporaries war. during bysome the transformation predicted In post- WorldSecond War women’s Britain didnotundergo position story Redemption andconfl discourses the unstable andincomplete ofcompeting as product subjectivities what emerges isanaccount ofthe re/ migrant formation ofgendered ofpatriarchy, orreproduction the narrative about rejection of alinear is chapter explores the construction of gendered subjectivities within within ischapter explores subjectivities ofgendered the construction stories, a past we can liveby. wecan apast stories, diffi particular Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life through of‘com- andthecation migration produced strategies culties in, the construction ofcoherent in,the construction culties identities andlife ictual ictual desires. 9

echapter women’s analyses ambivalent 13

erent ofemployment, categories ers asnapshot ofthe diffi icting forms of gendered re/ ofgendered forms icting is early period of is earlyperiod 12 codn to According 10 Instead Instead cult cult 11

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document upon the behind: placeupon left of‘disappointment’, repeatedly spoke ofarrival ories incitingrefl Brenda’s ofleaving, inherstory well ofalienation. as As feelings mem- ofherexternal environment that intimated interior ofaspects depictions indirectly,audible, emerged these through well as sighsandsilences as ever, inBrenda’s the familiar didnotevoke although stopping memories; goingto work for were shewas thenfamily onholiday. Rural Wales, how- Wales, inrural Lymm, where this the a period involved children ofthe upresidence in taking actually before indemand.Inhercase, then most where femalewas labour liable directed to be ment shewas scheme, of a centrally recruit- labour part organised Brenda as migrated Because recruitment scheme. recruitment ofagovernment labour part as order service toupwork take indomestic remunerated, to inJuly Lymm 19,shemigrated 1946,aged inCheshire in work’, andpoorly were limited employment opportunities butsince local enabling herto ‘go into afarmhouse’. such,Brenda ‘hadto As gooutto Brenda’s unavailable,proved as dowry, the family oldersister received ontheto land.Th emulate hermother andmarry adesire that Galway Brenda herlife with tent sheharboured inrural was con- so uponherfamily’s Indeed, growing smallfarm. childhood frugal third- if a‘happy’ Brenda emphasised siblings, ofsix inafamily born in1927Co. Galway, settlement ofearly inEngland.Born ories the chapter, inthe whomwemet last which Brenda, gave to form hermem- within itdidnotsupplyaframework the period, during such aview Yet,material O’Faolain betterment. promoted Sean suchas ifliberals and freedoms of ‘traditional’ life personal infavour ofenhanced rural into the post- entry their rejection marketsignalled labour British war women’s youngIrish transition,forgraphic many observers Irish mass object of personal desire. desire. ofpersonal object ofdutyrather aform as than an understood thatsuggesting was leaving others, offamilial anddesires this constantly to back the referred needs that to of go’ she‘wanted shegave insupport to England,the reasons Although Brenda affi ofloss. feelings cess hinted at suppressed place more beautiful than that, which I did, I was a bit disappointed. a bitdisappointed. than whichI did,I was that, place more beautiful said I’d that at andthe this, other a andwell, looking I just often left were tellingand they mehowlovelyso Wales andstopping every was were inWales them, they after looking cial Matron was onholidays … the war, this andallthat, werespe- goingto Grammarschool andthey upthere during was were children, they …they after over here to look really, Wales, because abitdisappointed itwas wecame Well I was undergoing demo- itself was at society atimewhenIrish Occurring Brenda’s to freedom, ofescape ofastory Instead account ofthis pro- 14

15 To the extent Brenda’s were feelings personal In-between places In-between isoption,however, ections ections rmed 16

79 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document immediately after. and inorder to facilitate rapid movement wartime labour during funded whichthe state to pay hertravelhad back obliged contract costs, shewas ornot sent where shewas she liked state. ofthe British And,whether needs bythe recruitment determined were largely for andthewho sheworked work performed sheactually Where to,sion to Brenda leave itself. migrated orthe process migration controlnomic situation, limited sheultimately overthe deci- hadvery may have to ‘wanted’ goto Englandinorder to aidherfamily’s eco- Brenda notthe reticently ‘settling’issue.AlthoughAs Brenda was states, Barry: voluminous narration: Brenda’s encounters early ‘Englishpeople’, with for example, didnotelicit to theregarding context linked dissatisfactions Questions ofarrival. hint also at other they points, at hadtocertain place leave, but, shehas than that.’a place more beautiful to confi this behind, onlyserved left atto the look Welsh backwards- provoked scenery glancing at the place 80 tive to the new employment opportunities opening for youngwomen opening employmenttive to opportunities the new to the unattractive 1945dueinpart nature after ofthe workdecades rela- inthe inBritain went into decline steep inIreland, service domestic As to. As she reveals a little further on,heremployers alittle were ‘quite further shereveals to. As strict’: sent for fondness the place shewas nospecial sheretained infact, that, Brenda: Barry: Brenda: Barry: Brenda: Barry: Brenda: Th Brenda’s evoke Such memories continuing the with emotionalties off let that was the andthencleaners came, this littlegirls ofIrish group to come into and dothe cleaning supposed aladywhowas there was well, youknow, andinfact down the they’d walls youto wash expect Th [laughs]. them.about impressions ofthem? e people where I worked inthen andhard were work quite as where strict I worked epeople emuted characterofBrenda’s to my insinuates questions responses and we had to do it. andwehadto doit. Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life What were yourfi what the about Englishpeople? So S yu a to? had you So Was to settle, whenyoufi iteasy say? to nothing Never Well, youhadto, youhadto … Well youcouldn’t itwasn’t ofsettling, acase for goback ayear [pause]. no no, No, Th ey were alright, I never … I never …gotanything to say never …I never I were alright, ey 18

rm Brenda’srm ‘disappointment’: ‘I’d left , she ‘had to’ stay: if shebroke her , she‘hadto’ stay: if rst arrived? 17

rst Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document of the innercity. Hill,then aworking- Cheetham boundary onthe northern district class in based herbalist ofwork atto the the possibility home ofamedical her situation at Lymm, through ofreticence, conveyed alanguage to inthe tone ofBrenda’sa shift to stoic narrative, from endure resolve Th ‘keen’ then staying. where onthebeen shewas digs of herown’, having not place into ofwork, Brenda moved hernew at woman’ the herbalist’s, nice by‘a Jewish ‘no with run family very wards to Manchester: wards andeast- settlement the narrative forwards inEngland,Brenda moved aidingher ineventually important what about was narrative. Asked this arc ofdescent didhave inBrenda’s point aturning pre- marriage the exploitative ofheremployment circumstances inLymm. However, and herfamily leaving with muted expressions ofunhappiness associated to childhood ofanidyllicrural happy from recollections adecline, depicts one‘hadto’ something as endure. Th experienced withcompulsion tacitlyandunfairness, associated cess was inthe Ireland,pro- migration liketheofleaving thisthat, process phase possibilities opened inthe post- opened possibilities market. labour war alternative as womenwere evacuating whichBritish inasector vacancies hold. Young to fi Brenda were womensuchas thus recruited being ofthe house- andmembers employees status as servants’ dence confused ofthe way the overlapping because ofplaces ofwork andresi- servants ‘strict’,were particularly could monitor andregulate the of behaviour ifthey since employers, freedoms ofpersonal the with loss associated living- arduous, remunerated andcharacteristically frequently in was by aprivate landlady. Manchester,nearby upresidence where sheinitiallytook in‘digs’ run July 1947.Th inLymm, hometo Ireland Brenda for returned servant aholiday in within the labour market during the period. the period. themarketduring within labour Brenda’s ofherfi references aspects to these Following the completion ofherone- adomestic contract year as here … band, inManchester my quite happy hus- inManchester, where I met andthat was I was day quite to anice andthat dothe place cleaning … anditwas …so her, inwith coming agirl inevery there I lived was onmy digs, keen andI wasn’t onherown, herliving butwith to liveindigs and I used andI was areceptionist ofherown, to me,shehadnofamily good very …andshewas herbalist amedical womanthat was nice Jewish a very there andI worked andallthat, are places to for go,socialising because Well, into …wefi Manchester whenI came ereafter, to ofreturning instead Lymm, into Brenda moved 23 areceptionist upemployment as taking after Soon 22 her alerted here, oneofherfriends Whileliving 21

is section ofhernarrative thus is section rst came intorst came Manchester 19 rst job inEnglandindicaterst job poorly being well as As In-between places In-between 20

ismovemarked 81 ll Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Manchester off Manchester together intoelled Warrington nearby for out, nights andAltrincham husband. Although Brenda andherco- workers inLymm trav- hadoften her to meeting weshallsee, for and,as ‘socialising’ possibilities to new ofBrenda’s inthis discernible phase tonal shift related also narrative was thefrom ‘girl day to dothe cleaning’. coming in every onthe astepupwards employmentmarked ladder, her distinguishing exploitative arduous, andlow- been areceptionist workingas status, at job the herbalist’s.her new Where Brenda’s had adomestic work as to at homeinIreland. used Inaddition,Brendapreferred also had been at the herbalist’s she dynamics the familial resembling more generallyas asurrogate daughteras situation employer to herchildless andhernew ofherown’ for ‘hadnofamily she worked intimates that shesaw herself woman’ nice Jewish that through, the herrecollection ‘very passing was characterofthe the environments impersonal she emphasised narratives whereemotional relationship Brenda’s place. with Indeed, earlier amuch stronger employerworking environment suggests andhernew fi herliving- ofleaving, ofherexperiences depiction atin job Lymm andher placeemployment ofwork at andresidence. hernew Incontrast to her inciting aproliferation indancingvenues in a‘craze’ ofcommercialburgeoning encompassed forms for dancing, this cinema attendance fashions, andthe popular consumption ofnew viding migrants like Brenda with opportunities for ‘socialising’ with other for with ‘socialising’ likeBrenda opportunities with migrants viding dance ofIrish venue, kinds pro- invarious were by agrowth augmented In the post- the ofvenues wouldcontinue number and to period rise war in Manchester’. quite happy quite anice place …I was was …so relative happiness: ‘it 82 which cushioned the eff which cushioned the existence sector was manufacturing ofalarge anddeveloping tury Manchester’s ofthe twentieth cen- the economy middledecades during of for the relative oneofthe reasons noted, buoyancy AlanKiddhas As commercial leisure culture the within city. economy,local the emergence whichheralded anevent ofayouth- based singlewage- the advent ofthe work young, was clerical the within earner and retail suchas andother areas in‘light of this industry’ growth ollary inManchester, rst digs hernew to describe Brenda theuses language place ofemployment andresidence, hernew the liking well as As Th piles of Irish dance halls. dance ofIrish halls. piles the universityandaround and near that piles a lotdown there area was to hallsattached the church parochial was …some andthenerm they Well to godancin’, weused dances here, there to orthere be was used is shift appears to be linked to various aspects ofherconditions of aspects to various linked to be appears isshift Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ered much greater opportunities for dancing: muchered greater opportunities ects of the decline ofthe textile ofthe decline industry.ects 24

26 rates of growing well as As various parts ofthe city. parts various 25 - r o c A 27

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Involving the activities of parish priests and Catholic welfare workers, andCatholic welfare workers, priests ofparish Involving the activities and rising affl and rising the eff anxiousabout combined was navigate the moraldangersofEnglishculture at atimewhenthe Church ability to migrants’ concerns expressed overrural repeatedly observers to expand bythe numbers an opportunity Church inEngland,Catholic While the post- infl war parish: one’s sought within shouldbe leisure itself, andindeed Such advice, local serious, according to Garrigan, was ‘loneliness’, was according to Garrigan, serious, because: tion ofthe Catholic community inthe city. Catholic culture inManchester, related their to function the preserva- ‘cultures ofadjustment’. migrant termed has ofwhat EndaDelaney part formed simultaneously ofcommercial inaform leisure participation that represented spaces such,Brenda’s cityofresidence. As intheir new people Irish ofsuch use unrest as well as resentment well at as as unrest the ofsociety’. restraints inEnglandat atimeof‘much arriving moral girls’ ‘youngIrish facing Centre, Rest acomprehensiveLondon outlined listofpotential pitfalls Rex ‘An in Girlsto Letter to about Emigrate’ Irish published Open migrants were likely tomigrants encounter environments. inEnglishurban ‘diffi the against myriad warning ofreligious aform andnational duty,their as spaces leisure timeinthese to spend youngmigrants advised EnglandandIrelandboth repeatedly workers in andCatholic social clerics the 1940s, during to rise began are feeling a long way from home I do assure you. are alongwayhomeI doassure feeling from Th it. join do Ifso, that district. too there Clubinyournew mayasuitable Irish be mention …I should welcome afriend will youas your Englishparish andoffi in Ireland.yourmedal Bring attend Do yourecreation. them.give You are achildofMary perhaps Th judge ofthe matter. entering – seen acter wouldbe able tothe ofthose to get advice try so anddancehalls – are dancehalls, char- ofthem ofgood some nogirl there isadancehall thing for inthe thatyou.Th town itisthe very than none – Oh,anddon’t and that way trouble lies. think because [I] f youare lonely youare likely to accept Additionally, however, ofapre- werepart suchspaces also established Wartime Garrigan, Welfare in1949,OliveMary at the Adviser e socials and dances run by the Parish Church bythe Parish to anddances run whichyoucome will esocials e sound ofyournative esound accents comforting whenyou ismost theuence cohesion ofworking- upon life. class Catholic 32

28 ux of Irish migrants was sometimes viewed as as viewed sometimes was migrants ofIrish ux

anddangers’youngCatholic culties ce book with you.Th with ce book suburbanisation ofwelfarism, ects 29 to migration Britain Irish As any companionship rather In-between places In-between 33

31 Oneofthe most e Sodality in eSodality Christus Christus ere 30 In 83 34

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document anxieties accumulated around issues of sex and marriage. accumulated ofsex aroundanxieties andmarriage. issues ‘well- as viewed inexperienced’, andpainfully intentioned, homesick, whomobservers offemale migrants, Inthe case success. of migration version adistinctive onhowto achieve migrants but that instructed also life culture, inamaterialistic urban the dangersofeveryday emphasised post- which discourse ofaregulatory the object formed migrants war andthe Young ofMary the Legion lay suchas groups Workers, Christian 84 Brenda: Barry: curfew: astrict imposed example, fi shedidnot‘see’ activities these that andfi drinking employer’s Although Brenda knew commitment to moralsupervision. her inparticular stressing this within construct, embedded prescriptions Brenda sought inconformity the to with present heryoungself as story the ‘good emigrant’. girl ofher settlement Inhernarrative ofthis phase of construct to disseminate aregulatory was functions one ofwhose erating Catholic revenue, dance venues were ofmoralregulation, sites bythe Church away ofgen- ofleisure, sites used as being well as As Brenda: Barry: gious observances and practices. andpractices. observances gious herreli- shemaintained inrelation whileensuring times to suchdangers, ‘miscegenation’. Th of pre- contraception, sex, fl marital ofthe dangers warned tracts andprescriptive inwelfare reports stories respect was securing ‘suitable’ securing employment: was respect on afi indeciding taken must But care be byhelpingvice mothers offamilies. ser- work doingagreat ofChristian be will young children, andthey where welcomedthere inhomes are ofthem.girls are Particularly need great andthere isvery work, domestic orto nurses undertake as trained are coming here either most, to be I believe indeed, Many girls, Irish lot of it, no. lot ofit, out late inat wehadto 11orhalf- so be and…wedidn’televen a see well … on as acondition ofyouremployment. as stood anddiffi embarrassment save this will you to attend regularly; free youto mass be of allowing employerto makesure appreciates that the necessity the prospective Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life there that much drinking And was went on? Ad i yu e ay fi any see you did And to goonandthe fi used the drinking yes, Erm No, no,I didn’t, I didn’t weweren’t …because see to be allowed rst placefi …Before 38

e good female emigrantwouldexercise egood at vigilance all at the dancehallsghting occurred sheattended, for under- be anditwill youarrive, after culty nally agreeing to take a position it is wise itiswise toaposition take nally agreeing ghts yourself? 36 inthis crucial stressed, Garrigan As ‘non- with irtations and Catholics’ rsthand because heremployer rsthand because 37

ghting used toghting go used 35 Cautionary Cautionary Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document should take. A 1953 tract bythe A 1953tract Catholic Truthshould take. explained that: Society the marriage about form ment instructions inEngland, andgave precise the ultimate as ofsettle- andfamily goals Catholic marriage presented closely with the wider aims of social reconstruction inEngland, which reconstruction aims ofsocial the with wider closely it’s sanctifi diff Catholic’.good the stressed Andalthough repeatedly suchdiscourse ‘a married they to longas settle inEngland,so migrants encouraged the land’ andconstantly English culture, itnevertheless denigrated Although Catholic lamented the discourse post- ‘fl Irish war ‘confi England. A eff the most and the within creationCatholic Church ofafamily ultimately as to to return Ireland marriage at opportunity, the earliest butviewed a suitable futurehusband. Catholic didnotcounsel discourse emigrants meet are the these inwhichshewill spaces Catholic dancehalls because sheattends Irish tive orsegregative; church andfrequents regularly Yet fi the ideal cially ifthere are children.’ fi more easily they marriage them. After whounderstand sort, among their own anxiousto be are very [migrants] centre Irish London staff of anew for the committee, creation argued priests’ parish byaLondon produced employer sheattended mass: ensured Brenda’sAnd although employersintheir some obligations, were lax erences between English and Irish attitudes andfamily, EnglishandIrish to marriage erences between will make the best wife andmother. wife makethe best will Th happy, to be ifhe wants hewill, orcharm; appearance judgewhichgirl Advice letters manuals thus inCatholic andprescriptive journals will want to marry not only a Catholic but a good Catholic. Catholic. notonlyaCatholic butagood to want marry will Each hardworking andfaithful. husband be andfather whowill good a want shewill words; orsweet money byglamour orready her feet off oraccepting an apartner inchoosing careful must therefore very be fi onthe radioandin isconstantly degraded InEngland,this gift God. from agift as In Ireland, itisthe accepted onmarriage thing to look … to church. for that weworked wedidgo to the people important to usanditwas away the road,StChad’s down important no…itwas and…there was [W] yards onlyafew the church for the was herbalist, here I worked anddailyconversation. newspapers Th lms, Th er ofmarriage. cation of these institutions as theofsettlement institutions goals resonated cation ofthese as welfare spiritual in migrants’ way of safeguarding ective gure ofthe notmerely gure ‘good proscrip- was emigrant’ girl 39

dnil 14 1948 dential’ e boy should not think simply of good looks or looks shouldnotthink simply eboy ofgood 40

ed by priests onthe that grounds ‘they bypriests ed Report onIrish WorkersReport in London e girl should not be swept off swept shouldnotbe egirl t into ordinary parish life, espe- parish t into ordinary eCatholicsinEngland In-between places In-between 41

ight from from ight

85 , Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document this process. this process. pursued. Regulatory Catholic clarifi discourse Regulatory pursued. and rediscovered could be of her own mother afamily andestablish fi herhusband, inwhose marrying employer, herherbalist tionship with and inmeeting butculminated through Brenda’s provided inthe security foreshadowed cess was rela- throughwere re- mastered family. anew within incorporation Th bydeparture occasioned anddislocation ofloss by whichthe feelings of re- consolidated aprocess ofbelonging: marriage a sense identifi the signifi In part, andfamily. ofmarriage ideals the realisation successful ofthe prescribed ning ofatwo- ultimately, leading courtship, year inBrenda’s account, to the with begin- coincided inManchester herhusband. Arrival meeting with butto inhermemory the way were things these associated dancing, for of employment circumstances orgreater opportunities to hernew styleofnarration. Th a more purposeful emotionsarebyexpressions replaced these Manchester ofhappiness and to onmoving oflonelinessandloss, signs manifests inBritain and arrival according to the arc of aredemption story. IfBrenda’s account ofleaving Brenda’s ofherpre- reconstruction inEnglandisordered years marriage Brenda: Barry: settlement ofherearly experiences: memory a positive in Brenda’s ofwhichshecomposed interms the mainideal supplied case thus complemented rather and than contradicted Englishconceptions, at the centre mothershome, ofthe andhousewives family women as of wartime. of wartime. rebuildingand social ofthe English the re- valorised for the moral necessary lifeestablishment as offamily 86 passed the eleven- the eleven- passed oneofthem university… plus …andevery oneofthem that the years during butevery my children were young, to stay off harddidI,ofcoursechildren I had andso andweworked our alright and,wereared eh, ourlife was overnight, rhage anddied brainhaemor- hehadamassive retiring after butjustsoon does body worker, likeevery- andwewere anddowns quite …wehadourups the diff knew insidethe he town, reared amanthat was nowhewas from, he came Portlaoise, that’swhat itwas, itnowMarlborough doyoucall where … from notfar Abbeyleix, him at the adance, from midlands, hecame I met twoyears. within and eh, himhere met and,eh, wewere married to come where inthe am,used wewere digs, living thatladies was, hissister, with friendly very oneofthe shewas over, I was because Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Tl m aot or husband? your about me Tell I came my after husband here soon Yes, inManchester I met 42 onfemininity, Catholic discourses whichpositioned erence between rich and poor, he was a very very good good very andpoor, rich avery erence between hewas cance of these events referred to referred the re- events cance ofthese establishment of Brenda’sgure to desire emulate her social order following the disruptions order the following disruptions social is tonal shift was not onlyrelated was istonal shift ed, ed, affi rmed rmed and facilitated 43 is pro- cation cation

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document pinned bythe realisation thatpinned the post encing migration to Britain: toencing migration Britain: in1954that infl notthe onlyfactor suggested ‘economic was necessity’ andtrend inpopulation’,sent level CommissiononEmigration the Irish tion government to ‘investigate ofthe pre- andconsequences the causes andManchester.Birmingham in1948bythe incoming coali- Established ment andconsumption that likeLondon, to cities enticed youngmigrants excite- centres Englishurban for work, cisely the provided opportunities pre- andEnglish,itwas Irish both numerous observers, contemporary However, inimportance. are themes ultimatelythese secondary to such, although Brenda’s account work about andleisure, stories includes andfamily, ofmarriage prelude to events andas the more important lay intheir relation herhusband. Th to meeting to migrating Lymm between andgetting married cance ofthe years three Within the overallcontext ofBrenda’s the signifi narrative ofsettlement, self- Opportunity, ofthepast expression andthereturn date the work ofmourning. husband. Th it may refl also tiating the eff destabilising implication innego- aredemptiveits moment registers as her marriage identifi to reinforce as so the terms, in idealised ones loved lost to remember may suchaprocess accentuate stories, the tendency ofmemory posure the self inorder death. tolovefor ofthe Interms sustain itafter com- within ofinternalisation isincorporated a process whereby object the lost ofthe one,the other loss isovercome aloved experience oflosing through away.had nowpassed contend Freudianofmourning inthe that, theories herhusband related shementions, may be toevent as also that that, fact Th emigration. traditionof anestablished for many so years, where therebeen, has strongly inacountry appeal andthey everywhere tion ofyoungpeople one’s to choose free way oflife – own suchmatters aff notobtainable inone’strol and a privacy to homeenvironment, be itinone’sto spend way, own parental from con- to freedom obtain fi citylife, to the secure world andshare ofmodern thesee enjoyments A natural for desire to adventure travel, orchange,aneagerness to At the sametime,Brenda’s aredemptive as ofhermarriage framing free andbybeing money byhaving pocket nancial independence e anxious rhetoric of religious observers in this period was under- was inthis period ofreligious eanxiousrhetoric observers upthroughcation set internalisation. InBrenda’s framing case, e interview process thus supplies an opportunity to consoli- thus process anopportunity supplies einterview 45 ect her present need to preserve her love for her departed herlovefor herdeparted to preserve herpresent need ect

ects of migration back when she was 19,but whenshewas back ofmigration ects 44

- - Englishcitypotentiallywar In-between places In-between ese years represent a years ese apropor-ect u- 87 - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document family. women’s Catholic andmother the wife within ideal as futureroles enticementsvers the sinful ofthe post- athreat to young cityposed war tunities haveFor divergent taken Catholic obser- forms. contemporary as a form ofempowerment’. aform as onthe resourcesofthe sex anddrew industry city’s boundaries, social inity, ‘socially able to the cross mobileyoungwomenwhoappeared andglamorous femin- assertive ofyoung, images popularise helped sexual knowledges new media, andthe popular byadvertisers tool aselling ofsexFreudian as use onsex andthe discourses increased offemininity. images toand assertive the dissemination of Linked publicavailability ofrelatively the increased ‘permissive’ which was ingly consumer- oneeff culture centres, inmajordriven urban the foster the ‘welfare ofanincreas- state’development hadhelped andthe advance institutionalisation of technological employment, full Bythe mid- anddancehalls. cinemas ously pubs, wages, rising 1950s, interaction, obvi- accessenhanced most to ofleisure spaces andsocial andon parental supervision pervasive less ofmovement, freedom notonlyonhaving more were money, premised ities’ butongreater Such‘opportun- ofalternative cultural identities. the performance for self- possibilities new with migrants provided anddevelopment 88 easily tempted bythem.’easily were found so the that daysduring they samewives these ofcourtship inlaterhusbands their towards manifest life wives that isdueto the fact andmuch ofthat which distrust courtships, ofsinful to byreason failure that are ‘many fore- MarshallofSalford warned marriages Henry doomed Th thewithin post- industry, construction British JohnB. Keane’swar novel achievement masculine Irish about tale anepic Although primarily inBritain. ofthe Irish femininityof migrant to the communal imaginary andadventurousrepresentation have image contributed amore assertive where possible’. Margo, weare told, astaff being ambition beyond no particular Wexford, from originally Hospital, General nurse inNewsham who‘had women.In young Irish chapter 2, weare to introduced Margo Cullagan, a aspace ofself- as of 1950sLondon andexperimentation forconstruction e Contractors relationship female migrants’ ofIrish Representations to suchoppor- she would do as soon as she established herself inEngland. sheestablished as soon she woulddoas ofwhat listener threatsandpromises with this fascinated and shocking confi often she hadso the from unnatural as physical restrictions escape outof the ‘dreary it, …Shewanted ofnunneries’ strictures shecalled as could outofIreland notget quicklyenough,outofthe ‘sexless morass’ Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 47 ded to her best friend in the convent. She was forever delighting forever inthe convent. Shewas friend to herbest ded 1945,for example, ofNovember InhisLenten Bishop pastoral offemale the characterswith idea portrayal inits engages 48 however, contrast, Insharp other of forms 46

nurse’ andwho‘enjoyed life 49

ect of ect Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Angus McLernon from Alloway, from McLernon Angus justmadeaproposal: whohas confi herfather’sto escape control, to ‘see else’, something whichultimately the desire itwas relates, onesuchstory as Indeed, authoritative others. by the ineffi were persistently in whichsuchdesires Clare told thwarted also stories success, academic likeheroldersisters, to adesire achieve, articulated in the Garda Siochana (Civic Guards). (Civic in theSiochana Garda ofherfather, moods violent the andoften unpredictable aguard whowas notahappy onedueto achild,herhomelife was as sheknew villages she refl Clare’s Although Cork upinnorth were ambivalent. ofgrowing memories daughter the youngest offour children. inafamily Cork, north in rural up in1940andgrew born Clare in1950sLondon. was years marriage ofpre- herexperiences whichClare within reconstructed framework romance andsexual experimentation. ofmobilityandaffl issues between feminine ‘ambitions’Irish inpost- Englandcould involvewar aninterplay ‘aphrase abath’ with doubleroom ofthe ways issuggestive inwhich to dowithAngus’shas andeconomically, socially status, adoctor: the as It adoubletransgression. enablealso herto will perform a Presbyterian, this aff power conscious manipulation versionsoffemininity ofcompeting andthe the purelyextend sexual: Margo’s beyond herself- from derives pleasure itisfor Angus’s. as for the ofherdesires satisfaction Th cence, the interaction, isultimately whichshecontrols, much avehicle as Although animageoffeminine Margotoinno- Angus initiallypresents hand’. ‘sat inthe inher dimlight ofgin ofthe residents’loungewithaglass Margowith inthe in‘the samechapter ColoradoHotel’, sheisenvisioned to explore encounter ofmen.Inoursecond hersexuality anumber with Post- of feminine ‘opportunity’ adiscursive discourses war supplied bath?’ Th Presbyterian. you’re I suppose that. aProtestant?’ anyone with before.’ goneto‘I’ve bed never aggrieved. Shesounded True to herword, once ‘established’ hernew- Margo uses found freedom rmed Clare’srmed to leave: resolve 50 don’t‘Why a with adoubleroom ifhehas the night youask porter a with goneto bed toMargo herself. Shehadnever smiled A Presbyterian.’ ‘Yes. ‘You didn’t. You for aperson onyourmindandI like saidwhat was ‘I’m sorry,’ hesaid,‘Ididn’t to off mean ofthe rural onthe quaint otherworldliness nostalgically ected Her other handis‘entwined around’ intern that doctor, ofanew e question caught him by surprise. caught e question himbysurprise. institutions andthe stifl oflocal ciency ords her, Angus, with that sleeping the andfrom prospect of those with uence simultaneously 52 end you.’ which memories Alongside 51

In-between places In-between of ing prescriptions ese, ese, moreover, 89 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Clare: Barry: Clare: Clare wonders: toguide its ation to experience ‘the ofLondon’. bright lights Th heraspir- achieving narrative theIn this youngself isenvisioned courtship the plant and transport …inthe managementthe side,always’. plant andtransport Kilrow, was ‘a me,as Clare informed manual as worker’: ‘he though not, army, inthevice British for then the worked large buildingcontractor Irish andhadrecently Roscommon from fi whowas Sean, dancehall, Irish at ‘the apopular inElephant Shamrock andCastle’.Sean, narrative. Within Clareherfuturehusband, hadmet ofarriving ayear 90 work then, youknow. You could pickandchoose.’ to get hadfoundinLloyd’s easy ajob school, ‘’twas very because bank traininginIreland leaving after secretarial Clare, whohadundertaken Clare withanimmediatevide source ofaccommodation. ‘Within aweek’, andhaving recently intoLondon, fl moved ‘herown Clare’s sister, returning holiday, from whowas ‘a was qualifi 1957, travelling to byRosslare Fishguard heroldersister. alongwith for ‘the 17,Clare left ofLondon’Aged bright lights inthe summerof could save more money when you have a boyfriend, you know! youknow! could save whenyouhave moreaboyfriend, money you …you thought, think youknow ofthat! But, I often awful, it was [laughs]. Inretrospect for paying everything you hadthe boyfriend for paid anything, then younever having aboyfriend, thing, the best that was I say andas andthe pictures, tome take the shows, used he toAnd,I … something …youknow, always good. really was itwas Andthere anybody, ’twas justamazing. anyone andjust, orrun down, ’costremendous, anything or about youcould upthere get andspeak Have youbeen? tremendous. that was oryou’dSquare, Er, stillinLondon? Corner isSpeakers’ goupto …is, to Hyde andat Park Trafalgar andjustsitthere, andthe Serpentine, you know, onaSunday youwouldn’t much money, need you’d goup were things allthese relatively place, agreat because free, itwas so we’dLondon, gotoPalace, Buckingham we’d goto the War Museum, able to was Sean amanofexperience inthe waysAs ofthe metropolis, Work, however, ofClare’s notthe ofthis central part was focus thing else, you know … travel … so, I never really looked for ajob. looked really …travelthing youknow else, I never …so, toaway, …I just get …justso know ofit, to dorid wanted some- to see …you so itwas I thought the ofLondon. bright lights to see I wanted toaway, get justwanted toaway get andwanted him.And from I leave say really to fi I didn’t homereally. I can I left reasons My father wouldn’t allowmeto Th goanywhere. Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Yeah. whetherit’s know I don’t stillgoingon, but that’s …was He meto,days introduced like,some we’d goto the Tower of Er, butit’s been, I’ve never …it’s near inHyde Park. 54 e iconic monuments is was oneofthe iswas

nished national ser-nished at’ was able to pro- at’ was 55 ed nurse’ in nurse’ ed

nd ajob. 53 56

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document makes audiblemakes adiff Yet to Clare’s prior scrutiny, closer ofthe period particularly courtship, fulfi inpursuitofpersonal regime familial arestrictive youngwomenwhoescapes ofthe independent story: that for everything’. paying hadthe boyfriend apparent this inverted: ‘you couldbecomes be student relation imbalance, bythe endofthe implies apower narrative it ‘opportunity’ of memory: the frame as displaces ‘family’ andabandonment as emotionsofrejection glimpse to youngwomanwebegin the narrative ofthe preferred independent of ‘ties that bind’, confl andunresolved butofsuppression Th homesick’, concealed. that protocol be dictated butfamily suchfeelings ‘excited’Although Clare was ‘very also coming about toshe was London, experience: muting ofaprior ofpersonal is suggestive Th the reference gloves. to wearing through identity here andenvironment, metonymised projected her new her sister’s with unconscious markers ofan unease as home,mayread be Clare madeherway as on adailybasis Clare’sbesmirch Th gloves. for‘dirt’ leisure,sibilities butits and‘grime’, which‘after justonetrip’ would isnotthe city’sIn this narrative what isrecalled andpos- iconic landmarks as a student, learns. Yet, learns. astudent, Margoas with in as orteacher, aguide as presented whomClare, from positioned someone intwodiff here positioned Sean, incorporates central to the ofopportunity. discourse At the sametime,this experience andself- development ofpersonal symbols become expression, themes Corner’, ‘Speakers’ inparticular ofthe metropolis, and landmarks here e collective ‘we’here to returns Clare’s e collective sign apositive account, notas Th your emotions inside. Everything was a bit suppressed … abitsuppressed was your emotionsinside.Everything you know. We, wedidn’t cry. We, wedidn’t You doanything. all kept much,did …we,wewere brought upnotto showouremotionsvery butI didn’t homesick, very youknow, pretend it, ofalways youjustkind You places. allthese seeing of.I was of orread only…youjustheard like,excited, and at ofcoming the toandallthis, idea London I was, quite Itreally grimy, was to work. one trip anddirty, youknow. just after andthey’d andeverything allsmuts be andeverything gloves know, you’d …you’d, days inthose toyour wear allthe womenused grimy, so was andyou’d,everything you’d onthe get Tube andyou and I remember where hu getting outof…andthese …huge buildings, fi my Well, usfar, one to amplify tended has adopted ofexposition the mode rst job I got inLloyd’s I got rst job in,er…upthe bank CityofLondon, erent, less self- less erent, assured voice: e‘dirt’ and‘grime’, negotiated whichhadto be e unconscious surfacing of this unease ofthis unease eunconscious surfacing through the city, work and between lment andromance inthe city. Th e Contractors erent ways. Initially,erent ways. is Sean In-between places In-between ict. ict. Underlying 58 , ifthe teacher–

57

91 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 92 ‘Family’, more specifi between which memory labours to resolve. to labours resolve. whichmemory between for Clare the post- the tensions desires, ofcompeting cityisa locus war redemptive experiences, as andmarriage hercourtship and preserve to consolidate around the need structured for Brenda was production Where memory resolved. ittemporarily andloss desire of resentment, to the vulnerable re- itwas so ures, emergence ofthe forms underlying the outcome itself relationship ofanambivalent was parental fi with this identifi Butbecause her futurehusbandadvantage. to herown inClare’sevoked herrelationship presentation ofhowshemanaged with femininity,of assertive defi Ireland. tothus Migration London identifi involved refl loss, dence, Clare’s to emotional aresponse may have courtship also been fi and,indeed, development romance, about personal being well as as From whomshelater this married. one person perspective, fore ‘play the fi still only19.Unlike MargoClare notthere- was Cullagan, Clare does later, himtwoyears andmarried inLondon, months arriving after when signifi onanew takes from’,borrow nooptionofreturn. with image ofa17- year- ‘noold fending home,with from for oneto herself far on bythe forexcitement, desire urban inthis an instance weare with left posure: instead ofthe self- confi com- theofsubjective toprocess subvert of experience whichworks version ofacompeting inthethat resulting production isremembered, of continuity, It israther things the lackofthese orbelonging. support her narrative ofpre- anevocation inEngland,butnotas years marriage out, youknow.out, Th happened. would have never ifyoucouldn’t from nooneto borrow there was have the to fare work, And youjustdidit. hadany experience ofdoingit, and I,I ne…never much andso on… byfor andso …toclothes buysome to work, fares much much we…youputso byfor so byfor yourrent, your wage, your into afl and I moved outthere, andthen whenmy sister, shegotmarried, 17,I was I was youknow. it’s andthings, wages But…itI think …wewere …like, infor yourmum youknow, pound andthat, odd whenyougotyour youknow,went, you’d andyou’d aletter sometimes, writing be putan Th it. and that was come ifyoudon’t back likeit’, any You ofthat. never there was went, Th the within contextSet ofthis narrative Clare’s Sean with courtship ey never sat you down and tried to advise you,orsay, to advise andtried sat youdown never ‘Try ey itand Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ecting a desire for the emotional closeness so lacking at lacking homein so for adesire the emotionalcloseness ecting eld’. Rather, onto early attached shebecame likeBrenda, 59

ere was no return, youknow. noreturn, ere was Andthen, whenyou cally Clare’scally motifin remains animportant parents, cance. Clare met Sean in December 1957,onlyfour inDecember cance. ClareSean met at with a friend. Th at afriend. with ned in opposition to patriarchal control inopposition ned and dent, independent young women spurred youngwomenspurred independent dent, at is, we always used to sort ourselves ourselves to sort wealways used at is, en when I think whenyougot enwhenI think cation with animage cation with nancialpru- cation g- Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document her mother andfamily. ofloveanddutytowards feelings counterposed with oncile suchadesire aninability to rec- revealing fraught, deeply narrative ofthis was process an attempt for life, amore desires buther independent these to realise Rosie’s to follow heroldersister decision toin1954represented London paths into adulthood. follow individualised their own friends school hersisters shewatched and the home,as for beyond experiences desires competing constraints thisengendered inrealising involved imagealso Rosie’s internalisation ofaself- daughter,image ofthe dutiful the practical mother, andherstruggling Rosie between emotionalbond close andto hotel. amaidinWest 16,toupemployment take as in1954,aged London End her oldersister Anne’s of‘dancehalls stories to come to andglamour’ family home. family the from estranged mental institutionan orderly andbecame inalocal alive- took 15,Rosie was homewhenRosie in the family as in position to reinstatehatred ofherfather himself inhisabsence, whenhedecided West the ofthe well religiosity young self: as Endas ofthe dangersofthe audible, onethata third voicespeaks becomes also I wrote home practically every day to my mum.’ every homepractically I wrote hermother,how much shemissed that night. she‘cried recalling every glamour andexcitement ofthe district; London’s West relates End.Onthe onehand,Rosie the that stories evoke hersister with in workingand living experiences narrative ofherearly impoverished her family inheraccount. herfamily impoverished andfurther stigmatised both ayounggirl whenshewas of the family her mother, brothers andsisters aff with Although ofherlife sheremembered were fraught tensions. with period To amuch greater extent than inClare’s Rosie’s case, ofthis memories 1938 inCork city, the family. children, third into ofsix adesperately poor chapter. inthe whomwemet last narrative ofRosie, in born was Rosie At initially, least to the shape pre- ofself seem similarimages marriage tale cautionary A her mother the within home. aideto an indispensable that became donment Rosie was ofthe family tolife. ofherfather’s abetter Oneofthe consequences of escape aban- who’d know, they’d straight know away youwere Ireland, justoverfrom said,there’d likeMary because what to we’d be used ‘wideboys’, call there, down catching coming to over, be girls used ofMary Legion My days sistermeatwell, station, met andinthose the Paddington as ofthis emotionalconflSigns Rosie’s however, story notastraightforward narrative ofleaving, was 62

61 by persuaded this Itagainst backdropthat was Rosie was 64

63 to the Whilethis ofa development led continued Rosie’sict to permeate ection, herfather’section, abandonment 65 onthe other, emphasised Rosie 60 anintense Having developed In-between places In-between 66 Inaddition,however, 93 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the district’s night- many bars, andrestaurants. clubs ‘fl for catered a the parish residents, around well 2,000permanent as As ofthe district. heart at andStGregory,Assumption the very aparish onthe exceptional reported diffi Boland Writing immigration. the Catholic onIrish discourse in1958,Fr A. P. featured the prominently also so area asource within ofanxiety as wererestaurants major employers femaleinthis labour period, ofIrish streets andthoroughfares: streets ofglamourandsind spectacle dizzying still, many were ‘inadequately ofthe youngmigrants for the prepared’ track the ofthis movements transient butmore population, disturbing ill- whom were women.Inhisview,the parish notonlywas to equipped the of that majority estimated cent around 85 per Catholics, were Irish 94 Legion members awaited new arrivals at train and bus stations, ‘catching at train andbusstations, arrivals new awaited members Legion ating literature manuals andadvice inthe district’s hotels andrestaurants, London’s within ‘the andunwary’ weak West End.Inadditionto dissemin- bywhichthe Church onemeans represented might manage the problem of isation that staff went ofMary, onto note, Boland the the lay Legion apostolic As organ- the touristindustry. of andrepresentatives politicians chiefs, andpolice involving journalists moralstandardsinawide- deteriorating British national debateranging the West ofsexual crimes, inavariety to epitomise Endcame rises ‘vice’. Th of atransient ‘twilight’ zoneandhotbed as oftheperceptions district anintensifi 1945witnessed after andimmorality, withcrime associations popular standing the decades although London’s argued, Frank has As Mort West Endhadlong- oating population’ ofaround 8,000– in andlived 10,000 whoworked every street corner. street every made.Th to be money andunwary. the to weak enmesh Th seeking recruiting, that thiswith isthe starkfact the ofimmoralityare agents constantly toll. Coupled its for which many exacts are each inadequately prepared, offreedom many sense ofthem the unwholesome, new amusements, Th contact come withacitywhenthey to might London well appal us. ofMary. Legion you know, wewere …andI did, more instyle.Erm because I joined the although wereat thegirls, better upthan dressing citygirls the country Th e glamour and the bright lights, the endless trainanddiversityof the endless eglamourandthe bright lights, e fact that efact cent more than have 50per of the their immigrants fi Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life esite ofafl ed the emigrant section ofthe Catholic Welfare the section emigrant ed Bureau, 67

68 post- ourishing andscene to large sex industry war Predictably, that given the district’s and bars hotels, 70

e commercial value of sin is in daily evidence at ecommercial ofsin isindailyevidence value cation ofpublicconcerns around culties faced by Our Lady ofthe Lady byOur faced culties aily ondisplay inthe district’s 69 Boland Ofthese, ere is easy ere iseasy rst Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document politan ‘vice’.politan a prominent character inthe fl war, andthe fi prostitution inthe West the after dramatically inthe years Endincreased ofpublic the visibility According observers, to arange of contemporary tion gave rise toofhernarrative: strangetensionstion gaveinthis phase rise this timeandagain competi- spectatorship, of‘mortifying’ recollections versionsofCatholic and‘modern’peting femininity. Stimulated through self- opposing relating ofinnocence andsophistication images to com- to project through narrative,seems Rosie’s herleaving ofarrival memory the identifi competing identifi all ‘country girls’, Cork, from who,being byRosie, isactively rejected that the it, na within embedded ï Ireland from were arriving ve innocents tion. Yet, identifi ifRosie ofprotec- innocent inneed avulnerable the female as migrant positioned narrative ofsexual danger which promulgated a cautionary the Legion ‘wideboys’, oflocal gaze to exploit their poised sexual innocence. underthe predatory came they before putit, Rosie as coming over’ girls is laying down the narrative tracks for the younger self’s own moral fall: own for the the youngerself’s narrativeis layingtracks down the narrating self Inthe environment. process, new ofits to makesense itattempts youngerself as the innocence andhubris ofthe misguided ofportraying ofthe glamorousameans prostitutes provides spectacle front outside’. ofthe amidstthe West moralchaos Set End,the confusing fi ‘morti- both being Evoking recalls disavowal andidealisation,Rosie both simultaneously, andanxieties. desires competing womanhood triggering fl ed’ and‘starstruck’ed’ the bythe upanddown imageof‘prostitutes walking andfallen ofsophistication ideals embodying objects, phantasy ictual I don’t know if I should be telling …[sigh] be youthis? Er…[pause] if I should know I don’t boy. Really, achild.A little …I had …[pause] introuble. Erm I got youcould say. …and …[longpause] Anderm I suppose streetwise, like… olderthan me,andwas whowas this with friend, I gotaroom youknow. ofstarstruck, kind I was likealotofCorkagain, people they’d gooff You know, ’cos they’dand they’d ataxi, upwith be, picked justget mortifi …was know. shedideventually, And,erm, andI thought there?!’ Andshesaid, ‘Oh, I’llexplain that to youanother time.’ You doing to sayare they to used ourAnne,‘What andI front outside, the upanddown prostitutes walking to be andthereof London, used Hotel, intheIn Park middleofthe youwere Lane West plonked End Rosie’s here suggests, As ofthe Legion ofthe function description es herself with the herself with ‘style’es ofthe ‘city girls’. Inapattern that echoes 72 gure of the glamorously enrobed female prostitute became female prostitute ofthegure glamorously became enrobed , and all glamour and furs and all that type of thing. And ofthing. andallthat, and allglamourandfurs type InRosie’s fi narrative, these and‘glamour’cations withfamily articulated ed with this construction, oneofthe this assumptions with construction, ed onmetro- publicdiscourse ourishing highlycon- as appear gures In-between places In-between 71 ed! ed!

95 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 96 Oldham in 1966, taking hertwochildren her. with Oldham in1966,taking to madeherescape intolerable, childRosie having asecond andafter hidden away, however, life dwelling, inthe family subterranean proved of it’, intofl andmoved abasement foreigner’. to ‘make the resolved best Rosie allbutsevered, ties Her family ‘a it, puts she revealingly as andentering with, pregnant into marriage father inaCatholic church, had‘shamed bybecoming Rosie the family’ the child’s ofisolation marrying andalienation.enhance hersense Despite for. to desperately yearned the relationship out, onlyserved itturned As and aff to off appeared the manshewouldmarry fl of interms explains occurrence Rosie thefrom distanceits ofthe present, ‘Igotinto trouble’.astray’: as shehesitantly reveals, Refl ‘streetwise’, the proverbialcompany’, ‘bad ‘led been longshehas andbefore ‘older’ as andmore shedescribes agirl inwith moves Rosie overbearing, fi inthe alluring sion onto embodied collectively arangeofexternal others, for hertransgres- responsibility to project enablesRosie girl emigrant tive confession. More precisely, ofthe the na construct ï ve and vulnerable impact isintimated throughthat pauses the punctuate deep Rosie’s tenta- ofanexperience whose processing thefacilitates emotionalandcognitive ofthe interms general, the personal ofarticulating ameans narrative, as composure. Th ofsubjective interms results highlyambivalent has involving Rosie’sresolution, take- up ofthe identity of‘the woman’, fallen of Butthis mode religious narratives. cautionary within prophesised ofthe outinterms inity are fate worked ofthe na ï ve/ emigrant wilful attery andthe lowself- attery ofthe youngerself. Her relationshipesteem with gure ofthe gure West moral ofurban Endprostitute, the unsettling symbol fl what’s …what’s youknow, We here now’ …I gotmarried. so ina lived ally. It didn’t ‘Ihave of to I thought, make the best me,because bother likecousins youknow. andthat, been itdidn’t But, me,actu- bother the major onewouldonlyhavefamily. I mean What there family was. I’d aforeigner, yousee, Butagain, in having a, the shamed to so speak. I didn’t,erm, like…stupid, probably, didn’t nothing in…noharm see oh!Just lovely,this mandid.He was, couldn’t doenoughfor me.And meany ofaff shown kind hadever nobody because that was about thecame reason eigner. And…andI think anAnglo- And,hewas I think. afor- inother words hewas Indian. So me.We inaCatholicfather church, married gotmarried, actually got, ofcourse, thatand again Anyway, worse. ten madethings times the company hersister,Having with parted whoshefelt hadbecome offemin- models competing In this narrative the tensions between girl, so, that was twochildren I had. that so, girl, was …andthen hadalittle Erm anyway. A lot. alotolderthan I was was at … a basement fl at …abasement Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ection, things of which the young self had no prior experience, yet experience, ofwhichthe yet things youngself hadnoprior ection, at. Itat. wasn’t, wasn’t ahappy relationship at all.He at with her new husband.at Isolatedand withhernew 73

er the prospect ofromantic love er the prospect ection, or even interest. And interest. oreven ection, 74

ecting onthis event ecting e Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document relationships in his article ‘Marriage andthe Leakage’: relationships ‘Marriage inhisarticle Fr outthe implicationshis roundsparish, Sheildrew inaLondon ofsuch liaisons with ‘blackmen’.liaisons and inparticular, romantic forming girls’ onthe phenomenonof‘Irish inthe inner-immigrants centres, ofmajor urban houses city lodging whichsuch Catholics ofIrish onthe intermixing alarm with reporting workers were 1951,Catholic social as early As otherfrom countries. inrelation emerged immigrants with anxieties to mixing new period the post- butduring andProtestants, Catholics between marriage war ‘an place nowinEngland’: istaking appalling tragedy church. in Fr Sheillamented inanarticle As Leonard since the tomigrants children the ofsuchaunionwere potentially ‘lost’ among proceeded bywhichsecularisation mechanisms of the principal a‘non- with intimacy emigrant, one as viewed hadlongbeen Catholic’ ‘a with ofintimacy foreigner’.product Within onthe Catholic discourses complicated that the bythe fact her‘illegitimate’further childwas itsignifi In Rosie’s andthe boundaries the issueof‘purity’ case, with vulnerability: according to onesuchpamphlet: vulnerability: according with concomitantly responsibility inEnglandemphasised the girl emigrant literature culture. Prescriptive of ontheEnglish popular duties advising about stories cautionary within shemight ‘unworldly’ be however grant, ofthe emi- onthe part ofagency adegree assumed mother’ ‘unmarried to emigrant vulnerable from journey ablamelessvictim: the never was disorder. Yet, sin,the the ‘na concept given oforiginal ï girl’ ve emigrant children are concerned. registrar’s offi place took inaCatholic churchreligion. Whetherthis marriage orina their destroyed andadmired example loved aparent from whomthey went to anynever church onSunday. up,this the children As grew intheto house pray knelt down and who hadnoreligion, whonever admitted that she was married inthe registry. married thatadmitted shewas inherhair. a ribbon with little years, mite three ofperhaps Th Th Traditionally, hadcentred oninter- inBritain concerns ‘leakage’ about Th by word oraction. impure dutyifsheallowsamanto her inhersolemn be with is failing bility. She committed whethersinistoornot. Sheitiswhodictates be It responsi- ishere agreat that has girl the Irish words ordeeds. looks, Th e cause is mainly marriages is bad ecause e door was opened by a lovely young Irish girl. Beside her stood a herstood Beside girl. byalovely youngIrish opened was edoor esixthcommandment to in Holy purity forbids iscontrary whatever ce does not seem to makemuch diff notseem ce does 75

77 76 outon Recounting the ofapriest experiences

. Th . e Catholic married someone someone eCatholic married In-between places In-between erence, as far as the as erence, far as Th e Furrow e girl in1958, ed was ed 97 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Rosie: Barry: Rosie: contradiction: pre- threatened the to self into bring whichrepeatedly years marriage itoff to negotiate because andreinforced with oneanother, competed whiteness diffi proved onreligious ‘leakage’,discourses andendangered sexual transgression 98 from black desire. blackdesire. from underthreat as portrayed whole,was race ofthe British as boundaries mixed- the symbolising inwhichwhiterace womanhood, relationships, girl’ drawsyoung Irish implicitly pathologisations of oncontemporary intoSheil’s violence, to erupt popular beginning ofthe ‘lovely depiction at racialtensions inEnglandwere atimewhensimmering Articulated competing prohibitions and designations. In response to the fi Inresponse prohibitionscompeting anddesignations. ofsubject- a maze for redemption inthe face of itstrives as positions Th is memory of escape to Oldham depicts a self struggling to negotiate aself struggling to Oldhamdepicts of escape is memory who was diff who was diff I was again, whator …youknow I mean? A… didn’t …[sighs].Again, of, erm help my situation andmy confi know. I gotalot me.Butitdidalotofother people. It bothered never foreign, ifyoulike.My daughter… mylooked kinda son didn’t, you …we’dnion, so my, I … uptoyousee Oldham,andagain moved erm went to Oldham. my with twochildren. And left, I just So andbarrel. stock there, lock, for andI said, oneweekend, aweekend, ‘Th I,‘Oh So I’d kids. our saviour as Auntie loveto see I came Kitty!’ up So meAuntieto OldhaminLancashire, Kitty – the Auntie Kitty whowas hadgotaletter anauntie hersoul, rest from up whohadmoved God my youknow. sister, ofthing, kind I thought, … pullingmedown, So You know. And,that’s another maninmyof another life, thing, sort andhesaid,‘Th sitting upinbed, be andhe’d olderthan I was, like I saidhewas hismates bring in,andI’d ‘I justcan’t livethis life.’ hismates in, bringing It likehewas as gotso Fiji! from to aMohammedan married She was ‘Not at all;it’s the nameofthe Prophet’s daughter.’ ‘Th ‘Fatima.’ ‘What’s hername?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Is that little yours?’ girl experience migrant andthe Irish history Life andmy had…justmadehiscommu- son So, 1966. 1966,yeah. went andI said, to the‘I’mI even priest leaving’, I said, youknow, Wa ya ws this? was year What at’s anice Catholic name.’ erent, you know? youknow? erent, 79 For this complex Rosie, formation, inwhich discursive ered ways of understanding the events ofher the ways ofunderstanding events ered 80

ere she is, she’s ere sheis, for nothing!’ good at’s it!’Next I was weekend 78

erent. I was that I was erent. one gure of gure dence, cult cult Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document romantic adventure. In short, English cities such as London, Birmingham Birmingham London, suchas romantic English cities adventure. Inshort, interaction for andfor leisure andsocial fashions, sumption ofmodern for the con- possibilities new too butcreated themarket, within labour the post- women for Irish opportunities new notonlyopened period war Th fashionings. aplace ofalternative ofEnglandas self- spoke ofreturn performance the ‘sermon’On onereading, inthe youngemigrant’s embodied striking diff I was Rosie’s ofthe self: ‘again, otherness ofthe inescapable proof life as of phases distinct from together episodes bringing on anote ofdejection, other people’. ofthe Instead hoped- the refl beginning, for new foreign’, looked ‘kinda her, andalthoughbothered’ it‘never ‘it didalotof transcendence ofthat ofthe Rosie’s consequences liaison. fi defi theLondon, powerful to a‘foreign’ ofhermarriage husband misery the in domestic escaped thetion with longer, pre- ofthe self. Although shehas history migration ofafraught conversa- markingthe discomposure, reopening of further thehowever, site redemption butbecomes the notprovide desired does to Aunt herescape Kitty’s, ‘ourtify saviour whenwewere kids’. Oldham, white towoman invokejus- the seems imageoftheRosie victimised the whopresumably against break- counselled the priest, up ofthe family, of his parish congregationoneSunday morning: of hisparish the ‘younggirls’ the Englandhadupon from ofayoungemigrant return the impact Writing MacMahonrecalled novelist in1954,the Bryan Irish andyoung womeninparticular, opportunities. real people, Irish very that to post- acknowledge came off reconstruction British war ofthetraffi dense observers Irish various economy whilethe boomed, British economythe stagnated Irish andtradition.Inthe post- rurality ofIrish esis however,1945 period, as the Englishindustr elites, In the twentieth- and religious nationalists ofIrish discourse century horizons Ambivalent erent. I was the one who was diff the onewhowas I was erent. brilliantly alert. Th brilliantly alert. became ofourtown the younggirls the pews, shepassed now alady!As then gawkish andshy. being before, years some To allintents shewas her. for ourtown England amaidwhohad left Shewas I recognized well- place, heryoung, her. behind husband close dressed With astart a altar, seeking upthe minced passageway faultlesslydressed, agirl, to about come Sunday to the at was church, the priest Last justas e transformations which English society underwent in underwent etransformations whichEnglishsociety e incident was a sermon without words. words. without asermon eincident was ial city has often been denigrated as the antith- as denigrated been often ial cityhas nitional eff nitional Sea the crossing Irish c ofemigrants erent.’ ects of racial norms inhibitRosie’s ofracialnorms ects In-between places In-between 81 rst- son born

ection ection ends ered ered young 99 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document inity which subjects’ took up and distanced themselves from indiff themselves from upanddistanced took inity whichsubjects’ offemin- constructions competing within butelements embedded poles, mutually exclusive were notnecessarily of ‘independence’ and‘family’ ofself- point at smoothly apredestined rarely arriving realisation. Ideals excitement well as as through andloss anxiety with and and satisfaction, adiffi often was and getting married for leaving England between practice inthe identity years construction however, here examined suggest, the narratives three As integrated. in smoothly to‘traditional’ be appear and‘modern’ ofwomanhood ideals husband with intow, offemininity inwhich ‘mincing’ avision projects herself- together; married the aisleofthe down church, passage assured potentially confl these emigrant InMacMahon’s andimages. ideals of competing ofthe young depiction were confronted aninterplay with they environments, oftheir new ities andopportun- homeandthe leaving challenges with associated the losses place the within husband space ofachurch. andtakes ofaccomplishmentperformance the acquisition includes ofa(docile) to MacMahon’s have appears informed message whose youngemigrant, ofthat part some Andindeed, andmothers. wives ultimate as vocation ofthe dangersofthefemale citywhilereminding migrants them oftheir young sought to warn andorganisations, complex networkofsocieties workingthrough a andwelfare workers, major change,Catholic priests the undergoing futureofthe inanEnglandthat Catholic family was more andconcerned generallyfor the citycould arrivals, have onnew Attuned to andisolation, dangerandguilt. theeff ness destabilising aplace ofloneli- itcould be also the heresuggest, narratives examined as but, andpleasures, aspace ofexcitingcity could possibilities be new young ‘girl’shy’ to young‘lady’. ‘faultlessly dressed’ Th in the young woman’spresupposed transformation a‘gawkish from and isthe complexthe omits youngemigrant negotiations andreworkings Oneof the that things MacMahon’s intheirinvoked stories. of depiction Yet to project. wished of identity they were notthe these onlythemes city, their andthe experiences images understood howthey informing inthe post- migrants youngIrish as told their about lives English war andromance, through women echo these the fashion stories ment, inthis chapter. analysed memories Its ofaffl themes ‘sermon’. of‘modern’ constructions femininity andimplicit inMacMahon’sporary incontem- prevalent so offeminine independence to liveout the fantasy andleisure venues whichmight enable them freedoms to the resources, womenhadaccess youngsingleIrish andpriests, ofparents gaze sorious the cen- potentiallyand Manchester constituted where, spaces beyond 100 attempted youngmigrants to as negotiate that, What this meantwas Th isfantasy, indiff Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life erent ways andat diff cohesively to be appear ideals icting shot andproblematiccult process, erent moments, shaped the shaped erent moments, uence and empower- epost- English war erent ects Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 3 S Lmet ‘Iih oe’ Eirto t Egad 1922– 60: Th England, to Emigration Women’s ‘Irish , Lambert S. 3 113. Ibid., 2 diff voicesmakeapparent these also the ways distinctive inwhich inscribed, variability, texts inwhichthe as traces ofaspecifi for self- and alternative possibilities to for their Listened construction. prescriptions inconfrontingand agencies withregulatory womenboth to womeninhabited, migrant the ofdiff roles competing allude to the complexity andpower- laden characterofthe environments Th stories. multiple through voices whichecho migrants’ in this chapter ofattempting underline the importance the to decipher selected and within whichaccounts andwithin are made’.selected are formulations the discursive whichunderstandings from to it, speak the butalso voices that foration, itself, notonly the voice that speaks analysisandinterpret- to oralhistory within encompass it is‘necessary Penny As to whichitrefers. Summerfi andevents experiences anyLike other ‘record’, however, notsimply refl oralnarrative does 1 J MGhr , , McGahern J. 1 dence provides an essential record of the hidden history ofmigration’. record anessential ofthedence hiddenhistory provides abiding that ofmigration’ claimoforalhistorians ‘oral been has evi- ‘composure’. for psychic ongoingquest the present self’s by, were implicated in,andshaped constructed and that being the stories toextent some remained moment unresolved inthe journey migration indicating that the conflemotions, however, continued to arousecomplicatedyears, ofthis period memories at diff ways, Notes Notes through theofmigration. andtransformed process shaped elementcrucial inany attempt tohow the understand self ischallenged, chic dimensionsofsubjectivity, the analysisofsuchnegotiations a forms andthe discourse psy- social interplay ofthe shifting between evidence as complicate a‘record’. to oral narrative as read processes the tendency Yet inorder to integrateof their the Such pasts self situated inthe present. affi anddisplaced, women incorporated place, ‘negotiation’ here refers bywhich process to the ongoingpsychic settlement toofearly employed managethe inanunfamiliar disruptions post- women the towell strategies Englishcitypresented them. as As war f aiy is’ i A Hys ad D Uqhr (d) (eds), Urquhart D. and Hayes A. in Ties ’, Family of Story uln, 20 , 12 . abr , , Lambert S. 152; 2004), , ( Dublin erent the womennegotiated confl the Th oralhistorianAlistair As acse 01), 102. 2001), (Lancaster , erent points in their narratives. Even ofmany the intheirerent with passing narratives. points Th e Barracks odn, 20 , 52. 2009), , (London Irish Women 1922– in Lancashire, 1960: Th omson has observed, ‘a central and observed, has omson withthis liminal associated icts rmed and elided, diff andelided, rmed which the andpossibilities icts 83 Th In-between places In-between c personal history are history c personal e narratives analysed analysed enarratives Irish Women’s History erent institutions e Lengthening erent aspects eld suggests, ese voices voices ese ect the 101 eir 82

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 20 Th 0 2 Summerfi P. 19 6. Ibid., 18 Ibid. 17 Ibid. 5. 1927) PI/SA/5, 16 Galway, (b. Grady Brenda 15 Th 7 Women for Change and Emigration Going: Female of Fond Too ‘ Clear , C. 5 . uke , itn o Yu Pltc: Th Politics: Your on ‘Sitting Buckley , M. 4 102 14 Brenda Grady (b. Galway, 1927) PI/ SA/ 5, 1– 4. Labour recruitment schemes schemes recruitment Labour 1–4. SA/5, 1927) PI/ Galway, (b. Grady Brenda , Jackson 14 A. J. from Figures 13 2 Bed Gay b Gla, 97 I A , 7. 1927) PI/ SA/5, Galway, (b. Grady Brenda 24 Kidd, A. 23 Ibid. 6. 1927) PI/SA/5, 22 Galway, (b. Grady Brenda 21 , Lambkin B. and Fitzgerald P. 12 Th . A 9 . hmes , Chambers I. 8 . yn ‘Fml Mtes Emgain Fmla Ntok ad rs Wmn in Women Irish and Networks Familial Matters: (E)migration, ‘Family Ryan , L. 6 1 Se fr xml, as bevto , Observation Mass example, for See, 11 Migration ’, of Narratives the and ‘ Gender , Chamberlain M. 10 h Dul Bre , n . bleih ad P Cteal es, (eds), Catterall P. and Obelkevich J. Post- War Society British in Burden ’, Double the Britain Post- War Migration Studies Nurses andIrish Networks Social Migration, Led ’, Sociology andMotherhood: Th Networks Social (eds), Quinlan C. and O’Shea F. , Keogh D. in the1950s Decade: Ireland Lost in 1946–1961’, Ireland, in Contemporary Irish Society: EmigrationContemporary and Irish Identities Women amongthe Irish ’, in J. MacLaughlin (ed.), 90 , 1930s ’, Women’s Places: Irish intheChanging to ofEmigration Britain Memories were common inthe immediate post- See period. war E. Delaney , History Working- Class Identity: Thof Mistaken marketvary. labour Th British 2008 ), 245 entering the post- migrants ofthe. Estimates ofIrish number war Report on the Problems ofDemobilisation ontheProblems Report odn, 19 cs ad 2. and 1 chs 1990), , ( London rw o . ulr Butler , J. on draws Britain ’, Review ‘ andWirral Nurses Irish Midwives orOpportunity? Exile ’, Irish Women’s Emigration toAmerica Movers: Journal History e same observation has been madeby been has e sameobservation L. Ryan , ‘ and Spaces Moving is conception of the relation between gendered subjectivity and power andpower subjectivity isconception gendered ofthe relation between Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life omson omson , ‘ Studies andMigration OralHistory Stories: Moving ’, Journal ofEthnic and Migration Studies 2:5 (19 , 4. (1993), 2:5 2 99), 35. (1999), 27:1 4 97) 105 (1997), 43 Sociological Review Sociological Manchester: A History Manchester: A 4 07) 9 1 ; L Ra , Hd Sse i England”: Family- in Sister a Had “ I ‘ Ryan , L. 295–312; (2007), 41:2 eld , ‘ Women and Marriage since 1945: Companionate inBritain Migrancy, Identity Culture, xod, 20 48. 2007), (Oxford , 3 08) 453–470. (2008), 34:3 Gender Trouble: FeGender 4 96) 117 (1996), 49 e Irish inPost- eIrish War Britain ’, odn, 19 , 60–61. 1994), , (London Th 5 04) 5 7 ; L Ra , irn Women, ‘Migrant Ryan , L. 351–370; (2004), 52:3 eIrishin Britain e estimate quoted derives from K. Paul , ‘ A Case Case ‘ A Paul , K. from derives quoted estimate e Migration in Irish History, 1607– 2007 dnug 02) 224. 2002), (Edinburgh , ok, 20 , 12 . ’arl , O’Carroll , I. 142; 2004), , (Cork e Experiences of Irish Nurses inBritain Nurses ofIrish eExperiences ’, Th e Journey Home: A Mass- Home: A Mass- eJourney Observation minism andtheSu minism e Irish among the British andthe amongthe British eIrish odn, 19 , 6. 1994), , (London odn, 14 , 57–58. 1944), , (London odn, 16 , 199. 1963), , (London 2: 03), 75. (2003), 29:1 ( Dublin , 1991 ) ; M. Daniels , Daniels M. 1991); , (Dublin Location and Dislocation in and Dislocation Location International Labourand Journal ofEthnic and bversion ofIdentity bversion ok, 19 , 111. 1997), , (Cork History WorkshopHistory Understanding Irish Studies Irish Studies Th Models for eIrish in ( London , (London Oral Th e

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 5 Cae uln b Cr, 90 I A , 2. 1940) PI/SA/1, Cork, (b. Cullen Clare 52 19. Ibid., 51 18. Ibid., 50 29 Th 9 2 47 See, for example, J. J. Gray , ‘ Caring for Our Emigrants ’, Emigrants Our for ‘ Caring Gray , J. J. example, for See, 47 4 J . en, Keane, J. B. Vincent 49 Henry Bishop Marriage’, Christian on Letter Pastoral Advent ‘An 48 , t r o M . F 6 4 138. Ibid., 45 Emigration, on Commission 9. 1927) PI/SA/5, 44 Galway, (b. Grady Brenda 43 Summerfi 42 London, Committee Priests’ Parish 40 Ibid. 7. 1927) PI/SA/5, 39 Galway, (b. 50–51. ’, England” Grady to Brenda Going Are 38 You “So ‘ Garrigan, 37 41 CTS, , S T C 1 4 3 Ctoi Tuh oit o Iead, Ireland , of Society Truth Catholic Immigration’, A Pathetic 36 England: I – in Girls ‘Irish Roberts, N. 35 28 Delaney, , y e n a l e D 8 2 Langhamer , C. 27 Kidd, 25 3 Se J Kaig ‘Fih n Cmuiy Th Community and ‘Faith , Keating J. See 34 to Letter Ibid. Open 33 An England”. 53. to Ibid., Going 32 Are You “ So ‘ , Garrigan Mary Olive ’, 31 “Dangers” of Warned ‘Irish 30 , s e i v a D . A 6 2 Century Britain andAustralia Britain Century ’, the Women’s Kitchen Sink”? andWomen’s Lives inMid- History Twentieth odn, 21 , 16. 2010 ), , ( London 226, Marshall Papers. 226, Marshall Papers. Manchester, Archives, 1948,Salford Diocesan Marshall, 19November Box Proposed Plan Plan Proposed Britain ’, in Catholics ‘Irish , O’Leary D. England ’, in Workers ‘Irish , Hopkins Rex E. DT/ S/11582/C; NAI), after Emigration’,Labour 23July 1951,National (here- ofIreland, Archives Dublin uln 16 oet . tvno , , Stevenson L. Robert 1962); ( Dublin, Women Going toEngland Guardian Century British History British Century to the Welfare Mobility, State, Materialism andSocial 1945– 62 ’, Manchester, 1900– 1939 Irish Girlsto about EmigrateIrish ’, City inInter- War Manchester ’, 1939 Fielding , S. remains e most comprehensivee most study ofthis culture for the pre- 1939 period 2:2 (14 , 1 4 . uhn . . ugn , E Hpis , G Bay and Brady G. , Hopkins E. , Duggan F. J. Culhane , R. 17 – 24; (1948), 2: uknhm, 19 Se lo C Wlmn ‘Rlgos efod ad the and Selfhoods ‘Religious Wildman , C. also See 1993). , (Buckingham A Catholic Handbook A Catholic Manchester Th Capital Aff Capital eld, ‘Women since 1945’, inBritain 60– 66; A. Th , 1April 1955. eIrishin Post- War Britain Leisure, Gender and Gender Poverty Leisure, Th e Contractors , May 1948,AIB/ ICIB/ 1. Women’s Leisure in England: 1920– 60 , 187–198. , ar: Londonand theMaking Society ofthePermissive airs: Class and Ethnicity: Irish Catholics in 1880– England, Catholics and Ethnicity: Irish Class 9:1 (19 , 86–108. (1998), 9:1 uknhm, 19 , 81. 1992), , (Buckingham uln, 15 . anr Gaynor , E. 1953); , (Dublin , 22. , 1993),16. (Dublin, Th Reports e Observer Christus Rex Christus Women’s Review History Urban History A Catholic Handbook forIrishA Catholic Men and , 1. , Report onIrish WorkersReport in Londonand Shall I Emigrate? , 170–172. , Th reatened? Roman Catholic Responses RomanCatholic reatened? Responses : Working- Class Culture in and Salford e Furrow , 5June 1955. 3:2 (14 , 49. (1949), 3:2 3 01) 103–123. (2011), 38:1 1:8 (15 , 387–414. (1950), 1:8 In-between places In-between Christus Rex Christus acetr, 20 , 64. 2000), (Manchester , Th ( Dublin, 1965 ) ; ‘Irish ‘Irish 1965); ( Dublin, 2 03) 134. (2013), 22:1 eShamrock Express mo , id to Tied“ ‘ , omson 9 : 1 ( 1955 ), 15 . 15. (1955), 9:1 Manchester Twentieth Christus Christus 103

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 8 . Summerfi P. 83 Th 2 8 77 ‘Irish Labour Emigration’, 23 July 1951, NAI/ DT/ S/ 11582/ C. See also Gerard Gerard also See NAI/DT/ S/11582/C. 1951, July 23 Emigration’, Labour ‘Irish 77 8 . aMhn ‘Gtig n h Hg Ra Aan’ i J OBin e., (ed.), O’Brien J. in Again ’, Road High the on ‘ Getting MacMahon, 17. B. 1938) PI/SA/8, Cork, 81 (b. Long Rosie 80 Th ‘ , Schwarz B. see whiteness on discourses British defensive On 523. Leakage’, the 79 and ‘Marriage Sheil, 78 7 . hi , arae n te ekg , ’, Leakage the and ‘Marriage Sheil, L. , S T 76 C 5 7 17. 16. Ibid., 1938) PI/SA/8, Cork, 74 (b. Long , Rosie t r 73 o M 15. 1938) PI/SA/8, 2 Cork, 7 (b. Long Rosie 71 241. Ibid., Parish ’, London 70 ‘ A , Boland P. , A. t r 69 o M 8 6 12. Ibid., 67 14. Ibid., 66 15. Ibid., 65 12. Ibid., 64 2. Ibid., 63 11. Ibid., 62 10. 2. Ibid., 1938) PI/SA/8, Cork, 61 (b. Long Rosie 60 11. Ibid., 59 Ibid. 58 10. Ibid., 57 14. Ibid., 56 13. Ibid., 55 10. Ibid., 54 7. Ibid., 53 104 19 15. 1998), Vanishing Irish Bay ‘Iih ahlc i Bian’ Britain ’, in Catholics ‘Irish Brady , 01) 557–584. ( 2001), Man inTh AP/ BAA), (hereafter Archives Archdiocesan Birmingham J6j. onthe Notes Situation‘Some Workers ofIrish inBirmingham’, July 1951, Colonial Wars 1948– andImmigration, 1968 Th “ ‘ Webster’, , W. 207–238; of Midst: Discourses Our in Strangers” “ Dark andNation 1947– Race inBritain, ‘ 1963 Waters , ’, C. 65–78; (1996), 38:1 omson, ‘Moving Stories’, ‘Moving omson, 26. Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life A Catholic Handbook A Catholic Capital Aff Capital Aff Capital ere’: Th l , eld , odn, 15 207. 1954), , (London airs airs eRe- Racialisation ofEngland,1956– 1968 ’, Reconstructing Women’sReconstructing Wartime Lives , 42–45. , 41–48. , ere’ll Always be an England”: Representations of anEngland”: Representations ere’ll be Always , 17. , Th e Furrow Th e Furrow Th e Furrow Journal of British Studies Journal ofBritish 9:4 (15 , 240. (1958), 9:4 1:8 (15 , 47– 48 M. Foley, 407–408; (1950), 1:8 Journal of British Studies Journal ofBritish 9:8 (15 , 522–523. (1958), 9:8 (Manchester , eOnlyWhite Race &Class Race 3 (1997), 36:2 40:4 Th e

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 60,000 a year into the British labour market between 1946and1961. into marketbetween 60,000 ayear labour the British 50,000and ofbetween enabling the underthe entry 1948Act, citizens British thefrom Commonwealth as the in1949,were samerights granted Eire’s who,despite migrants, were Irish completerespect withdrawal manage the problemsupply. oflabour Favoured allothers above inthis sought to bywhichstate onemeans andindustry represented Act, Nationality bythe 1948British enshrined ofcitizenship understanding andthe schemes fl recruitment bylabour Immigration, facilitated 3 year and, above all, to get men and women where they are needed most’. are needed all,tomenandwomenwhere and,above get they year how ‘to expand the nation’s man- output force, per its labour to increase for 1947 threatened the the realisation seriously ofthis As goal. of1947demonstrated, however,the crisis fuel shortages acutelabour As government. Labour elected for the newly recovery economic war War, premiseofpost- abasic became levels raisingnational productivity Given the dire state ofBritain’s fi Th industry work construction in the British men’s in Irish and masculinity of narratives memory in re/ construction: myth, Lives Irish in Britain. in Britain. Irish ofthe inthe work history shift to mark animportant may seen crisis be war’. since the endofthe inthe period branchofindustry into every almost infi the Irish way andpaved for todirect immigrant Britain Irish ‘the choice way greater occupational andmobilityfor for the far opened fi identi- Jackson J. A. sociologist the contemporary wartime, during tries ed a process whereby the changing labour needs of the British economy ofthe British whereby needs aprocess labour theed changing e derided butmobilePaddy ederided Britain’s have ofscholars out, anumber pointed As post- labour war 4 Yet ifpost- agreater diff demands fostered labour war made clear, acentral problem forplannersconcerned economic 3 into indus- recruitment labour withIrish new Beginning nances at World the endofthe Second 105 Economic Survey Economic Survey usion of Irish usion ofIrish ltration exible 2

1

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document vision series. series. vision tele- andpopular cartoons parodic reportage, press butinlocal workers, andCatholic welfare priests concerned scientists, of Catholic social moral reconstruction. moral reconstruction. on post- discourses within valorised ofmasculinity domestication war andfi for drinking propensities brutish and with migrantcontinuedIrish himwithheavy, to associate ‘unskilled’ labour economy, the within British labour representations ofthe contemporary 106 within the newly ‘affl thewithin newly unproblematically migrants Irish towhich position narratives corrective intwentieth- migrants constitute acrucial England, suchviews century In highlighting continuities these inthe work ofIrish experiences function ofthe fi function respectively. ‘unskilled’. cent cent 25per InScotlandto this and 14.3per almost rose Wales in‘building’, worked cent anadditional13.8 per with classifi centper ofthe totalIrish- resident malepopulation inEnglandand born andaccording ofthese, 18 Concerning the almost last to the 1951census, andconstruction. agriculture manufacturing, metal service, or ‘personal’ low- arduous, ofwork forms indomestic status hazardous andfrequently continued andso to gravitate towards ment themarket, within labour into the for more entry fi lucrative andprestigious sary neces- the ofcapital lacking forms inBritain arrived migrants of Irish relative Despite diff occupational toBritons undertake. of‘dirtyfor the performance the state native jobs’ could notpersuade inBritain’s most were needed demand, they industries, ‘undermanned’ inthe migrant the post- Irish were inhigh Ifsuchmigrants period. war to continuities pointed also in the butthey work profi stereotypes, nalism, fi Kilkenny toin1944wouldultimately injour- London to acareer lead Foley, ofDonal the view from migration own Suchwas whose Britons. by evacuated hastily oflabour oftheto division inhabit segments those commodifi slaves, exactly what Britain wanted to rebuild their devastated country. to exactlyrebuild wanted what their Britain slaves, devastated no records at allofmany ofthem. Th there were Infact, noinsurance stamps. cards, hadnotax they Often … money for clean jobs didallthe dirty but mobilePaddywhowillingly andpost- the war during the derided whenitwas inBritain, years war have to they and so remained this day …Th Th Sc rpeettos refl representations Such Viewed theinpost- thus, Irish Englandconstitutedwar afl e Irish in Britain were always hewers of wood anddrawers ofwater, ofwood were hewers always inBritain eIrish Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life rst on Fleet Street and later the Street with rst onFleet labour,ed a‘replacement population’ was function whose 7 6

worker arange across construction ofthegure Irish uent’ working class. uent’ workingclass. 5 Th is was apparent, not only in the observations notonlyinthe apparent, observations iswas the resilience oflong- ected established ey were hard- ey well- working, paid 9 Th is, indeed, has been achief been has indeed, is, is was much in evidence much inevidence iswas Irish Times ghting atwiththe odds usion,the majority elds ofemploy- : o of ow ed as le of le 8

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document experiences within the within industry,experiences of exploring howtheir performance fi the broadercontexts of the post- Englisheconomy andculture,war the the analysiswithin Setting interrelated ofthree cess interms dynamics. exploring this pro- asite foridentities, ofmigrant as the construction this chaptermemoirs andautobiographies, investigates the industry diaries, migrant together with inconstruction, bulk oftheir workinglives the whospent malemigrants ofthree Using work histories the personal for example, EndaHughes’s 2011documentary Britain’s cities’. attention to the present- day ofmany who‘built circumstances Irishmen fi isolation andforgetting ofabandonment, indocumentaries, ideas with recently, the ofexile samethemes andexploitation coupled have been tity and moral worth throughtity andmoralworth interaction others’. with central ofiden- itisalso oracquires asense to ‘howoneearns positioning, ofeconomic of alienation. processes with While work isinextricably linked asite onlyas isthat mode the workplace atragic within isgrasped journey worker inpost- limitation, however, this ofinscribing 1945 England.A infl 1965 documentary 1965 documentary post- Phillip Donnellan’s suchas versions, Insome modernisation. war to upthe point limitations andcontradictions repeatedly of mobilised myth ofexile andexploitation, been worker has construction the Irish inpost-of discourses atragic within inscribed 1945 Englishculture: of masculine selfhood. selfhood. of masculine inwork- andparticipation the with work process, sources as cultures, based ticular, ofmen’s the stress importance studiesofmasculinity interactions mental health problems. mental problems. health multipleforgotten with physical and struggling and,inmany instances, labourersinthe industry,working as nowfound themselveshomeless, oftheir adultlives part workers the who,having spent construction best House post- for ‘community’ nostalgia war amidstrapid reconstruction. homeland workers awider their resonates with from rural construction ofthe chapterrst project isto examine the specifi andanexpandingction community literature to draw seeking public construction ofthe Irish uential ofrepresenting the journey means iety of criteria indicating personal ‘success’ indicating personal ofcriteria iety inthe workplace. byself andothers accordingcompared andevaluated to awholevar- cretion. Typically, men’s itseems, genderidentities are constructed, ofpower, andpositions progress ence, career authority andhighdis- benefi resources andsymbolic For many the men,employment interrelated provides economic ofthe experience migrant oneparticularly Such images have supplied off ers a powerful portrayal ofthe plight ofthousands ofpost- portrayal ers apowerful war 11 outinthe mid- carried onresearch inpart Based 1990s, Th eIrishmen: An Impression ofExile 14 observe: andHearn Collinson As 12

ofwages/ ts andexperi- skills salaries, Lives inre/construction Lives Th eMen ofArlington city ofrespondents’ 13 , the exile ofIrish For meninpar- 15

10 e r o M 107 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document consumption. Th available at ofcommunal/become the level for popular public memory century, have andformulas images suchthat ofcommon tropes, aset halfofthe ofactorsinthetwentieth second byavariety disseminated and represented have been industry meninthe construction of Irish the chapter exploresthis, also the diff with andintersecting Alongside their within work histories. construction diff shaped thewithin industry diff roles, distinct 108 diasporic belongings intersected incomplex Th intersected ways. belongings diasporic and but aspace inwhichmasculinity, position identities, class class even or identities, onlyanarena for ofmasculine the construction never was For inthe post- migrants Irish industry, construction thewar industry oneand the other at diff lating between ofattachment,modu- forms both ways, andgraduated invariable tain, invest exclusively society, ineitherorreceiving asending sus- butoften rarely Migrants permit. than suchframeworks tingent andpluralised however, are con- much moresuggests, ambivalent, belongings migrant Harte’s As indichotomous terms. addressed point have been often Within ofbelonging questions the historiography inBritain ofthe Irish for diff Liam Harte has put it: has Harte Liam changeplay ofself- into processes and subjective these As construction. ofthe narrating self. through needs them cohere the with psychological andthe identifi thetheir within industry experiences endeavour to make bywhichrespondents implicated inthe dialectic to changing circumstances andattitudes circumstances to changing inall‘three worlds’. overtimeaccording are varying highlydiverse, migrants of individual of the old country. Th andthat that country ofthe receiving oftheworlds’: that immigrants, eff they world because and new oldworld asimple choice between never For itwas migrants most onceembraced, andfor all. any more than it, desire the present isseamlessly whodevoutly those chance andchange.Yet by entirely even behind, isnever left the past discomfi andoften orientation anew towards a fresh ally entails ofafamiliar, the loss community sustaining and demands typic- It chosen, that orfreely isatruism whethercoerced migration, Th Finally, the chapter explores also ofbelonging theways issues diverse e‘ex- prone selfto isforever ‘here’ reading isled’ inrelation to ‘there’. Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life erent reasons. Indeed, as Fitzgerald and Lambkin point out: Fitzgerald as andLambkin Indeed, erent reasons. echapter examines the diff erent occupational trajectories and changing conditions andchanging erent trajectories occupational is means that ismeans outcomes at ofmigration the level 16 erent identifi ofgendered kinds

to ‘three diff belonged ectively erent ways inwhichthe experiences erent times, indiff erent times, erent are images ways these cations engendered ischapter explores ting world of erent spaces, erentspaces, 17 cation with

erent Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Denis: Barry: Denis: Barry: in tone: ashift inEnglandregisters arrival ‘freedom’ and‘craic’, immediately following ofthe period hisrecollection on‘the bog’, working everyday’ ‘loved this equating time in hislife with off account contrast he withthe nostalgicised inhiswork history period in staple industries. Th in staple industries. the immediate post- asignifi was period war keep ‘working and making aliving’. ‘workingandmaking keep 1948inorder to toinSeptember London migrated Denis farm, family the notinlineto inherit that andthethe fact hewas immediate vicinity irregular. the lackofalternative such,given ofemployment forms in As increasingly hadbecome employed whereLyrecrumpane hewas bog thisby1947work job, on liked Although turf. Denis transporting cart council- work onalocal where hedroveand ahorse bog, managed family’s 25- began 14,Denis in1941,aged school leaving After acre farm. Listowel, Kerry, upnear onhis in1927andgrew born was Denis outside Going the industry. accounts ofwork ‘here’ within and‘there’ subjects’ place within between that throughthis ofdialogue intersectionality theforms take distinct a foundry in Ealing, moulding doors for electric trains. trains. for electric mouldingdoors inEaling, a foundry aim. Having got‘a ofcards’, set found immediately work Denis almost in his didnothave longto Denis to achieve wait shortages, of acutelabour Denis: Barry: in Ireland. back Where Denis ofworkingonthe earlier bog ered there was no other way to get a living. noother way toaliving. there get was because come …youhadto …youhadto overhere work, andthey Th allthe yousee. immigration, that 1948.So was was Denis’sDespite rapid success infi in recovery condition economic ofBritish anecessary above, noted As sewers and all that craic. andallthat craic. sewers the fi and to gooutside Really. it. ButI wanted …No,I enjoyed which was the with winter. itchanged changed, er, dusty, Anditwas, very itwas S wa ws or fi your was what So then? the war after years And that afew wouldhave been What didyouthink ofwork? ofthat sort My fi y M Well Well, itwas. fi was the war ’twas whenyoucome the wintertime, onthe winter it Oh I … rst chance I got I went outside then. Working outside I went onthe roadsand rst chance I got rst job was working in a foundry, in Ealing. In London. InLondon. workinginafoundry, was inEaling. rst job e popular rhetoric ofpost- rhetoric epopular ‘austerity’ didnot war rst job, whenever you arrived? youarrived? whenever rst job, 20

18 aperiod inEnglandduring Arriving ofthis hismemories nding work, in1945.Andthen thatnished Lives inre/construction Lives cant increase in output levels inoutput levels cant increase 19 e [pauses] they they e[pauses]

109 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document housing schemes or‘thehousing schemes roadsandsewers’. workingonpublic of remuneration whetheronewas upuntil the 1960s, employment could for at provide regular relatively rates industry good undertight marketconditions itdidso labour suchthat theand 1950s, expansion would undergothroughout sustained the 1940s the industry of its pre- pre- of its inthe immediate post- level war years. war builtandthe available force,at houses labour athirdboth whichstood however, Demand, structure. of supplyinterms consistently outstripped the large- alongside housing stock, infra- of urban development scale for post- Britain’s to dramatically increase was governments war depleted and apost- aim acentral rates, policy andfertility inmarriage spurt war Giventhe eff aggregate needs. expanding labour its hadpersistent problems too satisfying tion industry the post- early during industry ‘undermanned’ the construc- period, war ambition ‘to gooutside’. achronically was manufacturing Whilemetal his to returns hisnarrative whenherecalls ofagency one,asense cult adiffi was pulsion, intimating thatofhiswork history this phase early hadto work’. ofsubsistence, thustive means putit: ‘you workplace with the desire, articulated throughworkplace the with articulated desire, fi change employment the ‘dusty’, contrasts confi that he‘enjoyed’ workinginthe foundry, hisaccount to ofhis decision agroundworker orlabourer. as in the industry insists Although Denis landing controls, to which all male migrants were subject. were subject. tolanding controls, whichallmalemigrants travel andshelter, andmore generally, inthe continuation ofwartime food, providing to Britain, migrants ofassisted to ensure the safe arrival refl types identifying Irishness with unreliability and idleness. unreliability with Irishness andidleness. identifying types by Ireland’s andlonger- the stancewar during neutrality stereo- standing workers continued ofIrish aff perceptions to be popular as even ofpost- targets key thus became industries, discourse, producerist war defi that wouldmakeupthethe ‘manpower’ expectation they on marketpredicated to labour the British their entry migrants, Irish ‘essential industries’, abroad. from the ofmigrantlabour necessitating use continued to into have labour state problems andindustry directing hadundergone signifi levels and productivity the employment period during while conditions were offull maintained the peace’. oftheirproducers in‘winning rolethe as importance However, too butemphasised scarceresources, to conserve citizens upon only call 110 manned’ ‘essentialmanned’ industries’. 18and35’ – between the ‘under- into typically approved employment, ‘suitable able to direct the government was migrants’ – papers, ‘fi acquiredtheir working whichmalemigrants this latter via mechanism, ected in the lengths to which the Ministry of Labour went inorder ofLabour intheto lengths whichthe Ministry ected Yet, ifDenis’s are here memories related through ofcom- alanguage Th e ‘fi Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life rst chance’ he got after arriving in England, Denis took upwork took inEngland,Denis rst chance’ arriving hegotafter ects of pre- ofpre- ects blitzing wartime shortages, war 23 alludingto the lackofalterna- Denis, As 25

environmentned ofthis by1949, cant increases rst- voice, person 24 Th us, us, although 21 cit insuch 22 Th Th is was rough t men t ected - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document characterised by ongoing movement and travel between jobs indiff jobs byongoingmovement andtravel between characterised elsewhere. elsewhere. whenonecontractjob fi to job from where form, workers moved amore casual took struction employment the andbefore incon- war this period during migrants building fi of‘companynumbers men’ whocontracted to work for oneofthe large disposes one to familiar spaces and forms ofpractice. andforms spaces oneto familiar disposes Denis’s bythe way habitus shaped ‘to desire isthus itas gooutside’ to see Oneway ofreading shovel work. inparticular competencies, of bodily and sewers’, place airandinvolve butalltake inthe similarsorts open work are ‘workingonthe notofcourse identical with and farm roads work re- contexts be ofself can images where these work Bog embodied. ‘outside’between and‘freedom’, out himinEnglandto seek disposing the land, Denis’s work have experiences youthful anequation engendered authenticity linked work with on masculinity onIrish discourses popular ‘sense aparticular engendered ofone’s place’. context Inarural where in whichDenis’s have andbog work onthe earlier experiences farm ofthe ways thisafunction preferencenotion ofhabitus, as mayseen be outdoors/ andclean/ indoors ‘to gooutside’, between dirty. oppositions overlapping establishing evaluative Approached through Bourdieu’s Englishness. Englishness. ofpost- at the heart inscribed ‘ordinary’ domesticity of fantasies war to marginal the of practices as populations, amonglocal outsiders as this suchworkers transient marked frequently lifestyle suggest, period or private local lodging houses. houses. lodging local or private on- either inmakeshift residences, upofnew taking site accommodation astop- as were labour performed of ‘unskilled’ gap, andthe repeated ofthe in- country, ofbeing parts phases where other forms jobs, between the ofthe form workplace, however: Although the post- growing wouldsee industry construction war we, that’s youknow. howwedoneit, after, partners mate as andmyself weworked that I … andworking… Th Kerry. Th that from them. youknow. towith same job, job London AndI went to again Suff back Andwecame wintertime. inNottingham inthe down for abitandthen we went to pullingbeet country, inFelixstowe down inSuff indigs andI was outto the then wemoved onlyfor awhile, because But that was Th memoirsandfi diaries, migrant As en … and I was with them until I left, came down here. Th down came them with until I left, en…andI was is‘sense ofone’s notonlyrelated place’to material was features of for for many the rms duration Irish oftheir workinglives, 27 ey were the samecounty myself ey andmy as …my mate was Th 28 show, suchsources also As however, this itinerancy is casualism fostered a particular rhythm ofitinerancy, fostered aparticular iscasualism preferable orthere employment was nished 26

accounts ofthe ctionalised Lives inre/construction Lives the then olk again, took olk. Workedolk. there ey ey were erent 111 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document four’ four’ ways ofconceptualising there the world. were Whereas only‘three or and similaremotionalneeds through interaction others with possessing habituated ways ofrelating to andothers oneself reaffi could be anddiscontinuity,ruption where native hostility; andinmany instances, of‘a ofone’senable the sense recovery place’ inabroadercontext ofdis- fl however contours, exchange offi unavailable at much the ofwhichwas labour andlodgings, wages jobs, information about ofdisseminating interms crucial functions practical important throughperformed this formed pattern ofitineracy networks the orresidential developments, projects engineering whether oncivil t emphasised sociologists trial Ireland.indus- Where inrural contemporary similarbackgrounds from other with men andsocialised lived menworked, inwhichIrish pubs, local andparticular house lodging site,the the construction temporary around based milieu, homosocial the ofadistinctive practices structured 112 continued to expand ofthe upuntil largest outside the late 1960s, although Inturn, the construction. industry ticularly pronouncedwithin the that result the stop- go fl with to at level, highly sensitive demandregulation the macroeconomic itwas so overthe period, oncredit dependent heavily was the industry much of Because the industry,at ofgroundworkers. the level particularly fatalities. andrising of theprocess labour ofworker, categories particular contributed to italso anintensifi However, relatively wages and beyond. high for keep whilethis helped expansion upto the inconstruction late ofdemandsustained 1960s scale the war, after in the decades parties andthe andConservative the Labour more generally, issuefor reconstruction both urban anurgent policy was larly arduous and dangerous during the period. larly arduous anddangerousthe during period. however, particu- remains fact, abrute was that work the within industry re- ofcommunitycould where ties refuge, be belonging Itestablished. of akind as appears then, industry the construction On this reading, Th environment. into the communality Englishpost- rural were transposed urban war and work ‘partner’. Inthis way, ofIrish practices gendered certain hishomecounty,from hislife- oneofwhomwouldbecome long ‘mate’ tomen aworkwith form gang interact men,indeed, other with Irish off culture industry ofthe construction e pickaxe, the shovel and the graft theshovelandgraft epickaxe, this hadto the dowith relative within lackofmechanisation In part, 30 Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life the causal labour at Ealing, inthe menemployed foundry Irish ce. 29 At the sametime,moreover, the delineated they Englandthat space inurban coulduid, ofasocial uctuations economy ofthe were wider par- he individualism of construction workers, workers, ofconstruction he individualism to the opportunity Denis ered 31 os-bidn, and House- building, cation rmed Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document of pay, became key issues in this period. inthisof pay, period. issues key became rates safety, andnationally agreed industry decasualisation together with bythe of ‘the spread lump’, weakened severely strengthhadbeen whose For unions, construction hazardous. areputation as gained the industry andemployment rose, within on conditions ofhighdemand,fatalities physicallylabourers toinorder manageable exceedto what capitalise was suff siteand ofpain as that recalled so the buildingsite was limits, to its body his 40- pushed to perform obliged hewas ofthe workness tasks year- old the strenuous- wartime, site alaboureronanaerodrome during work as are to generated. For for recruited example, JohnO’Donoghue, whowas motif,around whicharangeofmeanings arecurrent forms the industry inpost- worked the intensity within construction, war ofwork processes demand. intensively worked wave of inorder onthe to rising which was capitalise initiated fi was the nextidle during trough whenthe indemand.Instead, next ‘go’ phase smaller fi since mechanisation, notaccompanied byincreased companies this was against one another within casual labour pools for ‘a pools labour start’. oneanother casual against within piece- ‘self-rates with directly whowouldcompete employed’ labourers, cheap,many suchfi highandmoney while demandwas only subcontractorsthe within industry. profi Aimingto maximise contractors1950s whichstimulated ofprivate the growth andlabour- inthe mid- industry ofthe andderegulation construction policies Party’s monetary active Conservative the returned itwas government, fi were infact tive schemes payment- by- ofremuneration. methods Although payresults andincen- unemployment was on the increase. onthe increase. unemployment was annum, 249,000 to at from 340,000 per atimewhen builtrising houses the with average rate aboom, in particular, of underwent the industry the 1958– quantity ofwork space oftime.During inashorter 1969 period labourerswere to employed doagreater fewer as of theprocess, labour anintensifi butvia inmechanisation, orrapidof labour increases through ofgreater numbers the hiring thefrom 1950swere notachieved the within industry inproductivity in favour Increases ofthe contractors. the remuneration/ wages, good eff although piece- work relatively might enable labourersto some achieve memoirsandfi In the diaries, was raised and I got a few minutes’ rest. But down it came again andit again it came Butdown minutes’ andI got rest. afew raised was Itarelief when the allovermyhopper was soreness limbs. a dreadful shovel after into shovel putting each I poured the again, vessel At the sametime,suchfl ering: 32 that wouldlie were reluctantrms machinery to invest innew

rms responded byrehiring labour, responded rms on‘the employed lump’, uctuations also contributed uctuationsto also the of spread in1947undertherst introduced Labour accounts menwho ofIrish ctionalised ort ratio was in fact increasingly tilted tilted increasingly infact ratio was ort 34 35 Inevitably, foremen as incited

Lives inre/construction Lives rms negotiated rms 33 However, cation 113 ts Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 114 regarded with contempt.’ with regarded workers were whilepoor hard wereof. Menwhoworked praised, proud to something be ahard worker as was ‘to known be project, oflabourersonalargeengineering civil A. J. M.ologist Sykes observed thesoci- contemporary As ofmanliness. ideals valorised as encoded whichenablecompetencies may conquest ofthe regime become and traits andself, those threatensregime ofthe the body viability generated. Ifthe heavy, dangerous characterofthe work arduous, conceptualisationswhich distinctive ofwork- were masculinity based ofsubjectifi mechanisms exploitation, butcorporeal simply for metaphors were accounts never But inthese suchregimes fi by10o’clock MacAmhlaighdescribes, As onhis andminds. bodies thatof physical labour threatenedoftheir frequently the integrity to harshregimes siteOn the workers construction were subjected day inNorthampton: the hehadmet previous Cornamona from navvy aseasoned to MikeNed, workthe with set picking ground to the site ‘on spec’, he‘got arrival after soon the job’, immediately andwas labourer onabuildingsite inTowcester. Transported bythe contractor toageneral work as twoweeks after butleft anorderlyas inahospital, MacAmhlaighc Donall straightforward. however, to attached the workwere the process much meanings less theFor post- during inthe other industry menwhoworked period, war called into question.called be hismanhood lest the imageof‘ahard’ to embody navvy’ proper the eff much as workers as and MacAmhlaigh’s of hisfellow concerns anxiety the recognition site ofself- andmutilation,construction able to ‘make a man’, orbreak Th anathema. become regime, the with ever- associated bythe present threat posed ofcastration risk- andcautious self- idleness weakness, taking; traits as preservation, ability to embody byone’s governed world worker ofthe was construction homosocial rst morning his hands were blistered and his back wracked with pain. with wracked hishandswere andhisback blistered rst morning I had so little strength left in me for it. littleinmeforI had so it. strengthleft lazy, onlythat bynomeans to butquite work, willing to goon.I was fi had to be as if somebody had been laying about it with a stick. astick. itwith laying about hadbeen ifsomebody as at came tenbreak o’clock blisters onmy handsandmy felt back I had can’t We navvy?’ work likeaproper away worked andwhenthe fi ofaman isthat kind that any want I didn’t ofthe ladssaying: ‘What hard because that after better andI tried I worked it. with hazardly highandto hitinthetoo hitting sameplace andnottohap- always be mehowtoitproperly – goabout showed Mike Ned the pick notto lift Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life lled in a wild hurry each time. I was ready to time.I was ready drop, each butI had hurry inawild lled machismo 38 ects of the work task upon his body: he ‘tried hisbody: he upon ofthe work task ects Inthis way, status the andinclusionwithin ofstrength, power, ideals endurance and eworkisthus a process simultaneously 36 ame to Englandinitiallyto work

37

cto through cation rst Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document agency of these associations in shaping perceptions of Irish manhood. manhood. inshaping ofIrish perceptions associations ofthese agency unsurprisingly, tended, to the reinforce within industry migrants the tropes of Irish irrationality andhypersensitivity. ofIrish tropes eously, historic with of the rough eliding appetites navvy the brutish andethnicdiff ofclass languages linity thus encoded Within the post- mascu- ofIrish constructions Englishimagination, war visit to hisancestral homeinCo.Wexford.visit 1963, BCA/ 03673. Th …lemmeadmonishhim throubles alloveragain ! ’, President o’ American- the U.S.A. an the starting that’ll be Oirishman 2 fi ‘for the didandfor rough their work reputation they for drinking, ‘despised’ were encamped where inthe they regions the navvies people local an‘outcast’ as regarded society; wider within population long been had group as navvies observed, Sykes also As ways. invarious culinity ghting andbehaving anti- socially’. ‘Sure an’ Lee, Joseph it’s the dacent himself miscalling Oirish- American ofethnicandnationalIssues identity into played this culture ofmas- e cartoon refers to to USPresident reaction Kennedy’s ecartoon 39 Th econcentration ofpost- Irish war Lives inre/construction Lives Evening News 41

erence simultan- erence , 26June 115 40

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Mayo’, could satisfy’: ‘nobody whom,itseemed, MacAmhlaighencounteredDonall an‘ill- county buckfrom mannered Whileworkingonthe Kilsby tunnel Rugby near in1957, bonus. own merciless fi into as were this themselvesincorporated racialmythology production, armytious androbust to labour ofthe manage itat Irish the of point years’ to glory in the performance ofpunishinglabour. inthe performance to glory years’ ‘a hardworking andenergetic race’, overthe by ‘hard conditioned living of the specimens purest as migrants rural whichvalorised mythology meninto Irish to ever- coax ofworkgreater to feats through a appeals contractors fi system, andlabourersto defraudthe tax on‘the muchemploying labour Irish lump’, both whichenabled asystem well andremuneratingas As managing it. ways ofrecruiting, distinctive ating underconditions offl mobile andfl plentiful, was labour migrantIrish andcultural Because capital. social of aform as could function also masculinity Irish itself tion industry confl Anglo- Irish 116 west is implicitly equated with a superior Irish fi Irish isimplicitlywest witha superior equated farmer,myth peasant ofthe Irish ofthe milieu inwhichthe harshrural the ganger’s arevivalist ofphysical within prowess inscribes performance ofaform ofregulation, the representation adescription well thus as As the with bog- the simile‘a ofpeat’ sod ofIreland. west lands ofthe rural itthrough linking projected, for the displayandstrengthbeing ofpower however, hisrepresentation ofthe foreman’s admiration belie actions onthe site. At andenhance productivity discipline archical the sametime, hier- to employed secure could be hypermasculinity ways inwhichIrish andforemen, gangers drawnIrish bycontractors ambi- the from most of If, however, legacies the enduring betrayed suchassociations MacAmhlaigh’s example account ofthe agood provides ofthis episode up to him. you’dlike huge thick ropes, say stand that could ever nomanonearth out the standing with muscles holdofthe pipe man hadwhenhetook Ifyouonlysaw that the arms ofpeat. asod ifithadbeen justas head over,I came weremennotwomen.’ sending they Horan’s Mary overfrom sending they’re shrimps since the war. When of them my with little fi rage. burstwith at henearly twomentowagons apipe, them outofthe to lift ahundredweightabout and,whenwestarted Th ree wagons of concrete pipes came along with each pipe weighing pipe each alongwith came ofconcrete wagons pipes ree itupoverhis With andswung oneofthe pipes hegrabbed that, ‘Two things’, oneofthose mento carry ‘I’d hebellowed, one lift Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life gures who exploited young Irish men in order to secure their whoexploitedmeninorder to youngIrish secure gures exible, it was valued by English and Irish contractors byEnglishandIrish oper- valued exible, itwas 43

culture, the within construc- popular wider within ict day.nger onabad what I don’tof know kind uctuating demand,andsuchfi tness to work. to work. tness 42 might rms seek

rms developed rms developed 44

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document however, man’ this ‘wild more Where problematic. writers image was For the migrants, other with publicreputation of Irish actorsconcerned thewithin context folk ofthe revival. British to emerge inthe 1960s began industry intheexperiences construction replication ofpre- the about Irishman’s ballads new existing forms, Irish inthe practices post- making initiallyonthe Englishcitywere based war music- whileIrish documented, Hallhas Richard As into song. popular the twentieth century, features ofstock andbythe incorporation ofthis literature bythe fostered emergencein England,aprocess over ofanavvy navvy ofthe Irish mythology ofthe popular part haveSuch stories become reported to have to sungthewhiletravelling andfrom sites: song reported onlorries workers themselves are and construction inBritain, whentouring live sets ‘McAlpine’s astaple ofTh become Fusiliers’ has inparticular audiences Irish inBritain. with popular whichproved setting, an urban imageofauthentic in masculinity, ofarecognisable Irish use rural recast Behan’sand Dominic ‘McAlpine’s Fusiliers’ diff Eoin MacColl’s ‘Tunnel Tigers’, Moore’s Christy ‘Paddy onthe Railroad’ they also liked to see themselves as ‘wild men’: ‘wild themselvesas to see liked also they fi drinking, ling the exertions ofheavy practices ofthe with work regime of itinerant adventure astory within coup- articulate and fearlessness the ofphysical themes strength Inonestrandofrepresentations, ways. ofpost- thewithin communal memory settlement war incompeting ghting and gambling. As Sykes observed, navvies valued hard work, but hard work, valued navvies Sykes observed, As ghting andgambling. With McAlpine’s fusiliers. And nowwe’re onthe roadagain With ofbeer andquarts pints Th And out inthe spikeyou’ll fi ’Twas drankthe sub inthe pubthey With their shovels them slungbehind McAlpine’s the glencame down As men ‘hard’themselves as men. to ofthe visualise Foreign the with andliked appeal something Legion, glamorous, something oftheir as lives ofthisromantic aspect view Th wrecked. hadbeen battles inwhichwholecamps ofgreat wonandlost, and night until hadbeen thousands ofpounds that schools have ofgambling goneonday bouts, drinking of famous ofandtold exaggeratedabout: stories stories feature that boasted they andfi gambling their wildness: theirwas drinking, Th generalised have been hypermasculinity ofIrish suchimages In turn, ey sweated blood and they washed down mud down washed andthey blood sweated ey believed, they so reprehensible feature socially emost ofthe navvies, 45 47

nd them. Lives inre/construction Lives ered in tone, they allmade intone, they ered 46 suchas Although songs ghting. But this was a Butthis was ghting. e navvies hada enavvies e Dubliners’ 117 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document problems’. life’,an easier andpersonality social with deteriorating into ‘welfare cases inBritain’,‘worthy positions and‘those whocome onthe off to emigrate’ andwere capable ofreaching decided who have responsibly ‘those between adistinction drew repeatedly bodies ofIrish functions onthe welfare internal discussions amoralvirtue: as valorised to be years, the fi years, attentionbution to ‘buildingthe attracted increasing NHS’ has inrecent contri- nurses’ WhileIrish background. farming the ofa rural hardships in have the myth work ofaformidable ethicrooted foregrounded Irish inEngland,commemorative histories memory ofpopular major focus tribution’ to ofimmigration ‘rebuilding a Britain’ became the war after At settlement. war the inparticular, ofthe turn century whenthe ‘con- for communal framework remembrance animportant ofpost- become has respectability this narrative ofIrish homes, suburban established and areas thereception urban the have population migrant departed most iconic metaphor for the qualities, attributes and achievements attributes andachievements iconic formost metaphor the qualities, and the county centres, Irish associations oflocal activities the intersecting a‘ghetto’ as Irish community, andthrough to rough given behaviours, ofthe characterisations settlementterm popular inEngland.Against committed to long- ambitiousmigrants communitygrowing ofsocially in the inception, fi concernsthe ofthe twin centrally Catholic Church, involved which was culture more generallyself- by representational were practices governed post- within version ofEnglishcultural norms, associational Irish war asub- as maleroughness sought toIrish mobilise and folk balladeers 118 drink’ in a setting heavily staff heavily inasetting drink’ atmosphere’, inaChristian sport could where enjoy a‘quiet members ‘recreation providing and as their associations envisioned bodies of Irish committees the governing excessive with association consumption: its ofwork from the performance decoupled also centres andassociations At the sametime,however,ofIrish functions onthe social commentary through the promotion ofasemi- offi toendeavoured ‘raise the status andreputation community’ ofthe Irish to fee- to fee- anddonors that: members paying continued for labour hard, propensity the honest Irish ofthis, part As halfofthe thetwentieth second century,Over largeof swathes as ough investigation. thor- after given isonlyever andthis assistance employment, accepts bodied man or woman is ever given fi given manorwomanisever bodied Th e Irish Centre does notcater Centre norencourage eIrish ‘layabouts’. does Noable- Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Irish Post 49 the here worker formed of the has gure male construction Th e council of Camden Irish Centre was at to out Centre pains point Irish ecouncil was ofCamden self- , these community ofthe Irish leaders appointed nancing and everyday running of such bodies, anda ofsuchbodies, running nancing andeveryday 50

ed by priests. bypriests. ed cial code of Irish respectability. ofIrish cial code untilnancial assistance hefi 51

- of chance rst 48

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document rigours of the work regime are mobilised in order to secure recognition recognition inorder to secure ofthe are work mobilised rigours regime ofcomposure isthus at work whereby the very A strategy is blended. greater ofagenerational toughness ‘we’into whichthe fi aff then ofthe available, tools shovel’ butconstitute isnot onlyadescription and,byproxy, Th was it. within the menembedded ofhow‘hard’ andpresent onthe basis work process past between toacontrast establish ofhisexperience mayseen be aspect particular intensive. At the same time,however, Denis’s to highlight decision this right upuntil the mid- industry 1970s meant that highlylabour- work was of investment the lowlevels within to work in’ accurate: isfactually Denis’s description, as ‘like Read account was ofwhat the industry reproduced in a 2006 popular photographic history of photographic history ina2006popular reproduced at outagain read the author’s in1997,andsubsequently mass funeral 1985.Th on22 February founding members ofthe ofthe outat club,whichheread ameeting ahistory produced Manchester, founding members, for oneofits example, JohnO’Dowd, to mark the twenty- fi Publishing: bySutton inOldPhotographs’ series ofa‘Britain part as published Denis: Barry: of self: image soughtavalued to compose whichDenis within framework key apparent what isthat becomes this myth a forms evolves, tion industry Denis’s As connotations. narrative ofwork the within construc- personal Denis’s ‘you hadto work’, assertion, earlier toonnew take begins themyth work ofthe against backdropofthis ethic, Irish collective Set established a better life for themselves and their families. life abetter for themselvesandtheir families. established of apost- generation of‘grafters’war and Britain whorebuilt modern ective objects, narratively rendered here as symbols expressive ofthe narrativelysymbols here rendered as objects, ective did have, the pick- it. andthat was axe, the shovel andthe graft, hydraulics hadn’t come infor abitafter. We only, the onlything we Youor nothing. Th hadnohydraulic no hydraulics. …there was times. these during education of form valuable avery whichproved oflifeby the to rigours work, didn’t wewere conditioned the matter conditions, howmenialorpoor for It were the hired. job Irish muscle needed there was Wherever at theexchange labour for benefi looking andwehadto fi ofmoney no reserves the time.We hardest inEnglandwas Immediately wearrived after had liketo work in? industry the construction What was Well, way harder than itisnow. youhadnocompressors Because ofChorlton Clubinsouth Irish anniversary fth 53

nd work. We ndwork. didn’t goqueuing ts, we travelled to get work. wetravelled towork. get ts, Lives inre/construction Lives e following extract was extracte following was e‘pick- axe’ and‘the Irish Manchester rst- person voice 52 n order In 54

119 e , Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Denis: however, Irishmen, Other were notthe onlyworkers notupto the task: Denis: Barry: Denis: Barry: Denis: Barry: Denis: Barry: subcontracting system from the 1950s, meant that labourersoften Irish the from 1950s, system subcontracting nature ofwork the within industry, the together ofthe with development other, for when employed large fi British particularly each andalongside with worked andEnglishmenoften Although Irish Denis workers: and bad rather, employed, butwas of criticism, good toacontrast been establish this anobject didnotform their ‘ruthless’with workers, men could be for example, that agreed, ganger WhileDenis prominent. increasingly in‘the‘graft’ pick- embodied axe’ and‘the shovel’. here of ofthe interms ideal measured achievements, past for the self’s 120 Denis Barry had himupto four, fi that’s it. Digging and everything else. else. that’s andeverything Digging it. you have … preferred youknow. it, I would say was Yeah, yeah. Work that allthe time.So …that’s cuttingturf, …everything. what wewere brought school upcutting andwhenweleft up to itinschool, weren’t they job, enough. good many ofthem working? that. anEnglishmanbefore seen I never ago. But, Denis’sAs became this theme ofgraft narrative ofwork evolved, plaint, but a lot of lads had been slacking, andhe’d slacking, butalotoflads had been plaint, sackthem then. youknow.and stillis, you,andI’dprotect ofmates, Andwewere the worked. always best he’d ifyouworked him allthe time,andI couldn’t because gowrong, He oneofthehad the with brothers. big say,workingwith andI was Well, brothers. three that brothers, fella, butI was notallthree working workingwith I was inLondon working…whenI worked bloke I was Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life : o f o wre hr … hard worked you if So : : h wl, hy ee Th were. they well, Oh, : : hard anddidaday’sIf youworked work then there’d nocom- be Ad i yu ie okn i te osrcin nuty o would or industry, construction the in working like you did And workers?Why doyouthink men were the suchgood Irish Th Why Why doyouthink that doyouthink there was? wasn’t so No, no.I had afella uphere, andI’ve ofmy …andwemoved own O, o cntuto, eh Th yeah. construction, no, Oh, groundworkers. Brought weren’t upto it, Brought they? upto …wewere brought better Way yeah. workers, Better Well, inour couldn’t they because workI mean, the with Irish. e Irish menwereworkers? better eIrish ve years ago. Six years, maybe six, seven years years seven six, maybe years, ago. Six ve years ey were. Th ey at’s all I was used to allmy used life, at’s allI was 56 ey were ruthless with you.Th with were ruthless ey

the casual rms, 55 e

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the ways inwhichcontracting fi them to homogenouswork- work inethnically itus disposed and groups, toaccount take ofthe migrant’swould need ways inwhichIrish hab- thefrom samecounty. anexplanation this implies, ofsuchclustering As frequently, inDenis’s together ingangs, ofmen worked as composed case, widespread availability of diverse consumer products and rising social social andrising availability consumer ofdiverse products widespread ‘afflepochal ofan to proclaim the scientists arrival social inducing contemporary patterns ofconsumption, incomes andthe ofnew development rising halfofthethe twentieth second century, the post- witnessed period war relative sluggish to that was ofotherof growth European countries in ‘affl oneofgrowing as period mobility. ofthe Suchanexclusion view the popular isnotable given his narrative, to the exclusion ofremuneration, ofissues and wealth ever, within isthat idealised tends ofwork to itself be the performance eff unaddressed A hitherto in the present. the facilitating composure ofthe light, self inapositive hispast view Denis’s investment muscle’ thus of‘Irish inthe trope enableshimto Th of ‘here’. remain ofthe that apresent can truth self, so ‘there’ past remain part can anextension as ‘there’, ofhisexperiences viewed ‘here’ to be that so the diff identity between one’s splitting anddestabilises disrupts ofbelonging, necessarily sense migration there andhere: if andpresent, enables anintegration ofpast continuous the behind with the place within prowess industry left ical then, the way inwhichthe myth men’s rendersachievement, Irish phys- were brought upto it’. putit: ‘we Denis oras work’; of asense well as As men’s menwere ‘conditioned oflife bythe to rigours origins: such rural Th acity for work. cap- oftheir superior because pass meneasily whichIrish masculinity industry, of atest enabling as exploitative work relations viewed to be ofthe construction sible dueto aspects negative the way itbackgrounds Th distinction. ofpersonal a sense derive can whichhe imageofself from apositive buttoof the construct life lived, draws onthe communal muscle’, myth of‘Irish notonlyto makesense ‘theyweren’t enough’. good explained: here Denis thus, Inresponding the industry. within positions traded occupied workers typically construction born inacontext labour Irish andutilised where English- recruited market, e luck of the game eluckofthegame however,For Denis, more simply the absence ofEnglishmenwas uent society’ defi uent society’ iscapacity, moreover, isexplained interms ofIrish the mytherent enablesDenis’s places, experiences uence’. Although economy’s the British rate ned in terms of enhanced purchase power, purchase ofenhanced interms ned navigating the fl rms, Lives inre/construction Lives ofthis how- investment, ect e myth makes this emyth pos- makes uctuations ofthe 121 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the Englishpopulation’. homebuilding facilitating towards for orientated were primarily lives to benefi mobility and aspirations. mobility andaspirations. 122 O’Rourke, and the Byrne Brothers became familiar names on the local onthe local names familiar Brothers andthe became O’Rourke, Byrne in particular, Irish- ‘subbies’owned likeMcGinley, O’Keefe, Gulmanda, halfofthe inthe twentieth second century.businesses Around London fl in the ofmarket face trade. Andwhilemany such fi or askilled qualifi inEnglandwithout who arrived proliferate inthe 1950swere numerous fi Irish might contractors. gointo private for themselvesas business conditions whocould underwhichthose save arelatively sum modest deregulation andthe created availability of cheap money but because through piece- wages good to earn migrants ‘unskilled’ it enabled work, tion. Th ofconsump- forms inpopular andengage to enhance power purchasing for many anopportunity Englandrepresented other Irishmen suggest, disfi to himanugly inthe 1950sseemed ofyoungIrishmen heobserved wages’ ‘work with and andthe preoccupation ideal, represent anaspirational culinity, Englishculture within thedidnot materialism heassociated ofIrelandFor ofwest mas- the ideal MacAmhlaigh,piouslyevoking about ‘workabout andmoney’: only to fi intoApril the 1957hecalled bynumerous madetimeandagain contemporaries. observation workers an into construction Irish transform consumers inthis period, other with helped manual workers As inEngland,suchwages labourers. relativelyenabled for highrates ‘unskilled’ ofpay overtime andplentiful which inthe 1950s, isation industry ofthe andderegulation construction the with privat- coupled demandfor housing, the very nevertheless was concentrated amongthe Englishmiddleandupper- it working classes, Among the fi Th daily job. the in apubIreland hadplenty andwealways besides toabout talk workmen with here awhile.I’ve have been often whenthey been rest work about andmoney – talking the materialistic as as get butthey Th them are the from West ofIreland ! of What butmost harm andhorses. jobs interested innothing beyond their tongues – ofthe Irish – youmight expect as butthis crowd are MacAmhlaigh.Around midday Donall oneSaturdayOne suchwas in gurement racialcharacter. ofthe Irish observations hisown Butas e Irish at home, so far as I know, as at far eIrish home,so haven’t gotthis uglyhabit – always Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life e construction industry was important here, not only because here, notonlybecause important was industry econstruction iftheir ‘working even processes, these from t economically piece- ofyoungIrish nd agroup incessantlyworkers talking ey had all the best stories andtraditionallore at stories of the tips hadallthe best ey ofcontractorsrms to andsubcontractors that began others into wouldgrow successful uctuations, 58 57 inhome- Ifincreases were most ownership workers stood construction Irish noted, As Admiral Rodney 59

cations, prior business expertise expertise business prior cations, rms wouldultimatelyrms fl rms, started by migrants bymigrants started rms, , apubinNorthampton, ounder Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Kerry. At the sametime, however, ‘the as best America designating from asmallsubcontractor hispartner with as ‘working for myself’ whichpresumablya motivation underlay hislater to start decision to work to men,butbyadesire amongother improve Irish earnings, notonlyprompted ‘to byadesire and was gooutside’ in construction Denis’s advancement. ofeconomic interms to workproject eagerness themselves’, audible makes avoice the thatmigration Denis evaluates well for donevery that there me,they the moved sametimeas people ‘the to inbecause work’ country ‘the as best America In designating Denis: Barry: Denis: Barry: Denis: Barry: Denis: Barry: Denis: near them: to be to hadaspirations movethere himself whetherheever about a question prompting mentions thatDenis to twoofhissisters America, emigrated insinuate At aspiration. anunderlying of disclosures this onepoint, was the within industry, hisexperiences anumber advancement indescribing notexplicitly does makereference Although Denis toprowess. material of‘afflideals inscribed the within industry engendered conceptions ofmasculinity to acquire the with opportunity considerablemigrants and wealth, the post- work, Irish some thus provided industry construction war survey of wealth within the industry in the within industry ofwealth survey scene andeight- fi tion industry’. ‘the Irish’lyst Paul Fletcher to ‘a describe as inthe construc- powerhouse cent ofthe estimated industry’s £ ana- industry leading 10 billionwealth, and second- generation Irish- fi owned well, youknow. Still,luckoftheisn’t game, it? know. ofthem doingwell were as groundworkers Some andthey’re well, you gotthe as break …Andthey …[pause] then youknow some, bigand have andthe andallofthat, …Some gonevery the wagons have donemarvellous. many people people, overhere well. anddone…wellmen came as well for themselves. done very fi of form dangerous constituting andheavy well as aparticularly As rst, it would be the best country to work, to goto. to work, country the best itwouldbe rst, And why doyouthink that was? andhaulage, likethat. andthings In construction Th that? say you do Why Well at the …all Look hadagoat it. itandthat …they was they hell. Bloody yeah. Oh Awful lotof donemarvellous. …donethey’ve very Done Well, that there me,they the moved sametimeas the people No.Butifyou’re[Laughs]. …ifyou’d there emigrated [America] ere was there a lot of men … I know in Manchester alotof inManchester there alotofmen…I know ere was uence’ ‘graft’ well andmaterial success as as andphysical 60

gure- gure- According inthe 1980s. to businesses turnover a rms then accountedrms for over10per Construction News Construction Lives inre/construction Lives 61

in2000,fi rst- 123 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document powerful sense ofambition: sense powerful only‘a in1952with inLondon anda inadequate shillings’ few arrives inKerry, family Murray Dan asmallfarming Hailingfrom 1950s London. in industry the within construction for status wealth, andrecognition exemplary, ofthis use formula making the to protagonist’s chart quest B.Keane’s novel epic bestselling line ofJohn men as paradigm instances of the ‘rags- ofthe instances ‘rags- paradigm men as to- tale. riches’ post- the ofsuch life stories upon seized have repeatedly migrants war inEngland,andeff public ofthe Irish ofstatus andsuccess industry, the within particular struction butsymbols the within Englishcon- contractorsIrish powerful have notonlybecome inEngland. publicofthea markerIrish ofstatus the within particular become has by the way inwhich success industry the within construction for capacity work. Irish in notionsofsuperior onmaterial success re- fordesire status based aninvestmentemerges as muscle’. myth of‘Irish oftheterms described asplit- Onthis reading, off to hiseff shape seen and may be also issue ofmaterial advancement islargely absentDenis’s from narrative, men’sother Irish Th success. buff ofstatus andself- ameasure to himas their success embodies worth, ofthe ideal the importance diminishes Denis ofluck, meninterms Irish relation Byexplainingcomplicates to the it. the success self’s ofother way ational the this to failure inthe ideal, realise communally valorised anaspir- this to as introject Denis encouraged ment the within industry through Denis’senacted narrative. Ifaculture advance- ofeconomic ‘luckofthe game’.the break’; hadago’; got ‘they workers isnowexplainedofchance: ‘they interms the success ofthese formidable notable economic workofsome ethic, and toupbringing their rural ascribed earlier workers was ofIrish iority overhere anddonewellcame well’. …donewell as Where the super- to that the suggestion inresponse ‘a emerges again secure, lotofmen Denis’s beyond conditions ofopportunity controlwell’ presupposes to Th for this. responsible as England andAmerica between inopportunities adisparity andthat he views in this respect, ambitions hisown achieved notfully implies that also has Denis country’ 124 It to addthat is important thisofsplitting process ishere conditioned Th money was. was. money asubcontractor. become foreman oreven Th to promoted chargehand hecould oninEngland,be get his head or on holiday.who hadcome hometo back Kerry Ifafellow worked listening from to London other about youngmen something He knew ering the self from feelings of inadequacy activated byreference activated to ofinadequacy the feelings self from ering ese responses reveal a new aspect to theofcomposure process aspect anew reveal responses ese Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 63

is defensive dynamic may isdefensive dynamic explain why the ort to compose hiswork to identity compose ort in orts to represent the experiences of tothe represent experiences orts is was where the real iswas is idea, that to do ‘very that to do‘very isidea, Th e Contractors 62 Th e central story ecentral story ishere

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document tion’, have EddieandDan andinfour amassed years £ 2,000. Th fi subcontracting their own start EddieCarey he andhisfriend into isable saving Dan to putthis practice when knowledge and careful money’. expandsabout to the hisbusiness where point he‘nosoon longerworried and sites, hisown upanddeveloping onbuying nowrefocuses Dan tious, construction industry. Born in 1951 in Roscommon, Bill grew upon Billgrew in1951Roscommon, industry.construction Born self- diff made maninavery inadequacy. may ofpersonal induce feelings success industry inthe construction whowork inthethose fi For to attain whofail ismeasured. inparticular those this ideal, journey ofthe bywhichthe migration value norms successand business as wealth communityto solidify mobility ofanIrish works inEnglandalso ofthe the contractors constant symbols Irish ofsuccessful rendering as to audiences England, achievement well inIrelandimage ofIrish as as Post and the newspapers for local writing andbyjournalists histories in post- community inpopular deployed England,andisrepeatedly war ofthe Irish the within communal imaginary embedded become also has and a grasp of how the industry works. works. ofhowthe industry and agrasp arehow things doneonsite, quicklyacquires theofbricklaying skill ‘a man’, himself as establishes good soon and,through monitoring closely abricklayer’s work as Dan Having begun labourerthe day arrival, after ordained andcelebratedordained inthe local pub: farmer’swhere to histransformation son self- poor from is made tycoon rough the hard fi work anddedication in Bill, whom wemet Chapter 1 this with narrative, interacts ofthe fi the with As education. andlimited no money suitcases, at ships grant theWall, North worn with andRosslare Laoghaire Dun the emi- whohadboarded humble from millionaires beginnings, country.bloody Th meninthe country.man. Oneofthe richest agreat Englandmust be decent other. himto about each boasted the locals A In whispers, refi on the to the counter keep publican instructed to note theandplacingatwenty house pound around ofdrinks stood andairofopulence that the exudedunconscious from ease man.Dan the exposure ofwhite cuff tie.Th hisimmaculate andsilvergrey white shirt shoes, the after- at wondered Dan’shours customers hissuede expensive suit, thatLater night andhisfather whenDan went to the pubinBallynahaun . However, whilethis fi 66 to back hishomevillage, atrip Around thistakes timeDan ofthegure hardworking navvy, the self- made tycoon ey listed off listed ey ofIrish theeld valorisation ofconstruction, an mayofprojecting gure ameans provide erent ofwork inthe way inhis memories for, well cared obviously , the teeth the the other Kerrymen who had become whohadbecome the other Kerrymen 64 ofhard work years afew After ‘a reputa- establishes rm good Lives inre/construction Lives 67

required. lling as ey ey pondered 65 vr ambi- Ever Irish Irish rm. rm. 125 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document operation going, at times I had upto, 400menworkingunderme’. at I had times going, operation forcontrolling profi …responsible men, gangs …youknow, entailed butgreater responsibility: ‘that wealth, increased from strengthtofrom strength: inthe company,dence ofinvolving capitalists’ ‘vulture the company went the company. Th shareholding of executive directors becoming outthebought chairman, that twoother Bill,alongwith men andthe aidofaventure capitalist, shareholder toand majority go’. ‘wanted Th Bill’s after ofyears 1992, anumber promotion, the company’s chairman consequences’. ‘’cos serious there was aleak, ifyouleft itgreater responsibility: with ‘a nevertheless trade’thatalthough relatively carried was unskilled, way through’, to promoted ‘jointer’, soon andwhere hewas that, ajob Manchester- contracting fi based Eventually, however, Kennedy’s, another with Irish- ajob Billtook owned, which, as the eldest, he had been chosen to inherit. to inherit. chosen hehadbeen the eldest, which, as until National the ageof13,Bill‘went School straightlocal onto the land’, his family’s 50- attending After the the eldestoffouracre siblings. farm, 126 desire fordesire play endeavour. andcompetitive the youngself’s frustrating andconstraint, exploitation, backwardness fi Irish imageofwork onthe landto authenticatean idealised anarrative of tonot aspire the life ofthe farmer. whoemployed Incontrast to Denis, … youknow, what I did’. I’d I worked onthe hard farm, as as andthat’s make aliving, exactly what ‘plenty andwith ‘well dressed’ ofmoney’, that … ‘if Billrealised I worked England, andhadamadeliving’. ‘bigcars’, with inthe village Arriving yourforefathers they’d andallthat, andyouruncles was gone toseen ‘all you’d homeonholidays: returned byemigrants success projected onthe alternative to image ofmasculine here focus came on the farm Bill worked ‘asBill worked alabourer, noqualifi ’cos I had hisuncle’s with a job Manchester- contacting fi based work industry, inthe construction 16,Billimmediately taking began aged a site agent, ata site 22’. agent, …andthen… I then I became aforeman, ofyears anumber after became ladderaccelerated: ‘thenthe occupational madeupto agangerman I was responsibility again … And I was only one of three, there was three of us.’ …AndI was again responsibility of three there onlyoneofthree, was that managerthen means …youhave ahigher up along…A contracts manager. acontracts I moved So I became manager: ‘then a contracts whenBillbecame again andauthority increased ofresponsibility level Nor didBill’s stop manager. ofcontracts progression at the position In Billdidmore than ‘make aliving’.In fact, 1967, inJanuary Leaving Bill’s ajointer for workingas to three After four years, up progression Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life tness to work, farm labour inBill’s labour farm with totness work, associated narrative was 72 ereafter, and despite deep reservations about the ereafter, about pru- reservations deep anddespite

73 asite agent notonly brought Becoming it, with 70

whomhewouldwork with ‘allrm the e ultimate result of this was eultimate ofthis result was 69 Bill’s life to desire escape cations, I had noskills’. I had cations, tability, the for keeping 68 Atrm. this stage, Bill,however, did 74 Th e 75 71

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document set anexample to emulate,set which the youngBillaspired men but these did the success ofBill’s and‘forefathers’ uncles inthe 1940sand1950s of the inBill’s industry, important may have also been Not only case. inthe Irish- ofvalue andcultural capital ofsocial of forms sections owned fi anestablished within fi subcontracting private hisown starting and‘forefathers’ hisuncles with to him,notby Englandbefore whocame able to reproduce the successcoming been heidentifi to anend,hehas was inconstruction in1967,atin Manchester atimewhenthe boom Although Billarrived suchambitionsto amuch greater degree. realised ambitionsto inEnglandwith ‘doarrived well’ Billhas inconstruction, are notdiffi in narrative strategy animageofthe self- andproject experiences made man.Th usingthe ‘rags- material success, to- formula to his organise riches’ and progression upward about ment inhisnarrative, Billtells astory the to themeadvance- background ofeconomic tended Where Denis retirement ona‘fi Billfi ofKennedy’sdirector years, three for afurther company, whichBillandhisco- onas staying accepted. After directors to buythe company madeabidof48 million to the venture capitalists, ofthis expansion, aconsequence steady Beatty, Balfour As the parent for later unqualifi Kennedy’sas bythe late 1960smeantthat anadditionalroute hadopened the success and expansionthrough offi subcontracting, private standard route toadvancement economic inthe 1940s and1950swas ment andhadaccess to diff at diff entered industry thethey construction qualifi andwithout backgrounds similarfarming England from pany structure of established fi pany ofestablished structure fi fi Anyway, weranthe company and this new chairman underthis new my working history ! history working my off a pension is afi hard achance tonow, youget they’re to get goonto apension, If ever wehadafi pension, trench onestepup.Andthe …executive to director the board, onecompany, with service, years’ the from labour …38 was ’Cos I million, in four years. Youmillion, infour years. know, wejusthititright. Th ve, fort… thirty million or thirty- millionorthirty- thirty ve, fort… fi nance director, andwewent the …whatever turnover, from thirty- e establishment of social networks, which enabled the acquirement which enabled networks, eestablishment ofsocial nal salary pension, it’s the best thing ever we did, and I had one, it’s pension, wedid,andI had thing nalsalary ever the best the company. that’s and…gotoutto hell. So I retired, So ed young migrants, namely through the internal com- youngmigrants, ed nal salary pension’: nal salary nal salary pension, which was the best thing ever thing ever the best whichwas pension, nal salary ! 77 rm. rm. Th

the Whereas erent ofopportunities. kinds us, although Denis and Bill both arrived in arrived andBillboth although Denis us, rms. to andBill cult explain. Denis Ifboth ve million,to ahundred andfi rm, butbyworkinghisway up rm, Lives inre/construction Lives erent ofdevelop- stages 76

early nally took ese ese diff rms rms such cations, cations, erences ve 127 ed Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document object he placed much heplaced value on: object an this being demonstrate the acquirement andlearning, ofknowledge to Morethan Billstrove so material wealth, inthe interview processes. to demonstrate acomprehensive ofsuch idioms designed nical grasp illustrated through tech- andadministrative processes, of technical descriptions throughhis progression Kennedy’s detailed includes often Bill’s andstatus, importance highlightingwell as hisincreasing account of technical occupations grew exponentially overthe post- grew occupations technical 1945 period. administrative and where clerical, anindustry within and responsibilities roles new heassumed as hehadto andskills learn tasks or to the new referenceladder hemakes either toorqualifi hislackofskills Bill’s narrative. At ofBill’s stage each upthe progression occupational theme throughout arecurrent education, here was important sion. Most ‘self-becoming alinear, bynomeans made’ was unproblematic progres- ofBill’s other thewithin parts interview. As narrative indicate, however, industry, conditioning the latter’s take- up ofthe ‘rags- to- formula riches’ explain diff important Bill’s habitus inthe fi andchanges Th yourself from Learning motable workers. scouting for pro- andattitudes foremenqualities impressed andbosses importantly, andmost worked, what knew industry the construction how about something that bythe knew fact healready aided have been Bill’s mayaccess. Kennedy’s, inother within words, trajectory upward constituted atransmittable resource toand competencies, whichBillhad his uncle’s experienceknowledges inthe industry, inthe oflearned form that straightfact hecould into ‘walk ajob’ hisuncle’s with fi onthe based to migrate itself to rather Manchester than was London fi up employment Kennedy’s, arival with to take England.Althoughof whenhemigrated Billwouldeventually whichthe companies youngBillcould andcontacts makeuse established 128 ese points concerning the relationship between particular aspects of aspects concerning particular the relationship points ese between profi and …youknow, month, last orwhat your what was yourturnover for the board, reports Andproducing do, andthen produce it. actually then doingaPowerPoint presentation orsaying what you’re goingto and something, and…predicting know, meeting, sitting inaboard you was, or…anything likethat, at school, …at, thing that I never some- and…I think that, this andproducing you did,inproducing that that things well, certain was as achievement itwas And …I think Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life tability’d be then, reporting going forward, and that type of thing. ofthing. andthat type tability’d goingforward, then, reporting be erences inDenis’s andBill’s the within experiences eld of construction inthe eld later ofconstruction 1960shelp rm to hisuncle’s,rm Bill’s decision rm, while rm, cations, cations, 78 s A Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the very diff the very linity that idealised the onthe conceptions work buildingsite regime engendered ofmascu- arduous characterof Ifthe dangerous, andways ofthinking. petencies to the offi the company Billclimbs As ladder, site the from construction moving for mistakes: spelling Bill’s about stories teacher, National School him caned whohadregularly andofwork inEngland,were embittered childhood ofboth memories here, inBill’s Recurrent encountered intheclassroom. National School he practices teaching bythe brutal marred hedidreceivewas schooling at 13to school work onthe having left land,butthe school, secondary ‘you weren’t brought that’. upwith notonlydidBillattend Indeed, that onthe fact based itself aninsecurity the within boardroom, petency for com-one’s necessary ofknowledge forms ability tothe master new Th represent. objects these relation asensitive visible to making the imageofself the boardroom, of andprocesses the technologies when describing person second ward the fi ofsuccess in to this story transformation.narrating hisprogressive After ideals. ideals. mobilityandthe ofmiddle- cultural assimilation social technocratic class of transformation stories entwining asubjective andsuggests capital, nessman’ diff evokes busi- andthe ‘Irish ‘the navvy’ Irish thebetween distinction this respect, work-within the within industry. conceptions In ofmasculinity based ideals andmanagerial oftechnocratic the fostered inscription schemas, andbusiness- inthetechnology ofelectronic cies use related conceptual learn that yourself. from learn didn’t goto university, youweren’t brought You that. upwith hadto Th similar’, ‘Ibelieve’, and…hesays, hesays, ‘from he says, the grapevine, ‘Well, He says, and …allthis. the’, ‘I’ve hesays, that’s acar justbought a2000,itwasn’tbought a2000T, andthe diff …alovely car. brandnew, …itwas itwas 2000T Cortina, Andhe’d just bad.’doing too ‘Bill’, He says, ‘You …hesays, have alovely car.’ I had a… you’re well ‘Ibelieve He inEngland.’ says, doingvery ‘I’m not I says, …hesayssmile. So to me,‘How are bad.’ youBill?’AndI says, ‘Not too into, but…Tonydid I walk Andabigshakehandsand McDaid. offi the post to goto reason I went homeonholidays …England,andI had from however, theextract indicates, above also As stillattaches ambivalence at was hard. Th at was rst- to the voice, more intheextract awk- above Billshifts person 80

ce and boardroom, it becomes necessary to com- acquire new necessary itbecomes ce andboardroom, erent ofthe offi work processes at …hehad retired this …anderwho ce, stage to see at was hard, because youwouldn’t hard, because at was …You know, you erences in forms of embodied human andcultural erences ofembodied informs machismo is sensitivity derives from an insecurity about about aninsecurity from derives issensitivity 79

and‘graft’, ofstrength,toughness virtues Lives inre/construction Lives ce, requiring new profi new ce, requiring erence was the vinylerence roof, was cien- 129 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document of priest, teacher, offi of priest, andpension postmaster hisfather’sthe farm, andthe strangle- drinking hierarchyhold avillage butwork on school, notonlythe local Billdenigrates, up inRoscommon eff andcontemptof bitterness inBill’s narrative, the limitinginturn self’s there ‘there’ fi andhere.sent, Bycontrast, repeatedly able for capacity work andpre- inEngland,enabling integration ofpast hisformid- underpinning inIreland as andbog working onthe farm a communal muscle’, myth of‘Irish of hisexperiences presented Denis could reinforce the ofthe present truth self ‘here’. Inaccordance with Bill’s within belonging narrative. InDenis’s narrative wesaw how‘there’ ofmobility, issues concerning the interplay between and assimilation unsettle the self in the present. unsettle the self inthe present. through relationremains structured arelation to it, whichcontinues to onto of aggression itdemonstrates landscape howthe internal psychic the displacement object, the ofthedenigrated the self upon dependence whileBillendeavours to to deny manage.So heseeks for the anxieties onto aggression Billimplicitly hisoldteacher himresponsible makes bydisplacing autonomy ofthe the past, self from deformations ofits tothe establish works contradiction. Although theon abasic memory inthe past. ability to ‘make ofhimself’ something arebuke Bill’s identity as whodoubted to andstands those fashioned 130 or upward mobility; itsignifi mobility; or upward Bill’s notjustsymbolise does phallicconnotations, material successall its Th through hardthe work. help hisown ofothers, ofBill’s ameasure becoming citly idealised, ability without to succeed thing at ofBill’s the root anxiety, isimpli- namely hislackofeducation, Bill’s oldteacher, the ofcontempt. Inthis process, anobject whobecomes ofthe self through the displacement onto impulses ofaggressive aspect ofthe avalued Ford however, as story Cortina, this imageispreserved Inthe withthe classroom. heassociates of humiliation andinadequacy whichthewith self isnowidentifi threatens ofthe the boardroom cies internal imageofthe businessman Bill’s theAs tocompeten- learn hisstruggle inEnglandprogresses, career orts to realise ideals identifi to ideals realise orts Th ofthe Ford the story level, rests at Cortina apsychic Nevertheless, … properly trained …hewasn’t …hewas of thought itwasn’t inhishead; itwas teaching, himat Butitputabit that. andleft out, my andI walked stamps I got ‘No,I’llleave itat that.’another …AndI says, Well, out. AndI walked into us.’ And I says, ‘Th to you.’thanks ‘You didn’t I says, us’, teach it to beat ‘youtried I says, that you’re well.’ doingvery AndI says, ‘Tony, it’s likethis’, I said, ‘it’s no ofdisplacementis act plays inturn into abroadertension Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 81

at’s notteaching.’ And…I was him goingto give ed with ‘here’. with ed ofgrowing Inhis memories the es ed, threatening to theed, regression feelings self- made self- cer had over local aff cer had overlocal characterofthe newly e Cortina 2000T, eCortina with gures as an object anobject as gures airs. airs. Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document encouraged a process of social diff ofsocial aprocess encouraged also has industry advancement theRoscommon, within construction complicating well as As Bill’s relation in hishomevillage with Billstates alittle As further on: it. beyond cultural practices on relations the within space ofwork potentially extended and to social diff implies, the workplace andpubinthis story between ‘you’/him into opposing opposition ‘them’ the associated As categories. in play adiff for the maintenance ofauthority the within work setting environment, necessary as practices managerial ofruthless the deployment to justify men: rather ofcontractors than‘ruthless’, deny as the view Billendeavours under him.Th that ofdiscipline forms enable himto maintain control overthe men thewithin workplace, the acquisition of necessitating anddeployment the himwithin role ofmanager positioned has ment construction within Bill’s skills, new himto advance- learn occupational requiring well as As be ruthless’: be ative’ inrelation youhadto that: ‘sometimes Billstated to their workers, to the notionthat contractorsresponse Irish were ‘ruthlessandexploit- hisnarrative. In within ambivalence from aplaceconstituted free as analternative source. as Allthe the same,this ‘here’ didnotmean was to‘here’ locate propellinghimdialectically asiteIreland ofbelonging, as they’ve about … the sixth … sixth pint, it’ll surface. surface. it’ll …the about sixth… pint, they’ve there’s any that’s bitof,er…aggro, come the timeit’ll up,er…when andso- drink and- if withthem, because socialise ButI wouldso. never I’d that yeah, them completely keep out, always …IfI met buythem a I would to gointo thetime, was any pubwith ofthe ladsI employed. Th ruthless. to be You the subs. was thing done,onadailybasis, that know, was youhad another andthat was them subs, yougive this, youagree their wages, you. And…youknow, you’re the pay master, youpay them, youagree control they’ll er…they’ll, you know, workers, construction especially control …thing ifyoulose isthat, to …of, showanexample because ‘Come here. Comeon.Onyourway.’I says, Hadto sackthem …had and the hall,so, next day inthe beer stayed …outI come, no, they and stuff vans Friday orSaturday, ordowhat drink youlike.But’, youcan ‘the I says, up.’locked ‘You yourself what youdothen, it’s please AndI said, can ‘Right’, inthe to yardat be has twoo’ andwagons ‘vans clock, I says, In this way, Bill’s disidentifi apowerful narrative registers at’s orany at Christmastime do,is…even I wouldnever something working under erentiating Billandthose that logic assigns is in turn establishes a division between Billandthe between adivision establishes is inturn has to be all tidied up.’ alltidied to be has Th 82

erentiation from sections of the Irish oftheerentiation Irish sections from ese two gangs or three gangs, gangs, orthree twogangs ese Lives inre/construction Lives 83

erences based based erences cation with with cation 131 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Bill: Barry: Bill: Barry: implies aconvergence post- with ‘English’war andways of life: values community ofthe Irish inEngland, butsimultaneously aspects cing from life notonlyentails a distan- work andsocial between separation sharp Manchester. inthe interview, this points at various Billacknowledges As like labourersincities byIrish centre,frequented hall andIrish typically ‘over here’, the pub,dance- suchas involving avoidance spaces, ofthose 132 [laughs].’ much too changed don’t think I …[laughs] I changed ! don’t think I inthe negative: ‘I sinceto Englandheanswered hecame had changed ifhethought he there isasked andhere. andpresent, WhenDenis past ofcontinuity aform ofestablishing ameans muscle’between as of ‘Irish onanarrative drew ofwork inEngland,Denis hismemories In composing nition of this domesticity as ‘English’ as nition ofthis domesticity ‘Englishness’. with at homeandwhichheassociates Yet Bill’s recog- very off Bill Prompted changed, to elaborate ofhowhe has onhisunderstanding communityIrish ‘over here’, butonahome- of‘afflcentred vision the with associated notonthespaces urban come tocation has focus, identifi this retirement, positive following Particularly of settlement. identifi andapositive the behind from place left distancing involves alinked butitalso ation concerns status, economic transformative. the Th experience as ofmigration construct ers a privatised image of domesticity in which he is envisioned relaxing relaxing inwhichheisenvisioned imageofdomesticity ers aprivatised here now, …Th so I’m forty- …three, forty now,four years forty- forty- three, four years way. ’Cos whenyou’re I suppose …you’re them with longenough,’cos come more …English…fi or whatever. Yeah. It’s I’ve inthat changed line.I suppose er…I have to toIfyouwant you want yougofor …cook, gofor ameal. ameal, we watch, orgoonthe andrelax computer, you…If ordowhatever andwatchcome inandsitdown the orwatch …football whatever Ato’ youcan likethat. doing something inthe evening clock seven ifyouwere …youknow inIreland,you can you’d or outfarming be It’s telling herbutshedoesn’t I keep to want sell it big. too ! Ander… outtheittogether, way …wewanted and set and…quite comfortable. for, andhave anddonethe extension itthe way it, wewant shewanted, It’s, to we’ve paid outourstall …have house, wecan, set our own yes, come more ofacity…dweller, I have. I suppose andyeah, andyouhave background, to change.Youfarming know, youhave to You’ll have herthat to ask ! it’s Aye, [Laughs] for the I think good. youknow, Because, coming a from have, yes. I suppose Aye. I Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life or…? changes, orbad changes Good changed? you’ve think you Do 85 Billdraws onanarrative Bycontrast, ofthe self- made manto at’s alongtime. ed, or English whatever you call it…inthat youcall orEnglishwhatever ed, 84 reveals the doubled characterof the doubled reveals thecation with place is transform- uence’. - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Joe: Barry: Joe: Barry: uphis ambitionof‘makingto it’: give not determined was Joe industry), inthe ajob construction he hadtaken whichpoint winter ofthe of1963(by famous andthe severity this, despite because heconsidered‘the Irish’ ‘accepted’because were ‘never’ inthe city. Neither thenor job city,working. however, to Joe’s was inpart liking, where hisbrother was factory inthe ajob paper where hetook period, would remain in until retirement. It was this work, which Joe emphasised emphasised whichJoe would remain inuntil Itthis retirement. work, was work a contractor with atunnel- as digger, ofemployment aform he did,however,Joe moveto found in1964,where Manchester heeventually I decided to take the emigrant boat along with him.’ alongwith tothe boat take emigrant I decided ’n’ watch, well nice dressed new lovely clothes, and likethat, everythin’ ‘Isaw hehad hisbrotherwith to Englandat the endofthe holidays: bythe transformation promptingstruck inhisappearance, himto return was in1962,Joe for Christmas brother Birmingham homefrom came turf- alocal Glamona, Moor When, however,cutting plant. Joe’s younger months on college, workingfor before around vocational 18 a local atwo- until took the ageof14,Joe School at course inwoodwork year attending the After National eldestoffouracre brothers. the farm, local onhisfamily’s upinLongford 14- grew in1944,Joe Born and success. ofambition of settlement story inEnglandthe ofaprogressive form Bill,myLike fi Th complete. never ofthe past the severing long ‘you’rehowever them’, with the transformation total, isthus never city dweller. andcultural distance travelled, the great social However andthe English life farmer theof rural Irish drawn between must be inrelation read ofchange,here must be sense to there, acomparison to inhisnarrative. Inorder to the to make question, respond belonging e money was good, the work was hard theworkwas good, was emoney I’m not going back. I’m notgoingback. here, goingto it…I come makeithere andthat was made upI was us. onto usto comewouldnotlet to homebutpride him,hewas good winter, bad terribly to the month itlasted ofMay …my father, be God athat time,terribly, that itwas onthe twofoot bad, ground, was frost winter winter …cold, bad here, bad the 1963,terribly avery, very was went fi Joe my mind wejusthadourmindmade up,I had I dunno, [pause] it onetime,1963 … the choice ofgoingback, Er…I had [pause] Wy not? Why think ofgoingback? Did youever rst to Birmingham, amajorrst to centre Birmingham, inthis ofmanufacturing soughthisexperiences to compose Joe, nal respondent, 88

Lives inre/construction Lives 86

87 , t e Y 133 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the venture: migration ‘hard’,‘paid well’ butwas for the ultimate responsible that success was of 134 Joe: Barry: Joe: Barry: Joe: Barry: hard’:the work was good, was ‘the money phrase work into evaluative experiences the curt Even his condenses whenprompted, Joe onthe material rewards. focus atunnel- as hisexperiences narrative ofsuccess tends to bypass digger to Joe’s Bycontrast, progressed. hiscareer as heperformed roles changing fi narrative was ofBill’s aspect inEngland: his valued experiences most, diff important Yet, asuccess. as work the toproject migration construct there are also ambitionswhich the about realisationtell ofpersonal stories progressive Bill’s andJoe’s thus narratives havefeatures incommon: both important Th atunnel- as part digger, anon- ifrelativelymanagerial lucrative role. for the worked most Bill,buthas ladderinthe sameway as the career well’ hiswork industry, from inthe notascended construction hehas ‘done heemphasises, as very thewithin industry. has, Although Joe diff ofworkexperiences concerns the very One way ofexplaining diff is notavailable for self- to Joe inthe way thatconstruction itisto Bill. wealth, well andculture as as acquiredlearning whohas businessman, the imageofthe high- the acquirement ofsuchskills: fl with ofidentityto associated ordiscourses the ofcapital sameforms hehadaccess neither has skills, boardroom oflearning process cult lled with lengthy, with ofdiff lled descriptions detailed is has meant that, although Joe has not hadto negotiate has the although diffi meantthat, Joe ishas hard. hard. was tunnel, the onthat work worked youknow, good, was the money alotonthe railway I worked alot, inlikewhere I worked I was a job, livin’ homeandagood for myself. andmadeagood money good earned erm, underground, tunnel work andallthat I did, …so I worked… I worked then for alotofyears, industry inthe construction know, brought upmy family, likethat and brought uphere, everything to say that to likeyou me,I have good to me,very good England was Yeah, well, contractors paid butthe Irish work butthey was itwas, alright like,youknow, where I workedIt …itwas, the money as was yeah. did, I Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Ad a ta Iih contractors? Irish that was And like? that was what And then? industry inthe construction you worked So 90

notthe only, Material success was erences. the noreven erences in how Joe and Bill talk about their about andBilltalk erences inhowJoe erent did ofwork kinds they erent work tasks andthe erent work tasks ying, worldly ying, 89

- Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document work isconcomitant anattempt with to diminishordeny the importance of idealisationofthe material rewards this positive of defensive splitting, to fulfi for himand hisfamily, standardofliving for agood allowed enabling him that the from fact thisultimately satisfaction work derive has he can have cost himhishealth, ofwork industry inthehis years construction enables himto refl intheexperiences interview. Joe’s narrative ofmaterial success preferred guilt. of inadequacy, andpossibly loss self- internalised deeply valued, feelings powerful with Joe image, leaving ofa ofthe itimplies loss too ofmobility; and loss pain constant bodily only ofthe physical tollthrough ofpunishinglabour, exacted years ofthe Th onwhichsuchanidentitymanly ideals isbased. the ofhispresent inability toconstitute embody evidence irrefutable eff the destructive cisely because ever, avoids reference to the hiswork within industry, experiences pre- industry. andphysically ofwork demandingforms the within construction carious tunnel work constituted to pre- oneofthe their most limits, their bodies remunerated bypiece- that workerswork encouraged to methods push and Involving longhoursofintensive damp inoften conditions, labour mobility: hard’ the concerns work more was than alackofoccupational good, constitutes to anend. ameans andEnglandmore generally,For but work, initself, Joe, isnotvalued endurance, competitiveness, risk- risk- endurance, competitiveness, andhard drinking. taking epitomising the as ‘tunnelrevered tiger’ Popular worker have representations construction ofthe Irish thus andsmoking. the workplace drinking centringability onheavy beyond machismo the work cultureconditions, generated around highly tunnel work was to hazardous relatedclosely their to to bodies workers’ expose readiness Th I’ve had a really good life. I’ve good hadareally exceptgood it’s I could forten say worse theyears, last that …buter been ithas yeah, good able to …to work been …buterlifebeen has …I haven’t so well …andI’m like,y’know as years disabled registered likethat …I haven’t so andeverythin’ wet workin’ been forten the last throughand that workingintunnel mostly was work and…getting I’veofthe ten spine… the years last …I’ve inthe base gotarthritis It’s life to mebutunfortunately good …afairly a…fairly for … been However, Joe’s was ‘the inthe of‘work’ money phrase devaluation ese anxieties exert a powerful infl exert anxieties apowerful ese l the ideal ofthe lthe breadwinner. ideal However, ofaform the product as 92 soci- overintoofmasculine forms characteristic , andcarried was power where earning industry inother ofheavy forms As ect upon his life in England in a positive way: even if way: even hislife inEnglandapositive upon ect 91

oftunnel hisbody work upon ects uence on how Joe constructs his constructs uence onhowJoe machismo Lives inre/construction Lives is silence speaks not issilence speaks ofstrength, virtues 93 o, how- Joe, 135 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document exert an increasing infl exert anincreasing ofexclusion tropes these andexploitationnarrative develops come to of discrimination, disadvantage andexploitation. disadvantage of discrimination, ofTerrorismPrevention experience elements ofashared linked as Act, underthe people ofIrish mental problems health andthe surveillance alcoholism and homelessness, ofIrish highlevels and housingmarkets, the within labour experiences Irish sistence stereotypes, Irish ofnegative the per- inEngland,onethat ofthe Irish constructs communal memory narrative ofexclusion the within apowerful andpublicise solidify helped of ‘consciousness has andoralhistory, thisofrecovery process raising’ and discriminated- onforms Drawing heavily inBritain. minority against tiating theadisadvantaged status claimsabout historic as ofthe Irish ofsubstan- ameans as experiences to recoversuchdiscriminatory began culture associational ofthe atestablished operating the edges activists fi inacontext the 1980s, During where the Troubles stimulated anintensi- frequently noted in the diaries andmemoirsofpost- inthe diaries noted frequently migrants. war apoint lodgings, encountered often whensecuring hostility migrants, male inparticular that migrants, of this Oneconsequence was roughness. refl to inpost- Popular masculinity ofIrish perceptions Englandcontinuedwar Joe: Barry: Joe: Barry: Joe: inEngland: people ofIrish reception the about to questions exploitative inresponse as more emerged fully hard’, the work was good, the towards disavowal ofwork this tendency that exploitative. tunnel was work‘the Implicit was inthe money phrase avoidance ofthe issueofwork inthe interview, butinthe implication toof work the in itself self. Th 136 cation ofanti- generation ofcommunity inEngland,anew hostility Irish to me’, good that been insists earlier ‘Englandhas While Joe his as I never seen any English men do it. any Englishmendoit. seen I never in, wouldn’tto doit…they the paid, tunnel be work that I worked wouldn’t they wouldn’tEnglish people dothem, orthey doit, paid be gothere. they the jobs got, here, itbut…the they Irish seen I’ve never never, no,I haven’t, never I have anything likethat, seen I’ve never Manchester, apply. need you’d noIrish outside, advertised, jobs see Traff inTraff was factory the war,after there’d the yeah, ornoIrish, nodogs advertised, digs be Arr, that’s nowinthe my 50slike,before goingback early time, be Yeah. therelikefor the instance, inBirmingham or war during I mean, ect the resilience oflong- ect male around Irish stereotypes established Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life And what year would this be? be? this would year what And Th here inManchester, whichisdown ord Park, the other sideof is is in Manchester? isinManchester? ord Park there, where all the big industry was in ord was Park there, where allthe bigindustry uence overhisinterpretation ofhisexperiences. is is narratively manifest, notonlyinJoe’s isnarratively manifest, 94

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Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document living the itinerantliving life ofthe labourer inEngland,have ultimately ended ofageneration many menwho,having experiences spent ofIrish years exclusionIrish the inEnglandfrom 1980s have uncoveredthe neglected tility, the eff ofpost- the well recovery as As hos- ofpopular experiences migrants’ war men were ‘harder workers’: heoff labour Irish Immediately Joe’s after success. migration the about exploitation of story impulses. the blameandenablesthe self from gratifi absolves inaway that ofhisinjuries ifitallowshimto makesense even isfaction, little derive ofhislife sat- whichhecan anunderstanding from with Joe mine the coherence leaving ofthe narrative ofmaterial success, preferred threatens to under- the narrative ofvictimhood Inshort, of hisinjuries. eff the from to depressive protect oftunnel work isdesigned rewards hisidealisationofthe material andachievement ofagency sense the very jeopardises Joe oftheothers, actions avictim himself as constructing the a‘hard- exploited,himself as as well- working, slave’.paid exploitative, constructs as Joe industry Inso thedenigrating construction the self’. that upon unconscious consequences back impact Inimplicitly reiterate but GrahamDawson, manicdefences ‘have always reciprocal However, orguilt. emotionsofloss depressive experiencing without to ofrenunciation, enablingsplitoff object itto be adeserving becomes exploitative, as tunnel work industry the construction By constructing eff to negotiate ofdefensivethe splitting the strategy deployed psychological into to do. ofwork forms the native Englishrefused ‘well- as himself included, workers, Irish presents slaves’,paid pressed here Foley Joe above, ofDonal outlined tion industry. Echoingthe views marketand,more labour specifi thewithin British exclusion,of Irish onethat the exploitation includes workers ofIrish metonyms for abroadexperience as function they in hisunderstanding noIrish’ saw the ‘no himself never notorious Although signs, dogs, Joe ects of the injuries he sustained through atunnel- hiswork as ofthehesustained injuries ects digger. that spent their money really,that their … spent money foolish very, foolish, really very them alot ofthem are well off the bar, I’d alot, …alotofpeople, no,youknow I didn’t, say alotof their spent money, hardthem andthey worked in their spent money alotof there terribly, was worked hard, but then, terribly likeI say, working there, alotofthem likemyself are crippled- up today, they workers … Th oh,byfar,Oh yeah, great byfar, workers, great great, workers, great imageof the valued such,additionalways are soughtAs to preserve isable this to within narrative, Joe reinforce hisexperiences By framing orts of community activists to document the hidden history of the to hidden history document ofcommunity activists orts e people that worked in that tunnel work when I was that inthat worked tunnel epeople work whenI was ers a distinctive response to that the suggestion response Irish ers adistinctive like you know butthere likeyouknow are alotofthem Lives inre/construction Lives cation ofaggressive cally, the construc- 97

ects 137

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document moving documentary documentary moving ofalienation, suff story atragic as andfi activists community Since workers, then, charity and mentalproblems. health insheltered accommodation, alcoholup homelessorliving with often 138 plans to return there: Yet, continues although Joe to his‘home’, regardIreland as no hehas contrast to Bill, this is exclusively reserved forcontrast the behind: to place Bill,this left isexclusively reserved to me’, good ‘England was accorded the title itisnever of‘home’;insharp ‘enjoyed Although Joe England’ and andservices. ofgoods aprovider as notconstitute for‘England’ himbutisfi does asite of belonging and‘exploitation’‘work’ inJoe’s arelinked metonymically narrative, the within interview. Unsurprisingly,belonging the way ‘England’, given of asense haveimplications frames also for important howJoe injuries, withthese industry, to negotiate associated andthe anxieties way heseeks Th Th ofcircumstance. a victim the other, story, isonce the again protagonistinhisown Joe rather than sible for hisrelative Th success. re- respon- restraint ofagency, as hisown asense establish positioning blameand from actions isable tohisown their Joe absolve excessive lives, place. Byimplicitly suchmen’s constructing for retribution as downfall exercised restraint ofpost- inspaces the work- consumptionwar beyond ofhowprudently they workers onthe ofIrish basis thewithin category are crippled- up today’. amoraldistinction to impose seeks Joe Instead, lotofthem likemyself exploitation with andinjury: ‘a the association upthis nottake subject- does for by him,itistainted because, position that menwere ‘great Irish agrees Although Joe workers’, he unlikeDenis sense. good hisown menwith ling himto ofthese contrast the hamartia enab- tale, into acautionary isreworked story suchmen,thisfare tragic the with wel- concerned ofacharity board onthe managerial who sits e injuries Joe has sustained through hiswork inthe sustained construction has Joe e injuries e Irish round here round eIrish would have went back when the boom was in Ireland, it started off inIreland, itstarted was would have went whenthe back boom wouldofwent now, back youknow, I probably back, andI probably hadthat that dream, you’d to, youtalk everyone person Irish Every go I’m happy here, butIreland to meishome. Ireland isstillmy my home,I regarditas though I livehere and To this day …I’m toto, goback to Ireland, stilldelighted to goback, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life lm- makers have men the ofthese experiences narrated Th eMen ofArlington House rough projecting his own anxieties onto anxieties hisown rough projecting recently most inthe andloss, ering 99

. 98 For however, Joe, ten gured Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document doors, is very diff isvery doors, however,acknowledges, present- their day lock Ireland, where the people Joe ofprivacy. As aninvasion as regarded herewouldbe house uninvited into a walking in England,he‘wouldn’t count Ireland’: itthe sameas close- friends visiting goes Although Joe andneighbourliness. knittedness its was Ireland the ofhischildhood about rural most missed What Joe Ireland: about most’ ‘missed of‘Ireland’. idea abstract refl Joe the interview During related to ofbelonging an sense todesire butofadeterritorialised return, for ‘Ireland’.reserved ifthe ‘home’ isexclusively term inJoe’sward even narrative ofbelonging, ofthe the body, integrity isnotstraightfor- desire onsecuring dependent this Th impractical. makes ago,the condition‘would have years now ofhishealth some went back’ ‘here’ than isbetter what isavailable ‘there’. Consequently, although Joe provision heexplains, he isthus andas reliantcare, heavily onmedical recently. onefairly tenin theyears, last ofJoe’s Giventhe fragility health, attacks heart hadthree has Inaddition,Joe andneck. the inhisback pain to operations torelieve undergo various that needed construction hehas through workingin sustained oftheJoe injuries the severity Such was minutes away here. from isfi here, bad the hospital here …ifI take as there good isnotas home that I wouldn’t notnow, time,yeah, the service health because fi ago,ifI was year would be packed, so itwould,surely, so ofthe packed, thewould be best …itwas buterm onaSunday, packed the wouldbe house match football …the house that you’d a[?] call in, wouldbe like,andallthe house neighbours the on that ahouse football onaSunday itwas … and ourhouse, had them, that simple to as listen …little to Bushradio…weused inmy life inIreland, atelevision at that seen time, nobody I never then. were …there were, I’d no…people it, saywere more neighbourly they hadto lock night younever orday …never, locked, never was the door …onourdoor, alock upinIreland, was there growing never I was Ireland butthen,same as Ireland isthat way now, youcan’t …when sionally surely, youknow,count itthe alright, …I wouldn’t buterm my mate’s friends, here, I do, govisiting friends could govisiting occa- come, …you never, youknow hadthat here, never no,everyone, the in,youwere latch wel- andwalked youjustdipped locked, never [Y] ou know, yougoto aneighbour’s at house home…that was door Joe’sIn fact, of‘Ireland’ ‘home’isnotexpressive designation as ofa 101

erent from the nostalgicised Ireland ofhismemories: erent the from nostalgicised t andwell, have, I would defi us, since securing the ofthe integrity self isalso since securing us, 100

Lives inre/construction Lives nitely wouldhave gone ected upon what he upon ected ve 139 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 140 tury. As well as rising affl tury. rising well as As halfofthe andcultural changeinthetwentietheconomic second cen- rapid to increasingly subject been Ireland England,southern has Like as with the with ‘real’as Ireland of today: expressingactually anidentifi community, publicof the Irish namely the particular itfollows that is Joe the from present context meaning much ofits inwhich it isembedded, of‘home’derives speaks of‘Ireland’ whenJoe invoked vision the idealised life- installation ofathatchedsize cottage such, since inthe mainhall.As a tranquillityandconstructing ofuntouched rural images with walls its centre, Irish aestheticisation ofthe interior oftheadorning spaces local havenity members sought place to through reproduce this their idealised communitythe Irish inEngland.InManchester, for example, commu- publicof the within particular andsustained isshaped of anidyllicpast muscle’ ortheof ‘Irish fi site ofbelonging. nowinmemory,‘there’ a as whichgives Ireland, meaning lost idealised Ireland the ‘home’,from designates present Ireland. WhenJoe itisthis hiscultural distancingIreland ofJoe’ssignalling past, remembered theEngland, suchtransformationspure, innocent have destabilised iority. moralsuper-of authoritynational Irish andpunctured myths about oftraditionalsources the elites legitimacy havegious undermined andreli- involving political scandals of culture, sex andcorruption saying now, are things alittle bitdiff that nowI realise …at that upkids, time,nowI’mtwo …to bring not Crucially, exclusion likethe narrative ofIrish inEngland,the trope Bishop Casey … Bishop Casey him,ofcourse him,was you’ll remember remember him, well youwill I don’t whetheryou’ll know remember issueout, brought the priests broughtof itlike,Haughey that the to other light, manthen, that theright toabout man,he’s talk andgone,buteh, part that dead was and hefi fi of…Haughey that thatbefore I knew happened nothing ever …there Charlie andallthat, Haughey was … Ahern, that’s andeverything when youlisten toBertie goneonwith the news I didn’t itthen know likeyouknow, itnow…there’s but…I know … now, I didn’t quieter]I didn’t itthen, know [getting itthen know like, andallthat goin’abuse there priests with at that time,we,I know that there was children, I mean, …as about knew time …that wenever at that things that …there happened things was there mean was I areself …kids notsafe here either …it’s inalotofways, changed safe there now, there notsafe here, that well about youknow your- butat that youfeltalright, time,youcould safeare goout, …kids not Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 103 Viewed ofapost- the from standpoint in settled migrant war ddled his, everybody, right, left andcentre. it’s left Alright, right, not everybody, his, ddled 102

gure ofthegure self- ofthe loss made man,this story commodifi uence andthe increasing cation with ‘thecation with roundmuch here’ Irish as alittleerent, bitdiff ddled the country the country ddled erent now erent cation Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the cost of Irish pauperism and the uncivilising eff andthe uncivilising pauperism the cost ofIrish intoworkers anti- fed popular over fears resonating with hostilities, Irish Whilethe that perception labourersundercut native Irish temporaries. nineteenth- con- andpleased troubled economy both British century Th re/ in Lives ofmyth andthefunctions memory construction: migrant nostalgia. inashared isinvested ofthe past sense whose byothers whohave origins travelled theof those journeys, samemigrant forgotten,been butonthe contrary, the recognition upon isdependent not intimate have for adesire to return anIreland origins inwhichthose Th development. of instability inits authenticity aperiod during away ofaffi ‘home’ represents worthwhile, hisidealisationofIreland as his lifehaving been ‘here’ as ofworkisation inEnglandenableshimto see ofthe material rewards the sameway that narrative Joe’s ofworkpreferred inEngland: in ideal- ‘still ofIreland as designation his with linked my home’ispsychically his ofhislife. Inthis respect, ofthe invest toevents can make sense Joe fi community Ifthe arelational Irish represents ways. of self inparticular hissense shaped has whichinturn ating aprocess andretirement, health central come as to tohisdeterior- howhehas with terms seen be also community Irish may ofthe local inthe activities participation increased adiff able to achieve been has which Joe afi as community theand cultural capital, Irish viewed may be also ‘fi a Bourdieu’s represents oftheindustry ifthe term, construction sense ofstatus the within asense interview. In secure can bywhichJoe means highlighting community his prominence a the represents within local inthe city. people ofIrish Inonesense, welfare needs cater to the special in1985to established charity voluntary Community alocal Irish Care, of board onthe hestates here,managerial sits and,as Societies of Irish ofthe Federation isamember at plays, the instage centre, acted has inthe attends interview, heregularly out repeatedly functions he points community. Irish ofthe local the with involved activities increasingly As forced into retirementbecome was Since ago,hehas Joe ten years eld, it is also a particular public which supplies a set of images inwhich ofimages aset publicwhichsupplies eld, aparticular itisalso eld’ in which Bill has been able to accumulateeld’ been ofsocial forms inwhichBillhas distinct e status of the Irish as a pool ofcheap,fl apool estatus as ofthe Irish it keeps me very, very occupied at the moment so it does. at the moment itdoes. so occupied mevery, very it keeps at the moment itdoes, like,so occupied me…very …itkeeps so I am you know, well, Community here so ofIrish Care I amtheas treasurer roundwell, inthe involved here andallthat Irish liketo as I always be In the broadercontext ofJoe’s however, lifeten intheyears, last his rming the origins of the self, of securing its its of the self, ofsecuring the origins rming erent sort of social distinction. distinction. erent ofsocial sort Lives inre/construction Lives exible the within labour ect of the Irish upon upon ofthe Irish ect 104

is does eld in 141 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document social andcultural change. social context awider work within practices ofeconomic, ofeveryday sense defi meanings suff Th circumstances. these negotiation through of engendered migrants’ andanxieties fantasies the specifi inthisexamined chapter reveal also autobiographies anddiaries the oralhistories, were shaped, subjectivities were to integral issues thethese situation migrant whichIrish within culture. While popular British within or their positioning ambivalent oftheir commodifi on the fact the marketbased within labour experiences migrants’ ofIrish lective, maderegardingthe be assumptions Nor,consumption sectors. amongworkers inmost moreover, should more generally, patterns ofpopular andnew standardsofliving inrising infl the growing the within ofthepost- Irish the saiddispersal butin market, labour war employment industrialisation, adiff during diff demandwereemployment very andrising obviously, inaneraoffull reconstruction ofeconomic the dynamics it recognised too that: it recognised of theIrish Poor Irish inthe contextIrish ofrapid industrialisation. ofthe the value employersnative andthe state workers, recognised also 142 their devastated country’.their devastated hard- well- working, to exactlyrebuild wanted what Britain slaves, paid the within ofthepost- Irish dispersal economy,war workers ‘were Irish the relative ifoneignores particularly sense, Inareal reconstruction. ofintense to aperiod economy labour the during British mobile Irish of‘unskilled’, ofthe value because inpart people, andIrish ofBritish tory controlsgration the state wouldultimately his- the shared insist upon indebates ofimmi- yet the about imposition stereotypes, by established Popular mencontinued informed ofIrish to perceptions be period. war inthe post- inrelationSuch ambivalence strong echoes to has the Irish Th executed. been have districts ofourmanufacturing strength bywhichthe works great andthat aff they in the hourofneed, effi and are, most have Irish been, these that remembered notice,itisto be byIrish; short cheap rate andat very amply andat andadequatelyEngland andScotlanda being supplied, We ought ofthe the not…to demandforin advantage overlook labour ering andexploitation, self- ering butanarena ofmasculine its fashioning, ere are, however, to any limits oncontinuity. suchemphasis Most Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ned by the ways in which migrants experienced andmade experienced bythe ways inwhichmigrants ned uence of the Irish within the construction industry and, industry uence the within oftheconstruction Irish population’, ‘a the Irish of1836designated civilised less 106

e construction industry was notonlyaplace of was industry econstruction governments andIrish cation byBritish orded the chief part ofthe animal the chiefpart orded meaning cient workmen; and they came came cient workmen;andthey erence notonlyin expressed, 105 orcol- , whetherpersonal erent shaping those from Ifthe city anddiversityofthe Report on the State ontheState Report Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document over time. conventions ofworkging the meanings ofrepresentation to reinscribe practice, have chan- ofdiscursive forms employed indiverse engaged gation ofcommunal memory, diff as of post- andvarie- the evolution evidence also butthey settlement, war signifi lective tion worker inEngland.Th construc- ofthe Irish images ofpopular them arepository created have between ofways, them inavariety andreshaped generalised who,having andhistorians community activists songwriters, novelists, upbyjournalists, taken have been the within industry experiences here showshowIrish memory andcollective personal play between of work industry. in the analysisofthe construction inter- Close concerned the possibilities itaff theconcerned possibilities thus memory myth at ofpersonal ofcollective the level function A chief andpresent- trajectories circumstances, own day emotionalneeds. ongoing eff multiple negotiated subject- the ways migrants of part as positions theme throughout concerned A common experiences. their own struct could draw onwhichindividuals ofnarrative forms torepertoire recon- the availability ensured ofadiverse ferentiation memory ofcollective incomplex Onthe onehand,the production internal dif- ways. memory renegotiated the relationship between multiple ofself relatedrenegotiated the images relationship to between ofhowmigrants aproduct was over the course ofthe journey migrant affl aptitude attainment; work ethic;technical andeducational and superior relating to notionsofphysical achievement, prowess ofmasculine ideals ofcompeting interms andexperiences judgments decisions, ofpast ities anattempt to worthwhile interpret embodied the as particular- journey identitymigrant inpost- England.Eff war the ofIrish within discourse thevalues ofcompeting operation evidences ‘enslavement’; rather, also ofcommunal the internal memory variegation oftheir consequences to the repress psychic migrants myth enabled and ‘rewritings’. Th sublimations involving multiple displacements, alternative destinies, confl losses, renegotiation theofpast psychic while presupposed worth- as the journey migration were rarely straightforward: composing for the life recognition lived. of social off ofevaluation criteria and worthwhile, ofshared interms were able tomigrants refl the tropes, adaption ofcollective and dangerous workinglives: through change uent Subjective consumption advancement. andeconomic Th Th On the other hand,however, eff these ese processes of evolution and variegation intersect with personal personal with intersect andvariegation ofevolution processes ese ese meanings form the basis of a powerful collective mythology mythology collective ofapowerful the form basis meanings ese oftheir to myth adaptto the collective particularities orts cance of work within the industry as a formative aspect aformative aspect as cance ofwork the within industry e point heree point isnotthat investment incollective ect upon the migration journey as meaningful meaningful as the journey migration upon ect ese memory practices underscore practices the col- memory ese orded for making sense of often diffi ofoften forsense making orded erent andgroups, individuals orts to compose the to migration compose orts to validate the life lived orts Lives inre/construction Lives ering a sense asense ering icts icts and cult cult 143 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document D. Foley , , y e l o F . D Jackson, in 8 tabulations from taken Figures 7 . ol , Royle, E. 9 10 0 1 fi to prone and hard- drinking as Irish the of , King Images L. 6 see masculinity post- war on debates For 5 shifts in the forms of collective memory itself. itself. memory inthe ofcollective forms shifts andwider circumstances personal to changing inresponse ideals, these 144 J. A. Jackson , , n o s k c a J . A . J 4 , Lambkin B. and Fitzgerald P. 3 , Papers Parliamentary 1 . al ‘A ae f itkn dniy Th Identity: Mistaken of Case ‘ A Paul , K. 2 Notes Notes chapter. following array ofpost- inthe ofthe self, anotionwepursuefurther discourses war inrelation were formed to awider contingent howsubjectivities upon tifi Th construction. multiple ofidentity within arenas posed formations andpossibilities eff an embodied the with ofcommunal forms action andpublicmemory creative inter-through relation: migrants’ other ofintersubjective forms ‘there’ always mediated and‘here’ between was the dialogue because was ‘there’, diff the was ofthis form articulation ‘here’ and byanongoinginterplay were between narratives structured Whileallthe the within narratives. ofethnicityandbelonging issues ort to re/ort trans- bythe pressures, ofthe self destabilised integrate parts cation, andthe ways this might always changeoverthe life course, was Crucially, internal these confl 98) 236–239. ( 1958), Th 59–60. 1984 ), , ( Harmondsworth n . avn Walvin , J. and ’, Lapsed? or ‘ Apostles Mower Morley- , G. 211–214; (1955 ), 6:4 Do Part for example, See, inthe 1960sand1970s. series television British in and Masculinity 20 244–246. 2008), International Labourand Working- History Class Rex Sociology Attitudes ’, Review Quarterly Th ‘ Russell , M. see perspectives ‘Th eIrishmen: An Impression ofExile e Builders’ (BBC1, 26 September 1975). For sociological andCatholic 1975).For 26September sociological e Builders’(BBC1, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 2 : 2 ( 1948 ), 17 – 24 ; T. Lane , ‘ Th ‘ , Lane T. 17–24; (1948), 2: 18July 1966) and (BBC1, Love’ with , ‘From Liverpool Modern Britain: A Social History 1750– Modern History Britain: A Social 1985 Th 3:2 (16 , 17– 12 . okn , rs Wres n England ’, in Workers ‘Irish , Hopkins E. 157–172; (1969), 3:2 ree ree Villages Sociology e relationship between place, belonging andethniciden- place, belonging erelationship between Th Passage to Britain: Immigration in British History and Politics History in British Passage toBritain: Immigration eIrishin Britain 5 1 94) 2 4 ; A J Sks ‘Navvies: Th , Sykes J. A. 129–141; (1964), 53:210 Britain, 1914– Britain, 1960 3:1 (16 , 2 5 n ‘Navvies: Th and 21–35 (1969), 3:1 Economic Survey for1947 Economic Survey uln, 17 , 141. 1977), , (Dublin Migration in Irish History, 1607– 2007 e Irish Delinquent inEngland eIrish ’, icts exercised a powerful infl exercisedicts apowerful odn, 16 104. 1963), , (London e Irish inanEnglishParish eIrish ’, (dir. 1965). Philip BBC, Donnellan, xod, 2015). (Oxford , erent in each case. In part, this Inpart, erent case. ineach Th eIrishin Britain inPostwar Britaine Irish ’, Cd 06 odn, 1947). , (London 7046 Cmd , 4 96) 116–142. (1996), 49 ghting were ubiquitous in Family Men: Fatherhood Family Men: Fatherhood odn, 18 , 72–73, 1989), , (London eir Social Relations eirSocial ’, Studies: An Irish , 198–199. , Th Fawlty Towers e Furrow Till Us Death uence over Th eir Work e Furrow ( London , (London Christus Christus 9:4 ,

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 2 O te rwh f cmay e’ e . oly Cowley , U. see men’ ‘company of growth the On 14. 1927) PI/SA/7, Kerry, 27 (b. Heaney Denis 26 Lambkin, and Fitzgerald 17 2 Fr xml, J B Kae , Keane B. J. example, For 28 25 See , d o o W . W . L e e S 5 2 , Short R. J. 24 Offi Home 119–120. Identity’, Mistaken 23 of Case ‘A Paul, 22 , e t r a H . L 6 1 Multiple in “Work”: Multiple Masculinities at “ Men” ‘ , Hearn J. and Collinson D. 15 1 . .J Mra , Morgan , H. J. D. 14 Wall , C. and Kirk J. 13 2 L Glet ‘itr Fsia’ Festival’, ‘Victory Gilbert, L. 21 12–13. Ibid., 20 12. Ibid., 8. 1927) PI/SA/7, Kerry, 19 (b. Heaney Denis 18 2 O te lee idvdaim f h nvy e Sks ‘Navvies: Th Sykes, see navvy the of individualism alleged the On 29 12 2 1 1 ‘n ec Iih osn Ascain A Profi Association. Housing Irish Teach ‘An 11 31 Sykes, ‘Navvies: Th : s e i v v a N ‘ , s e k y S 13. 1927) PI/SA/7, 1 Kerry, 3 (b. Heaney Denis 30 History oftheIrish Navvy History and 1979. 198 1951 between the within industry for atabulation ofaverage rises wage 1725– 2001 Roads ODngu , , O’Donoghue An Emigrant’s Memoirs ofIreland and Scotland Mayo: , e Th k Navvy: y P . S after 31March 1947’,after HO313/ 1330. (ed.), Ghaill and CulturalRelations Arenas an Mac M. in Workplaces ’, 4. ch. 1992), , ( London Evening News Burst inWhitehall’, 10. 2011), , ( Basingstoke 2011). October eeal, e . . ocog , Colclough , R. J. see generally, Attitudes’, 21– ‘Navvies: Th 35 andSykes, , Campbell Building Engineering and Civil Phelps- E. H. Under Prof. Labourin Concerning Matters into Certain Brown Th See See madeinto subsequently afi in2000andwas staged was More recently, Jim Murphy’s celebrated play odn, 1965). , ( London e Men ofArlington Kings odn, 14 . oe , Power , R. 1949); , (London I Could Read theSky Read I Could ce circular, Control Continued isto be Labour onWhichIrish ‘Basis e Diary ofan Exile e Diary (dir. Tom Newgrange/ Collins, Film 2007). Irish Board, Th Housing in Britain: Th in Housing Tunnel Tigers e Literature of the Irish in Britain: Autobiography and Memoir, eLiterature oftheIrish in Britain: Autobiography aigtk 07) xxxiv . 2007), , (Basingstoke 1948. , 19November In aStrange Land A Union toBuild: Th Discovering Men: Critical Stud Men: Critical Discovering eirWork Attitudes’, 24; Evening News Work and Identity: Historical and Cultural Historical Contexts Work and Identity: (dir. Ireland, 24 Northern BBC1 EndaHughes, esy iy N 2000). , NJ City, Jersey ( Migration in Irish History uln, 20 , 181–183. 2001), , (Dublin Th e Contractors Daily Mail Daily odn, 19 , 62–63. 1996), , (London , Cmnd3714- 1968),40– I (London, 44. e Postwar Experience ePostwar odn, 19 . a Ahag , MacAmhlaigh, D. 1997); , (London odn, 16 . Ó Ca n Ciaráin, Ó S. 1964) ; , (London Th 1948;J. Lee,, 29September ‘Mother Macree’, Apple ontheTreetop e Construction Industry ofGreatBritain Industry e Construction odn, 15 . hln Phelan , J. 1958 ); , (London e Story ofUCATT eStory eir Social Relations’, eirSocial 157– 172. More Understanding Masculinities: Social Masculinities: Social Understanding ‘A Tyre- 1945;J. Lee, , 23February Report of the Committee ofInquiry oftheCommittee Report uln, 19 . ’ rd and Grady O’ T. 1993); , (Dublin Lives inre/construction Lives e (98, –4 AIB/ATHA/ 2/1. 2–4, (1988), le’ Th eKings ofKilburn High Road Th ies onMenies a eMen Built Britain: A Who , 66. , odn, 18 , 42–44. 1982), , (London ( Dublin , 1980 ) ; Patrick Patrick 1980); , (Dublin lm, screened in2007. lm, screened odn, 17 , 192– 1979), , (London uln, 19 J. 1991); , (Dublin nd Masculinity We Follow the Farewell to eir Work An Irish Irish An 145

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 5 Fr eet ommrto o Iih uss e A Giea ‘Th Guidera, A. see nurses Irish of commemoration recent For 52 51 Th 9 Constitution at ofthe Councilfor the Centre the Amended First Irish as 4 1962). 50 International, Music 8 (Essex 4 Fusiliers’ ‘McAlpine’s Behan, Council for Centre, the Twelfth Irish Camden. 1966,AIB/ Annual Report, Dominic 47 see Birmingham and London post- war in cultures music- making the On 46 ‘Navvies: Th Sykes, 45 44 Wills, , s l l i W 4 4 MacAmhlaigh, 43 in quoted Monaghan, for TD Fail Fianna Maguire, J. Patrick 42 ‘Th Russell, 40 41 you’re o’ Franklin,nottinking m’darlin’,S. saying noto ‘Sure, us, andI hope 39 Sykes, ‘Navvies: Th : s e i v v a N ‘ , s e k y S 9 3 ‘Navvies: Th Sykes, 38 MacAmhlaigh, 37 , O’Donoghue, d o 36 o W 5 3 Clarke L. McGuire , 34 C. For ofthe exploitative analyses nature see Marxian ofwork inthe industry see subcontracting T. labour- only and lump’ ‘the On 33 3 O te fl the On 32 146 Who Helped Build the NHS’,Who Helped Journal 1961,AIB/ 6December Annual Meeting, LIC/ AGM/ 1/ 25; AGM/LIC/ 1/3. JournalIrish Counties 2011). Cambridge, Th of Diaspora: Moran,‘Sites 1994),ch.6, andA. University ofSussex, (DPhil thesis, History Music 1870– Hall, ‘Irish andDance inLondon, R. ASocio- 1970: cultural Leaving: Emigration and Post- Leaving: Emigration War Irish Culture fi ofsuperior this mythology Deb Standard Express passport’, aBritish menotpossessing annimmigrant, how could Oibe Evening Standard BCA/ Smith, ‘Th 12466; G. Paddy…’, the ofit, brunt bearing here’ll be Mirror Daily Britain nuty Industry’ , E. Marxist Primer and Labour: A Sutherland , ‘ Construction inthe ofExploitation andSafety British Modes Austin , ‘ Th ‘ Austin , Th 38–39. Barbican: ( 2013), the on ‘Battles BuildingIndustry,in the British 1965– Wall , 67 C. ’, and Short, see ernment policy NHS andIts Staff NHS Irish e Irish Centre eIrish Welfare Offi Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 1955.For 3,16February anextensive of discussion ., CXLVIII, no. Th A Union toBuild , 98. , , December 1970, 5, AIB/ ICA/ Z/5/1. AIB/ICA/ 5, 1970, December , 1968,BCA/ , 26February foreigners’, ‘Bloody 1299; JAK, e Best are Leaving eBest uctuating character of work in the industry and its relation andits touctuating gov- characterofwork inthe industry , 26August 1969;BCA/ 16161. e Lump in the Construction Industry eLump Industry inthe Construction ’, in T. Nicholas (ed.), Radical Statistics Radical e Irish Delinquent’, eIrish 137– 140. , 2May 1967,BCA/ pubs ‘Sure18222; D. andthe local Langton, In aStrange Land e Irish Musice Irish ofBirmingham’ University of (PhD thesis, An Irish Navvy An Irish Navvy eir Social Relations’, eirSocial 162 eirWork Attitudes’, 28. 1967,BCA/ , 19December ‘Sure,12530; O. Lancaster, and eir Social Relations’, eirSocial Jackson, also 160.See , December 1970, p. 3, AIB/ ICA/ Z/5/1. AIB/ICA/ p. 3, 1970, December , : 70 Years ofService’, , 70– 86; McGuire et al., ‘Battles onthe Barbican’,33– 36. at’s the fi Housing in Britain , ch.1. 6 98) 34–52. (1998), 69 ce (Camden). Annual Report 1967,AIB/ ce Annual (Camden). Report LIC/ 2/ 4. Irish Independent , 154. , , 29. , ns t wr se C Wls Wills , C. see work to tness odn, 18 , 7 8 ad oe recently, more and 76–98, 1980), , (London , 22. , rst break we’ve rstbreak hadsince the breathanalyser’, Sunday Mirror e Struggle for Tradee Struggle Unionism Irish Times , 91–94. , History WorkshopHistory Journal , 22July 2018;J.Shannon,‘Th abig 05), h 1. ch. 2015 ), , (Cambridge , 2July 2018. 1967, , 10December e Irish Nurses Nurses eIrish Irish Counties Irish Counties Th D á il É ireann Éireann áil D e Best Are eBest Th eIrish in Evening Capital Capital Daily Daily 75 e Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 57 ff O . A 7 5 21. Ibid., 56 18. Ibid., 14. 1927) PI/SA/7, Kerry, 55 (b. Heaney Denis 54 53 ofthe Irish the from minutesExtract meeting ofthe founding members’ 8 Ii. 1. Ibid., 89 13. Ibid., 88 14. Ibid., 87 1. 22. Ibid., 1944) PI/ SA/3, Longford, 86 (b. Doherty Joe 85 36. Ibid., 84 26. Ibid., 83 22. Ibid., 82 Duff Bill 81 ‘ Affl , Savage M. see masculinities technocratic post- war On 80 Duff Bill 37. Barbican’, the 79 on ‘Battles et al., McGuire 78 17. Ibid., 77 15. Ibid., 76 Ibid. 75 Ibid. 74 14. Ibid., 73 13. Ibid., 72 12. Ibid., 71 5. Ibid., 70 2. Ibid., 69 Duff Bill 68 251–52. Ibid., 67 241. Ibid., 66 124. Ibid., 65 22. Ibid., 64 58 B. Walter , ‘ Whiteness and Diasporic Irishness: Nation, Gender and Class ’, Class and Gender MacAmhlaigh, Nation, 59 Irishness: 60 Diasporic and Whiteness ‘ WalterPaul Fletcher, in‘Top quoted , 2000’, 100andFinancial Review B. 58 6 Dns eny b Kry 12)P/S/7 26–27. 1927) PI/SA/ 7, Kerry, (b. Heaney Denis 61 62 press andthe Englishregional inBritain ofthe Irish the newspapers Both 6 Kae Keane, 63 A egn ad D Claff D. and Keegan A. Chorlton, in 22February 1985.Reproduced Club,HighLane, Association 99 5, 1939– 55, Change intheofTechnocratic Making Britain, Middle- Identities: Class Journal ofEthnic and Migration Studies 2000 ’, Magazine Millionaire Dies’, For example, ‘Th through oftheirably protagonists the telling ‘rags- the story to- form. riches’ features success industry, run onIrish intheregularly construction invari- News 2000. , September er , ‘ ManualBritish Workers: From Producers to Consumers, Contemporary British History British Contemporary Th y (b. Roscommon, 1951) PI/ Roscommon, y (b. SA/ 4, 6. 1951) PI/ Roscommon, y (b. SA/ 4, 27. 1951) PI/ Roscommon, y (b. SA/ 4, 1. e Contractors Contemporary British History British Contemporary 2004. , February An Irish Navvy eFortune Builders’, Irish Post , y e , 6–7. , More Irish Manchester , 12August 2000;‘Murphy’s Law’, , 160. , 2 08) 537–571. (2008), 22:4 Irish Post 2 08) 457–476. (2008), 22:4 3 01) 1302. (2011), 37:9 Lives inre/construction Lives , 22July Building 2000;‘Irish tod, 20 , 124–125. 2006), (Stroud , uence and Social Evening Standard Construction Construction c. 1950– 147 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 148 13 e . ertr Ferriter , D. See 103 9. Ibid., 102 14. Ibid., 101 13. Ibid., 100 16 alaetr Ppr, Papers, Parliamentary 106 2. 1944) PI/SA/3, Longford, (b. Doherty Joe 104 105 to Irish attitudes ofthe inresponse contradictory expressed For asurvey 96 Th 6 9 s ’ l l e b p m a C e e S 3 9 Cowley, 92 1. Ibid., 91 6. Ibid., 90 98 15. 1944) PI/SA/3, 8 Longford, 9 (b. Doherty Joe 97 14–15. 1944) PI/SA/3, Longford, (b. Doherty Joe 94 95 that for example, the many houses recalled ofthe boarding John B. Keane, 9 Je oet (. ogod 14)P/S/3 8. 1944) PI/ SA/3, Longford, (b. Doherty Joe 99 Equality Walter , Undertaken ofResearch fortheCommission forRacial AReport B. Britain: and Hickman J. M. bythe Equality, Commission for published Racial itwas was because ‘Navvies: Th Sykes, also, diggers inScotland. See Th message: ‘ the with additionalitalicised some noIrish’ signs, ‘Nonegroes, infamous where hefi on the street RE,2 eebr20) and 2003) (RTE1, 22December Nesbitt, Outside Films, 2010). Films, Outside Nesbitt, n ieenh etr Bian’ i P OSlia (d) (ed.), O’Sullivan P. in Identity Heritage, Wide: History, Th ‘ Britain ’, , Swift Nineteenth- Century R. in from quoted xxvii, xxiv– 1836), 1750– 1939 inVictorian labour see Britain D. M. MacRaild , inIreland.ch. 8,forchanges a generalaccount andpolitical ofrecent social odn n NwYr 96) 61. 1996), New York , and ( London eMen ofArlington e report to receive the most coverage in the national press, in part to inpart coverage receivethe most inthe nationale report press, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life odn, 1997). , (London Th eMen Built Britain Who Th at means you, Paddy! you, atmeans odn, 21 c. 2. ch. 2011), , (London Tunnel Tigers Th e Transformation of Ireland: 1900– eTransformation ofIreland: 1900– 2000 also ; see Report on the State oftheIrish Poor ontheState Report inNorthampton the in1952displayed rst lodged oftunnel- lives for anaccount ofthe everyday Discrimination andtheIr Discrimination Prime Time: Ireland’sPrime Forgotten Generation vl 2 2: vol. , ’ .B Kae , Keane J. B. ’. Arise, YouArise, Sweeneys! Gallant , 219–222. , Th eIrishin eHistoriography ofthe Irish Self- Portrait Self- Th eir Social Relations’, eirSocial 162. e Irish Diaspora in Britain, in Britain, eIrishDiaspora the New Co the New ish Community in Community ish ok, 16 42. 1969), , (Cork Th odn, 2004 ), , (London e Irish World mmunities (London, (London, (dir. Ian

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document serve their faith? serve and girls’, able then to crossing tobe pre- Englandintheir thousands, ference’. Culhane, ‘boys wouldIrish pondered Under suchconditions, the descent of‘anmerely signalled ever- thickening mistofreligious indif- bigotry’.open Onthe other hand,however, the dissipation ofthe storm world were to Catholics nolongercompelled war ‘weather the of storm inant Protestant culture,religious atmosphere inthe ofthe shifting post- ofEngland’sWhere hadlongexistedonthe this periphery minority dom- implicationstain ofpost- changefor England’swar Catholic population. Writing in Catholicism anddiscursive subjectivity Migrant 4 Catholic social workers intense Catholic alarm. social ‘falling awayto be the from Church’ and inEngland,causing priests habitually inanatmosphere ofintense at imagined piety raised home,was literature andgirl’,sizeable boy the ‘Irish generated around the immigrant, in post- religious selfhoods 1945 England Falling away from the Church? Negotiating tional framework within which adjustment to urban life was negotiated. negotiated. whichadjustment within tolife urban was tional framework tral to experience the inpost- Irish institu- avital England,forming war thecen- Church the immigrant, appeared presence ofthe Irish registered however,vers, who more complex. the For picture was sociologists those For ofCulhane’s most Inthe were contemporaries the ominous. signs childhood? to the Churchin recentdenied years the benefi In aword, have many whohave Catholics ofthe Irish went to Britain ofthe hothouseplant? ofthe itshowsomething weakness mate? Does aff How isthe Catholic ofthe faith immigrants Irish Th e Furrow 1

the uncer- upon Culhane in1950,Fr mused Robert 149 2 For obser- other contemporary t ofthe oftheir faith ected bythis cli- ected

3

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document were andthe taken signifi decisions of whichcrucial interms amoralframework which supplied and ambitions andaspirations, fears, oftheir own aspects could recognise settlement inwhichmigrants respectable andsocially ofvirtuous model easy, notalways practice Catholic off inEngland was discourse Irish cluboralocal pub: Irish inNorthampton whichthe Irish after wouldcongregate inthe occasion, asocial itwas for example, because week, to Sunday each Mass forward MacAmhlaighlooked Donall ofadjustment. loci these within shaped less religiously infl of anurban, the contours inthis afrontier period, ofnationalof religion as belonging the diminishingimportance registers hostility tive absence ofsectarian life. ofurban Whilethe rela- anddeprivations thenegotiated pleasures where spaces migrants ofanetworkoverlapping social part club, forms post- Englandthe Church,war the alongwith pub,dancehall andIrish Similarly, much within ofthe autobiographical literature in ofthe Irish 150 ment experiences. ment experiences. in Englandandthe ‘discursive inshaping ofCatholic ideals settle- power’ Th counterparts: of their English inpublicview ofthe Irish the respectability besmirched infl restraining anecessary as On the valued other also hand,the Church was years, but overthe longerlife course. years, ofemotionaladaption, the post- early notonlyduring processes arrival throughengendered Catholic ‘cultures ofadjustment’ were implicated in the fi Ireland in theleft 1940s and1950s, ischapter lives investigates place the ofreligion inmigrants’ changing behaviour, ‘uncivilised’ uence upon ofwhich the recurrence devil has seized hold of enough Irishmen here inLondon. holdofenoughIrishmen seized has devil Faith. Th andtheir their that country down let were nothing beasts butignorant Th dancehalls. preached – thatsermon was the allabout ladsfi went off Murphy andI in the place. county heard ofIrelandbe can andthe accentsplaying ofevery ‘tig’ oneanother,from around run boys areandread, sold papers Irish dren andrelations have done,friends at enquirethings about home mothers their holdforthonthe things chil- great discussed, and sport Mass – men,womenandchildren. Tea are work played, cards isdrunk, here inNorthampton. gather Allthebest Irish here inthe Clubafter Sunday isthe day thank God. welike Holy Communion this morning, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ere is no denying that this sort of thing is necessary for the ere isnodenying that ofthing isnecessary this sort 4

e priest came out very strongly against them, saying they stronglythem, against saying they outvery came epriest 6 who onthe oftwomigrants experiences Focused cance of the settlement process evaluated. As As cance ofthe settlement evaluated. process to Mass together. I was astonished at the astonished was together. to Mass I ected migrant consciousness were consciousness neverthe- migrant ected 7 Whilethe maintenance ofreligious rst section explores howideals rstsection ghting inthe and pubs 5

ered a ered Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document family, able the Churchto propagate was anintensely piousandculturally to the life, national from ofIrish politics areas in diverse intervention infl extraordinary From the nineteenth century, theCatholic Irish Church exercised an ities for self-ities andevaluation. development post- wider possibil- new opening andmoralvalues, insocial shifts war self the circulating infl EnglishCatholicism within here absorbed inIreland, ofthe Catholic narratives inducted hadbeen which migrants ‘the with asourcewell ofcontinuity simple as faith’ the with past, into next timeshewouldnotsurvive: that sterilisation, warning herself. Margaret’s nowadvised gynaecologist and inthe herson death resulted ofboth almost childbirth an abortion, the childwithin year.nant hersecond with Th adherence to the Church’s prohibition preg- oncontraception, shewas her given but, tochildbirth, avoid further advised Margaret was anoma, Following traumaticthe fi pregnancies. deeply her relationship two following damaged to irreparably the Church was how, 15, aged andpiousCatholic, Mayo having left in1964adevout England. Inher attitude amore critical registers religious authority towards but italso in ofthe Church the inshaping agency adjustment experiences, evidences Th ofways. number dren their without mother. goingtothe let church leave my chil- noway I was up, andthere was my much so children to grow see survived I had church andhisrules. himwhat to his dowith at the doors I told endofthebig oak room, away. to andI walked murder their mewith rules trying I got As to the himthat the Catholic Church was myself. killing I told knowingly be off suicide ifI jumped considered himifitwouldbe I asked upto I did, gobutbefore I stood question – He saidno,so sterilised? andget hisblessing could I have himonefi He saidthat wasn’tGod’s itwas I asked will. the case, suicide. inmy andthat, mind,towas doso pregnant, get that I would my with telling husband knowing meto sleep himifhewas I asked So my thewith against Catholic husband. Church. He saidthat was too I would I could have as to endmy ofsleeping marriage the nottake risk I saidfi born. itbe isthat let belief whilethere born, islife to be telling andthen methat answered, listened, inthe Catholic Church the having hadcancer, Well, bymy aggravated pregnancies. whichwas he told himabout my lifeI also indoingso. risked I had my because son andthat I told himmyI shouldnothave story carried to sterilised. get amonthAbout later, I went hispermission to ask aCatholic priest to see Th e second section complicates this lineofinterpretation section ina e second Memoirs ofaMayo Immigrant society. Irish uence Via overthemodern making its eautobiographical literature ofpost- settlementwar the roof. He said that it would because I would I would He the saidthat roof. itwouldbecause 9

Falling away the from Church? 8

rst, which triggered amel- whichtriggered rst, is time, having refused istime,having refused recalled , Margaret Lally ne, but uence of nal 151 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document many ofthe community’s andintellectual post- spiritual leaders war for may Catholic have families suchopportunities, embraced ordinary ethos throughoutethos society. church– tarian laity relations ofaCatholic moral andthe permeation fervour, ofreligiosity, form bydevotional authori- characterised pervasive 152 knowledge and emancipatory ideologies of gendered selfhood. selfhood. ofgendered ideologies andemancipatory knowledge ofsexual alternative discourses leisure cultures, exposure to permissive eration settlementandextensive amore inEnglandinvolved direct a relatively inIreland, process for the gradual post- gen- emigrant war been Whilethis has progressivelythis undermined. culture have been Catholics in England new ‘opportunities inEnglandnew Catholics mobility’. for social reforms oftheand economic post- off decades war in1967,the social observed JohnHickey the Catholic sociologist As Catholicism anddiscursive belonging Fealty andfamily: belief, tofaith religious prohibitions. internalised andconformityfrom to deeply involving the management ofconfl process, howthe renunciation suggests also ofreligious authority isanambivalent oftransformation, this section astory well as As subject. ‘secular’ strictly the religious change,yielding formation ofa ofpersonal trajectory linear a didnotmanifest materialised oftransitionwhichthey nation, the story self. Yet, ofcondem- were narratives related whilethese aposition from excessive the realisation control of ofalternative ideals clerical impeded ofChurch to critique explain thepower liberal how mobilised migrants experiences later inEnglandwithCatholic these ofsettlement, models to endeavoured reconciletheirlife lived course. Where migrants earlier overthe andpractices values relationshipchanging religious norms, with their own interpret andjustify recall, throughsive prism whichsubjects discur- animportant forms developments bythese engendered power Th the post- this construction. have destabilised fundamentally decades war since then accumulating abuse relating revelations ofclerical to back self- identity representations ofIrish inEnglandright upuntil the 1980s, authority ubiquitous communal welfare andspiritual within remained Whilethe fi ofsettlement. journeys thetwo later articulate place ofreligion inshaping migrants their own identifi gious the eff others long- settlementterm amore refl engendered the infl refused migrants some is section explores howthe transnational issection counter- ofChurch memory how transformations twoexamines the ofthese upon impact Section ects ofreligious authority, ects provokingcomplex ofreli- reworkings Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life cation intheiroflife narratives inEngland. 10 From however, the 1960s, core elements of uence of these competing discourses, for discourses, uence competing ofthese gure of the priest as symbol ofmoral symbol as ofthegure priest for autonomy desires icting exive perspective on exive perspective manyered ordinary 12 e, while Yet, 11 While Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document eff strength’,missionary migrants’ upon utilisingthis potential depended infl Whilethe Irish asset. an uncertain ofIreland, inthe west represented parishes rural singleandfrom young, their fellows at work, of the people inthe streets’. ofthetheir people fellows at work, ‘caught‘thousands exiles’ quicklybecame ofIrish up…inthe world of to that ‘the much clungfast meantso loyalties at home’, migrants some for migrants forced to inhabit such districts the ‘twilight forced to for zone’elicited inhabit migrants suchdistricts with socio- associated marginality and racialdegeneration.economic Yet, ofotherness, spaces such‘twilightEnglish imagination formed zones’ into multi- subdivided houses’. ‘lodging occupancy landlords bymigrant and city’s purchased innercore, whichhadbeen of large, dilapidated ofthe Victorian situated onthe terraces, periphery concentratedvisibly in,so- inner- called streets ‘twilighturban zones’: andbecame towards, gravitated many rental migrants market, wider Consequently, the within ofdiscrimination period. the prevalence given the oflow- stock reduced rentedcost private accommodation overthe progressively though itwas, andprotracted piecemeal destination cities, Andthe comprehensive ofthecores urban of of years. redevelopment number authority for area aprescribed resident inalocal hadbeen they Commonwealth, couldor the notapply New for council housinguntil initially at least, inaccessible. initially at least, was, domesticity suburban migrants arrived for newly working classes, ofthe English lives the domestic transformed in publichousinggradually identifi seeking and individual self- andindividual seeking fulfi consumer pleasure- ofmaterial acquisitiveness, valorisation widespread butinthe commitment in the waning to androutines, religious rituals Th formity to religious ideals. their attachment undermined to thefundamentally Church and con- the alternative identity laitywith sourcessupplying ofritual, andsecurity, forces morallycorrosive consumerismas which,by andmass welfarism society,war the andintellectuals advent perceived of Catholic clerics around the morally‘unsettled’ anxieties nature of post-conservative sumption were unravelling England’s Echoingbroader moralfabric. extent con- to ofpopular whichstateandexpanding intervention levels the here emphasised Catholic literature the period during produced acomplex problem. social improvements standardsposed inliving sipation ofthe Catholic population. oftheir religiouslyoff too ignorant loss notonlythethe ‘lapsation’ Church butthe was themselves, ofmigrants into system. the absorption Englishparish ective Within the majority migrants, ofIrish this context, arrival the mass ofwhitedomesticity, suburban the against fantasy Set inthe post- war suchconcerns refl In part, cation with problematised urban spaces. Ifthe post- spaces. urban problematised cation with expansionwar e evidence for this was to be found, notonly to be for this was eevidence ected anxieties around Irish migrants’ close close migrants’ around Irish anxieties ected 17 Ireland, whetherfrom Europe Migrants, lment as popular objects of desire. ofdesire. objects popular lment as 16 Falling away the from Church?

spring, resulting inthe resulting overalldis- spring, ux embodied a ‘vast potential of a‘vast embodied ux 15 Th e consequence for econsequence 14 een while Herein, 13

153 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document fi Onhisfi andcongested. squalid the next monthswhich hewouldspend few were initiallyencountered as PowerWhen Richard fi anddancehalls. cafes clubs, pubs, ofIrish communal infrastructure their own evolved also were located where thetionate they wards rates, at andlet extor- repair incrumbling overcrowded, themselves typically Whilelodging- a more gamut nuanced ofreactions. were rooms house 154 and drew them awayand drew the from Church. souls that immoralhabits migrants’ engendering desire, endangered companions’, ofpersonal the expanded the horizons quarter immigrant ‘undesirable with liaisons for unsavoury sexual mixing, and promiscuous itoff the opportunities of the ‘twilight zone’itself: via ofthe degenerative eff aproduct this was inEngland.Inpart, osity andconsumption ofsociability religi-routines whichcompromised Irish these precisely itwas of the associations, emerging network ofIrish freedoms: range ofhispersonal Power anextension house, discerned ofthe inthe lodging deprivations the despite exchanged. Inallthis, information work about andlodgings and downed pints established, were contacts encountered andnew drawncounties from Ireland, across situated migrants oldfriends Irish Here, leisureand other amidstcrowds venues. nearby ofsimilarly dancehalls aroundpubs, nightly to structured local of sociability trips routines butto house, new rhythms domestic ofthe lodging the peculiar Relatively quickly, however, Power notonlyto found himself adapting, temptations of modern life.temptations ofmodern indicative ofanintrinsic lackofresilience also to the corrupting was vers, byobser- repeatedly noted enthusiastic investment pleasures, inthese ve other men, one within the same bed, and a carnivorous insect: andacarnivorous ve other the men,onewithin samebed, for the councils and committees andindeed For Catholic observers, go outat all. debating I wouldn’t the andcons pros andsometimes at my ease, even forto interesting the to publichouse look company. I’d there, lieback orto the picturego out, orto aboxing match. OrI could down wander cigarette. I’d have I could my stillto makeout. agendafor the evening But this wasn’t I’d the endofmy delights. stretch outandlight a it. locate to underthe shelterbutI failed my ofthe sucking quilt, blood insect an gear, changing other nostrils, them. with thenI felt harmonising Th work. home from when I’d goingto work ofthe orreturning lodgers the footsteps hear thatIt hard to fi get sleep was Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 18

19

e old man was snoring harshly, snoring eoldmanwas outofkilterwith in1957,the ‘digs’ inBirmingham rst arrived in 21 confronted Ifthe quarter immigrant rst night, he shared a grimy room with with room agrimy heshared rst night, rtngt awoke andagain again I rst night. 20 Onthe other hand,migrants’ for drinking ered ects Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document consequences of migrants’ defective socialisation were thus socialisation manifest in defective ofmigrants’ consequences order, for domestic sities andself- responsibility personal Th regulation. climate ofinnate interms ofthe late Englishpropen- 1940sand1950s, English civilisa excessof Irish conception anideal of were against implicitly mapped from English societal norms. norms. Englishsocietal from lematisation onthe identifi predicated prob- ofsocial discourse the awider experience migrant within inscribed scientist by EnglishCatholic social formulated those particularly migrant, oftheCatholic Irish constructions the void between the expectation and reality ofemigration’. andreality the expectation the voidbetween a‘comfortingmigrants voice’ to andfamiliar whichendeavoured ‘bridge state, inEnglandoff orIrish Catholicthe welfarism migrant British either from According inthe absence ofsupport to onerecent assessment, response. aremedial motivated they adaption;of migrant certainly melled power of the Irish Church in an underdeveloped rural society. rural Church ofthe Irish power inanunderdeveloped melled arefl itself ofmoralsocialisation, system defective ofa bythe consequences behavioural this hampered environment was their to capacity navigate amultitude with ofmoraldangers, migrants to the habits: formationandsteady of ties one authority, anexistence encouraged ofunfettered transience inimical and enabled them toand enabled ‘make in life’. the grade faith migrants’ andattitudes behaviours whichsecured practices, those aconception of interms of‘normal’ elaborated settlement, presupposed time, however, ofthe ‘deviant’ religious constructions necessarily migrant perception of migration as temporary. as of migration perception not to emigrate inthe fi material’, ‘poor as advised better who‘wouldhave failures’ been ‘inevitable were off integration written life. into Wheremigrants some secure parish concern along- settlement with as migrants’ encompassing process, term a welfare ofmigrant here registered discourses moraltraining, migrants’ diate andthe area apparent dangersofthereception urban defi He was regular inattendance regular inIreland. andtheHe at Sacraments was Mass religious practice. from avacation it as two inEnglandandregards or ayear whospends emigrant that isthe with casual ismet A type outgenuineUndoubtedly, problems picked such observations ofany authority. complete priestly orequally matters, rejection at either completethat acceptance authority polarizes inall ofpriestly ofclergy– andaview sex, about ofignorance sense laity relationships social- religion, a about complex, alackofarticulateness inferiority work- towards responsibility employers andnon- mates, a Catholics, a lackofself- andself- discipline of sense control, anunderdeveloped tion, increasingly defi tion, increasingly rst place’, ofothers refl the waywardness 23 notions Within stereotypical this framing, Falling away the from Church? s andthe Englishhierarchy, thus inthe morallyconservative ned, 27 deviance cation ofbehavioural according Such aperception, to 26 the imme- andbeyond Above ection ofthe untram- ection 25 At the same ciencies ciencies of 24

ecteda ered ered 155 e 22

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document had a terrible temper.had aterrible Andhe’d youunmercifully.’ beat while herfather, whomshe‘didn’t with on’, get ‘an bully’: ‘he was awful arduous labour andexploitative, ofunpaid farm the dailyperformance shefound sherecalled, positive: as 1927and1945hadnotbeen between Aileen’s uponherfamily’s inMayo experience ofgrowing smallfarm wesawexperience ofsettlement 1945.As in inEnglandafter Chapter 2 , the interpreted signifi ofwhichAileen interms ideals 156 this country’. life in andpolitical ‘ineconomic the part social, full while playing its cultural background’ andspiritual ‘basic its whichretained community’ through ‘putting the Irish ofa‘fullyintegrated development roots’; down through wouldultimately resolved be the problem deviancy ofmigrant Catholic welfareand staff workers whopatronised and Consequently, for well the as priests as community for Irish leaders, in whichthe next generationraised. could ofCatholics be the the environment creationwithin enabled faith ofastable family andthe family.institutions ofCatholic marriage marriage Successful at settlement, the centre the twin ofwhichstood respectable and socially thus ultimately afoil for the counter- formation ofanarrative ofvirtuous construct England as a space of liberation and self- aspace ofliberation Englandas construct fulfi diffi whoexperienced respondents inEngland. Where follow many that years sarily herearly sheenjoyed saw she‘never any happiness init’. in1945because for Doncaster reiterated throughoutgladtoAileen leave home’ the interview, she‘was there is no special problem’.there isnospecial into EnglishCatholic life; normal incorporated for these are easily down donotintendperhaps to stay here’, andsettle whomarry ‘Irish those ‘there isadiffi milieu: although,domestic according to oneBirmingham- observer, based the ofthe ofthe regulation Church, those migrant’sbuilders with was younger halfnotaltogetherto suretheir as nationality. dichotomy defi is most inwhichonehalfofthe family ofthat andamildconsciousness children with goingto school families Today, therefore, oneeff into ‘from and‘purchasingmoving traditionalareas the houses’. suburbs’ claimed the claimed refl more generally, creating intheanaudience process for images eager theenhanced ‘status andreputation’ community ofthe Irish inEngland ecting back their moral and social achievements. ‘During the Sixties’, ‘During achievements. their back moralandsocial ecting Th begins to practise again. again. to practise begins In Englandhestays away to Whenhereturns Ireland both. from he ‘glad’ was ifAileen to leave home,itdidnotneces- Nevertheless, is narrative of family- isnarrative offamily- ofevaluative centred aset settlement supplied Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Irish Post 29 culty about the many thousands who live in lodgings and the about manyculty thousands wholiveinlodgings the andlinking concerns Central ofcommunity- to this, a major evolution’, ‘underwent inBritain , the Irish ortlessly comes upon thousands of settled Irish Irish thousands ofsettled comes upon ortlessly 28

30 Th e construct of the deviant migrant was was migrant ofthe deviant econstruct inIreland tend to childhoods cult their institutions, ed nitely andthe Irish cance ofherown 32

lment, Aileen’s lment, 33 such,as As 31 Butitalso Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document parish life due to a sense of being anoutsider: lifeofbeing dueto asense parish generally, immersionin however, deeper from discouraged was Aileen of them (employers) wouldn’t onaSunday.’ yougoto let mass, diffi religiousworking hoursrendered observation the hotel suchas industry, that the occupations, well fact insome as as refl Th ofsettlement. years herearly got thatlife during involved’ inparish to maintain herreligion inEngland,she‘never determined and shewas Similarly, althoughto ‘theAileen, important’ Church’ andis‘very was disorientation in her narrative; a phase in which she perceived herself a inwhichsheperceived inhernarrative; aphase disorientation interaction she encountered inthe workplace. altogether’, bythe ‘more struck ofinterpersonal forms distant’ andwas whenshefi recalls, she As andhabits. ofEnglishcustoms oftheher perception otherness Aileen’s from partly derived ofEnglishsociety ofthe strangeness sense simultaneously the diffi simultaneously emphasise representations encounters ofherearly Englishsociety with Aileen: thing ofanovelty: nice people’,employers ‘very some- as regarded being recalled shealso and andconsideredmany ofhercolleagues years, inthese employed was andhotels where she factories workinginthe various enjoyed Aileen Although environment. andunfamiliar hernew within otherness own refl ofEnglandalso ofthe strangeness sense the itinerant this characterofherworkinglife period, during ected Aileen’s ofisolation and inEnglandthus earlyyears form aperiod … this isawful ! ’ ’Cos at home,inthe country, everybody. youknew round, I didn’t asinner. know and I looked ‘Oh, this is AndI thought, outI didn’t andwhenI came Sunday a sinner… know to I went mass, [I] forget the here. fi I’llnever strangewhenI came very, very t was forget. younever something anunhappy homelife is AndI … ButI didn’t. would have happened. have whatever gonehomeagain, I would ahappyfrom homeI think fi did I him, I don’t know. anice man. Buthewas Yeah. to maybe funny ’Cos I suppose, hethought accent the Irish was, listen to me.Onemaninparticular. Would come to listen to mespeak. And…they’d more Irish. come to then I was ButI suppose it. lost accent, I’ve anIrish with never I still maybe speak …I suppose people strange.Yes. itterribly And…yousee I found Well I suppose nd it strange when I came to England, and I think ifI’d to come England,andI think nd itstrangewhenI came rst arrived she regarded the English as ‘a the English as sheregarded diff rst arrived culty ofadjustment ofreturn: culty andthe impossibility 34

Falling away the from Church? ected a consciousness ofher aconsciousness ected 36

35 Aileen’s this implies, As alot ‘Imean cult: erent race 37 e r o M 38 rst

157 is Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document more used to themore Englishway used oflife’. live overagain’. ‘stranger’ andwhichshe‘wouldn’t environment, inanunfamiliar liketo 158 Aileen: Barry: Aileen: ofthe citycentre.edge Initially: up here to Gorton’, aworking- onthe south- located district class easterly butin1954 ‘we to alarger came inthe moved house samearea, they this, West adense with district Following population. andAsian Indian,Irish fl one- bedroom Following in1950,however, rented marriage their own andAileen Sean hersister. with byheremployersaccommodation orboarding provided whetherinhotel ofmobilityandsharing, byahighdegree characterised hadbeen this history to inEngland.Prior getting married, dential history itisidentifi narrative isbecause forms of housing documented in migrants’ testimonies were frequently testimonies inmigrants’ ofhousingdocumented forms the temporary, andrented onbuildingsites, shared erected caravans multi- ormakeshift zones twilight indecaying houses lodging occupancy byone’s supplied Whetherinrooms andcities. English towns employer, qualityofaccommodation availableproblem the in concerned poor 1945,acommon after andrecurrent For arrived newly many migrants Marriage madeinheaven.’Marriage Very years. happy marriage. for 47 ‘wewere married states, Aileen as at the Holy Name Church, married OxfordTh 1950, they Road. Aileen’s herhusband, with andon18February living already sister was him. Th to Bradford to nearer moved to at be Aileen whichpoint then to Halifax, to fi migrated Englandtoo, later Sean anongoingexchange Two via ofletters. intouch Sean kept with years later, for Englandayear herdeparture 17and,following when shewas halldance herhusband at inMayo met acountry Aileen of marriage. the event was inheroverallnarrative of settlement, point turning critical upstairs, yeah. yeah. upstairs, the fi here. Myno toiletinside,inthewhenwecame house, husband was could dowhat alterations youknow. you wanted, ’Cos no… there was sitting tenants. in here, ’twascame rented as at the time.Butthen it, we,webought off theWhere paper wetook where …You now, itupstairs see can where we’re goingto decorate. inAileen’s point aturning marks why marriage One reason settlement Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life en, in 1949 Sean and Aileen both moved to Manchester, moved both andAileen en,in1949Sean where Was that important, buying your house? house? your buying important, that Was rst oneonthis …round here, that to atoiletputin get managed andthen you yourown, thenWell itwas because was, itreally just…temper onthe walls, inhere, itwas When wecame at Side,then togetheradilapidated inMoss inner- urban 39 however, states, also Aileen ‘got As overtimeshealso 42

41

, ’twas just temper on the walls. Andwe , ’twas justtemper onthe walls. transitioninherresi- withacrucial ed rst to Bletchley inBuckinghamshire, rst to Bletchley 40 inthis adaption, Crucial andthe ereafter, Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document say’. of emotionalself- fulfi around pre- rates consumption ofdivorce rising andnew sex, marital inEngland,when fears ofmoralandreligious conservatism aperiod as and reconfi inEnglandwere themselvesundergoing destabilisation of marriage however, enacted, was which this intervention Catholic understandings ofthe Catholic community.reproduction in the sameperiod During the planted, andoverthe safeguard intergenerationalto longerterm be ‘roots’ parish adaptionenabling environment, new tomigrants’ their new this wouldfacilitate the within faith: to encourage marriage was lives acentral above, into noted aimofCatholic interventions As migrants’ by my father.’ to …dictated alovely woman.Butshewas mum was her mother: ‘my byherfather’sof Ireland were marred mistreatment herself and ofboth throughout the interview, hermemories recalled Aileen As relationships. in Aileen’s aff valued with association close narrative concerns its point aturning forms why marriage reason ment life. A second offamily ‘your own’, youplease. to as dowith states, Aileen as comfort andone’scing personal now ofautonomy: your was sense house enhan- onment andrequirements, inaccordance tastes their with own them to envir- mould their allowed domestic butitalso residential area; andAileen’sSean mobility, social amore ‘respectable’ was inthat Gorton amassed £ 120 to ‘set Th uphome’inGorton. ‘eighteen andSean saving together Aileen onherown, aweek’ andsix Whilesheonlyearned ofresources. ment through pooling the careful improve- ofdomestic the possibility erature opened explained, marriage affl ofdomestic the ofthe vauntedideal housingmarketandrealise sections these from to capacity ascend migrants’ publichousing, constructed inaccessing newly faced migrants barriers the with various coupled ever, ofhousinginEnglandupuntil the the 1970s, generalshortage oftenure andextortionate Given,how- to insecurity rents. food, poor and lackofprivacy from ofdeprivations, acatalogue with associated Aileen: Barry: Aileen: to inher life: happen thing’ the ‘best as family herown andsubjugation, sheportrays life ofdrudgery interms family uence was heavily constrained. Inthis constrained. context, heavily Catholic lit- advice uence as was Additionally, however, to integral the also develop- was homemaking happy. Yeah. having afamily. …I loved AndI loved Yeah, Yeah. yeah. 44 mother’s herown depicts where experience Aileen of Likewise, youthink that’sDo thing inyourlife? important the most been I do.Yeah. and,and…my My children. marriage I was because Well know, wewere, I suppose I don’t because Whiletheguration. late 1940sand1950sare usuallyseen 43 Aileen’s Bycontrast, husband featuresasource own as lment within her narrative: ‘he was my life, I must my life, I must was lment hernarrative: ‘he within Falling away the from Church? is represented an advance in anadvance isrepresented 45

ective ective 159 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document and familial intimacy.and familial Family to notionsofromantic incorporate cooperation love,domestic of ‘companionatethe virtues marriage’, adapting the ofthe rhetoric Holy to the laitythus refl promoted ofthe family constructions Ideal ofpurpose. sense powerful anda satisfactions personal to derive could expect members individual fulfi anarenalife ofpersonal as family portrayed literature guidance the period during marriage produced Catholic shown, has AlanaHarris As needs. emotional andpractical relationshipsfamily inaccordance defi shifting with refl also on marriage Catholic discourses norms, ofpuritanical the reassertion provoked habits 160 the very opposite qualities: opposite the very of arepository as life, herhusband family isidealised ofIrish memories Similarly, where Aileen’s in her ‘an as bully’ father awful isdemonised ating how ‘they are wonderful to me’: ating are how‘they wonderful children’sher own inlife, reiter- andachievements childhoods births, aff with repeatedly life spoke inIreland, Aileen the children were young’. offamily experiences Bycontrast herown with days aweek’,seven ‘quite nevertheless shewas happy at to homewhen be fi obligations meantthatto didnotreturn theofher work birth after Aileen life. Whiletheand family Church’s insistence women’s upon maternal ofmarried forms elaboration ofalternative, more emotionallysatisfying space for the inthenew process up,opening growing she hadendured relations andabusive the authoritarian familial publicly delegitimised deference andlovefor their supreme sacrifi entitled to respect, the Virgin Mother, were the authors ofthe next generation ofthe Church, andsacrifi struggle ofpersonal aform as elevated was roles ofthese the performance andmaternaldomestic roles, continued oftheCatholic models family to defi loveandadoration well one’s towards children, as as Andwhile wife. towards offatherly life, the stressing family anddevotion care importance men’s encouraged also masculinity emotionalimmersionin increasing conceptions ofCatholic butrecalibrated moral arbiters the within family; rst daughter in 1954, an arrangement which ensured Sean ‘hadtorst daughter work Sean in1954,anarrangement whichensured ’em, yes. ’em praise Er…I couldn’t and my isJohn,yeah. son enough,any of herAmy’,going to call Yes. Andmy andI did. other daughter’s Julie, oneofthem Amy.called AndI said,‘Well, I have alittle ifever I’m girl older sister, coming andshe hometelling hadtwins usthat somebody my remember sister, my 15,andI can about I must onlyhave been that they was norms For changing ofthese the importance Aileen, Husbands were stilldefi Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 47

ected the infl ected ected an increasing concern withthe anincreasing regulation of ected 46

andultimate providers the primary as ned lment and emotional enrichment, wherein lment andemotionalenrichment, post- uence ofwider on discourses war arefl as ce. Mothers, ne womanhood in terms of interms ne womanhood about andpride ection nitions of members’ nitions ofmembers’ ce. ce. ection of ection Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document amount of time to parish related events andactivities: relatedamount oftimeto events parish anincreasing to devote the began death ofherhusband in1996,Aileen once home,andfollowing herchildren Particularly hadleft the parish. sonally, life inthe of wider more to fully participate and where she began smaller churchandcongregation per- where shegottothe know priests however, to to attend Gorton, On moving began anew, Aileen much church’ where shefound itdiffi church a‘massive Side,the Holy inMoss Name, herlocal was possible, life.‘involved’ Whileshecontinued as to inparish often attend as mass stillfound itdiffi Following in1950,Aileen hermarriage Aileen: Barry: investment inreligious practice: byAileen’s augmented commemoration isfurther of personal continuing ofageing. context losses ofthe inevitable lifebetter inEngland,thus affi ofthe youngerself to the makea whichvalidates struggles object sacred madeinheaven’), itincelestial (a‘marriage terms a to preserve as need this relationship inthe ofthe there development self, so isaretrospective Aileen’s of theimportance settlement seminal narrative.given Inturn, thus signifi Marriage love,aff up: hergrowing father deprived ofwhichher childhood, inherown denied things for those a longing Aileen’sand dislocation; inhernarrative embodies husband inparticular thus much was more than aconvenientMarriage isolation from refuge down to earth. to earth. down …AndI thinkI was he’s Very I have met. oneofthe ever nicest priests she was the apple of his eye. the apple ofhiseye. she was father. hischildren. Amy, man,andheadored kind such akind, He was Yeah. married. years diff …so Andhewas We were 47 course, the children were biggerthen. Th the to church, clean and…youknow,used do allthis for of him.’Cos, to goover, him,now. with involved and very get I used And …I did Father He’s, you’ll meet O’Hara. he’s man. over here. aKerry I hope wehadonelovely priest years, nowquitehad one,goingback afew now, Heart morethe with involved Sacred I’ve been ’cos, er…well we in England? this process ofageing, ofnegotiating the losses In this latter respect, my church andmy to me.Yeah. religion isimportant to church. Oh,my church there, get … I go ifI can the week, during And,er,48 years. Sunday. I still goto church every Andifthere’s mass Yeah, now, for inthis …48 …? parish parish, been Heart the Sacred overthe thecourse ofyourlife church has How been important Th e church is very important to me. It is, yes. Well, to yes. me.It important is, e church isvery we’ve 50

within growth andpersonal emotionalrepair es rming the value of the life lived within the within ofthe the life value rming lived 48

relationships. topersonal cult establish Falling away the from Church? ey were off ey respect. recognition, ection, And, my hands. 49 cult to become to cult become

erent to my 161 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Aileen: Barry: Aileen: ofthe present self: ligibility threatens the coherence isreconstructed ofthe past andintel-meaning ofwhichthe interms which endangersthe salience values ofthose change remain constant; this preservation whichsupport belonging that important current communities itisalso so of of settlement, recollections life herpersonal within andfamily imageofmarried ideal an the self. Consequently, to preserve for Aileen itisimportant justas of andachievements struggles for the aims, ofpublicrecognition sense ofherlife remainthe meaning a incirculation, ontological supplying acontextrepresents ofwhichshecomposes interms where the values interaction, Aileen’s asource well ofsocial as As community here parish more ‘involved’becoming alternative within communities ofbelonging. Forto this concernsare oneresponse potentially destabilised. Aileen, her children home,however, the from family sources ofselfhood these With of ofherhusbandtity andbelonging. dispersal the passing of iden- sense life apowerful herwith have andfamily supplied married the course ofheradultlife inEngland,Aileen’sOver of experiences 162 Barry: I say it?Th I say very, must be I’m er…howshall they sure that the youngpriests, priest would dothe same…’priest I said, ‘Wellthis morning, I think you were quite right.’ I said, ‘Ifevery ‘Well,says, what do youthinkit?’AndI saidwhat Aileen, about I said andhe to come intoAnd …hejusthappened the hallto meafterwards noexceptions making for …andhewas gave anybody. about …atalk think it’s hegave, er…whenhefi So right. Which…right …rightly themwant intheorwrongly, school. I don’t andthat’sthem christened ofthem then until you’ll the see …they last Th not. maybe hadthe childchristened, they’ve … maybe youknow,about, totheir wanting get childinto Th school. ’cos week, last altar aggravating him hemust have hadalotofpeople I doSo, think it’s for them. ’Cos disheartening he,hegave itoff very to church ormeeting. …mass been never …they’ve Catholic school onhisdoor, aknocking gets tothem havewant get into they … the right orwhether I’m I think he’s wrong, …Th Erm right. exceptions, youwon’t And…er, the get childchristened. whetherI’m makeno they youhave before to ababy christened, twelve weeks now…er,a ruling er…ifyoudon’t that, come to church for eight … I don’t know. Th over here, I think he’s 33.A lovely, about erm Englishlad.But, young, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Why do you think that’s happened? happened? that’s think you do Why It might change things? things? change might It don’tI honestly why know it’s AndI’m happened. sure …er, well goneto pot. er…religion has But, ey must fi ey ey must get very disheartened. Because he’s Because made disheartened. very must get ey nd it very hard. ’Cos now wehavend it very ayoungpriest nished mass last week, he week, last mass nished enhesaid ey ey haven’t ey’ll ey’ll have the Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document basic economic calculations: economic basic self- fulfi signifying atransitionalmoment, notas depicted, was leaving period ofhisfamily. insupport jobs Within paid and poorly hisaccount ofthis Th kids’. ‘wehadto dosix because andgooutwork inthe bogs’ school labourer. afarm as Th hisfather’s onlysource ofeight ofincomein afamily whose was wages Co.Off upinrural grew in1935,Sean in England.Born Hagan’s ofSean andevaluation reconstruction ofsettlement experiences however, Sean’s ‘got wife andshehadto pregnant fi to clubandhiswife anunspecifi theIrish bingo.After goingto the pubandthe Sean with accustomed, hadbecome which they a job didn’t ‘you right into have forwalk ajob, to look availability ofwork: bythe immediately ready impressed inEngland1956hewas arrived in common this with account upinIreland. WhenSean ofgrowing andthematically,Structurally Sean’s settlement narrativemuch shares Aileen: he also considers that ‘we got married too quick really I think’: quickreally too considershe also that ‘wegotmarried ‘comingabout to England’, refl thing’ andthe ‘best ‘lovely’ that was hiswife emphasises Although Sean afterwards. soon andthe hiswife couple met were married Sean months, hometo my ‘to mother, money send Sean week’. every amere six After ‘than butmuch paid better inIreland’, ‘dirty’that and‘busy’ was enabling us began for Sean a nine- anine- for Sean usbegan ofwork inphysically strenuous period year In adiff continued andhiswife inthe mannerto Sean getting married After that So …I didn’thouse. do,you know. my buying own ofsaving Instead andstarting night. to goout every Weit. thought wewere that, onlyyoungthen never and…weused together andthought ofbuying weshould have …pooled I … instead months’ I got six courting andwentafter inthis rented house, married, … might have …and,andI say, hadmy house married own well I got [Y] ou’re goon,aren’t the years moreas sensible you.You know, I mi… I wouldn’tto England.Otherwise have come. scarce.Andthat’s was why scarce,everything I come was And money [L] wasn’tike I say, good. scarce,and…the money the work was very and …no,I don’t itat with all. agree together now, don’t and…they have andthey children, married, get …’ It ButI think …allthis living here, mightthey’re changethings. lment and personal ambition, but as an act ofnecessity, anact ambition,butas lment andpersonal involving 53 inacotton immediately ajob ajob took millinBolton, Sean erent way, were implicated inthe andideals samevalues these us, at the age of 12 Sean ‘hadto goout…leave at the ageof12Sean us, ecting upon the brevity of their courtship oftheir courtship the brevity upon ecting Falling away the from Church? 51 54

52

nish work’. Since the ed length oftime, length ed aly, the eldestson 163 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document took a job as a security guard at Rochdale College. College. at Rochdale guard asecurity as ajob took ‘about ten year’, however, the work ‘got much, … heavy’, too too andSean know, the money, youwanted you know’. youhadto it, putupwith After you youhadto it, putupwith it, ‘youputupwith emphasised, Sean as Th alabourer. as industry inthe ajob construction took cotton millSean inthe years more seven children, and after hadsix andhiswife Sean and hiswifeagreed: home Sean’s off parents more diffi became adeposit amassing nowthewage- sole Sean andwith savings istic option,butwithout earner, inAileen’sdation. As real- the most here formed purchase house case, offi thechild underscored importance theoftheir birth fi other with tenants, bathroom andother facilities fl 164 Sean: Barry: Sean: intended, theofa home: purchasing my …meandmy wife’. Margaret in Ireland Nordidleaving enable, as Sean’s me and itfor inlife: ‘we the ofourlives, regretted rest mainregret states ‘she’sSean happy at home’, herthere leaving that fi to back liveinEngland,andalthough as came never Margaret infact at which Sean and his wife rented was cramped, and involved sharing sharing andinvolved cramped, rented andhiswife was at whichSean is work was ‘heavy’ and conditions onsite ‘terrible’, were often ‘heavy’ iswork was but, had to pay the andI couldn’t billsandthat, aff fi what youknow I mean. amistake, that WeSo was couldn’t …shehadto …er,year again. expecting acouple ofmonths whenshewas whenI … youknow. ofourown, a house Butwewere onlyoverhere acouple of Andthen buy leave Margaret at home,come ofuswork. overandboth wemadeagain. amistake Whichthat again. was expecting already she didn’t to come want back. after, Shewouldn’t Shedidn’t herback. to bring come back. to want … mother andfather inIreland, andthen wewent twelve back months there.made amistake We her, left my eldestdaughter weleft my with youknow. usafter,And weagreed, It…itupset was weshould… then whenyoucome next back year, you?’ with herback take youcan andwork and andgoback together and… andbuyahouse, us, with … leave …’, ‘why don’t shewere called, Margaret, youleave Margaret fi their ’Twas nish work. And there was only the one wage then, onlythe coming onewage Andtherein,and we was nish work. …weintend wewant …ourintention to come over, was Because Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Margaret …my was wife When wewent herback, hometo bring Why? rst grandchild, and they said,‘Why’d andthey rst grandchild, youleave …leave the ered to look after baby Margaret for after ayear, to look ered Sean 55

cult. Consequently,cult. whenonavisit nding more suitable accommo- ord to then. buyahouse 57 Although the pay on rst timeremains rst 56

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document rather than recognition. for adesire individual to family, ofdutyandbelonging byasense shaped struggle, an individual the ‘we’, ajoint ofsettlement rather anunderstanding as than revealing Inthis way,vival. the ‘I’and‘you’ tend to assimilate inSean’s account to one ‘hadto’, sur- for theprovider, family sole as necessary the wages earn aspace inwhich butas success, for personal sphere inwhichonestrives the family. Th subject- from speaks to whichpoint hisenmeshment within positions Sean’s within themes as penetrate typically Sean account. Once married, the ofsignifi roles onalowincome.a family ‘youhadto’,as the here diffi tend to evoke Sean’s ofstatus, tion offorms such ofphrases story, use andhisrepeated Where other malesettlement onthe turn acquisi- narratives planning. onthe offi use decisions concerning past Sean’s andself- ofregret settlement narrative isastory admonishment ofthe narrator. thetise achievements Onthe contrary, at the centre of isto drama- function whose success, narrative ofmigration gressive apro- as isnotstructured of hissettlement narrative, this history Although Sean’s strand animportant forms respects. work history ofimportant inanumber distinct as seen narrative ofsettlement be can retired. to eightinthisSean job years ‘favourite’ seven After job. to makeawage’,to 80hoursaweek doabout consideredthis his Sean to have ‘used whichmeantthat onlyminimum wage, Sean this was job which shapes Sean’swhich shapes ofthe Irish sides in similar ways onboth experiences adynamic as Inthis position, way ofsettlement. economic experiences adaptable to conceptualising iseasily the thisso narrative framework heavy, low- status inorder labour to alarge on asinglewage, rear family similarly defi existence been inEngland has rather than of‘signifi the achievement central where theismaterial whose survival motifisstruggle, goal static, remain ofexperience inwhichself andsociety narrative understanding in the world. Th constituted fi labour farm sity at the ofuninterrupted ageof12,the ensuingnineyears ofneces- school thiswithin context left were extremely limited: having labour, ofhisown the value Sean’s for advancement possibilities own existence. ofsocial a continuous, Without immutable fact except capital, through world was hard work social inahierarchical to survive struggle for whomthe theofafamily eldestson was Sean of interrelated ways. Th Herein, where many malesettlement tend narratives to background otherinthe with malenarratives sample,By comparison Sean’s ese features ofSean’s ese narrative mayaccounted be for inanumber us work, for anautonomous example, as is notpresented uswork, ofthe diffi evidence rm is has contributed, it is suggested, to the generation contributed, itissuggested, ofa ishas inter- work andfamily cant others their within lives, Falling away the from Church? ofimproving one’sculty standing cant selfhood’. Andsince social culties and struggles ofraising andstruggles culties nancial resourcesandfamily of bythe performance ned 165 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ways, prescribing diff prescribing ways, indiff maleandfemale migrants addressed also ment trajectories practice inEngland,Catholic eff gious asimilarcommitment shared to andAileen maintaining their reli-Sean brought up’. ‘it’s ‘automatically’mass because justthe way I was Yet, if heexplained, attended healways inEngland.As life hisarrival following ofSean’s part church an‘important’ In common Aileen, remained with urban spaces was ‘the publichouse’, for was spaces urban According dangerous oneofthe most to pamphlet, advice oneemigrant ofthe dangersofexcessive were warned consumption.male migrants andpre- promiscuity caution youngwomenagainst young sex, marital the within roles family. onfemale settlement Whilediscourses sought to Sean: Barry: Sean: ment inreligious frameworks: byhisinvest- shaped also was circumstances ofeconomic sense personal greater availability employment ofsteady inpost- England. war continuity ofsubjective inhisaccount, the despite aprinciple forms Sea, 166 hard hours’, for regular ‘suffi earning anddrinking’. ongambling spent often should‘work migrants Instead, but‘the is yougain extra inthe process, money ‘weak’ becoming faith hard andmaterially- become concerned did ‘the people minded’, their caught upinthisfor ‘being craze money’. risked too lance they Notonly didnotexercise andifmigrants vigi- any chance extra ofmaking money’ ‘Manypropagate excesses. Englishpeople’, these ‘seize claimed, itwas specifi intochannelled preparations for the establishment ofone’s family, own one’sin additionto supporting shouldbe inIreland, back money family that stuck in my mind all the time. I’ve never missed mass. that stuck mass. inmy mindallthe missed time.I’ve never Yeah goto mass. and,onaSunday morning, upoutofbed and,and get onaSunday to mass … First thing, mother madesure always I went go, butI justautomatically, youknow. church inmy missed I’ve …notthat never …I haven’t forced to been Additionally, however, and social makes the ways inwhichSean the went pamphlet As on to explain, Englishmaterialism helped inEnglishnewspapers. reported fully been fi upinstreet haveended England andthese often so in people amongIrish ofdrunkenness many too cases far have been Th lifemore than likely home andfamily excess to ruin ofdrink. nothing is there people, than isnosight drunken more degrading Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life I don’t brought up,youknow. know, My it’s justthe way I was to me.I’ve important … always church been always Oh yeah, has cally to enable purchase: cally house youwere overhere? whenever church important Why so was erent ofmoralrestraint forms related to their future cient towhat get youneed’. to settle- regulate migrants’ orts 59

ghts whichhave ghts 58

60 Herein, ere erent Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document emotional ramifi in Ireland) ofmoralrestraintobligation, the represent andfamilial failures Margaret ahome,leaving notbuying settlement experience (notsaving, Sean’s ofthe the main‘mistakes’and‘regrets’ narrative: what as views Sean tensions within psychic with are associated they From oneperspective, this object. fundamental whichthreatened anddistractions worldly pleasures those eschewing man refl onthe fi Modelled life. conduct the offamily proper andsupporting ofestablishing means orgreater consumption, material riches avenue buta success, to career Work oftheterms ideal. realisation ofthe breadwinner notan here was in assessed stillprimarily was ment life, Catholic infamily manhood andgreater emotionalinvolve- reciprocity around marital expectations inthe promotion ofnew 1945,registered after ofdomestication degree a underwent of EnglishCatholic masculinity. masculinity Whileideal anddutyto family, narratives inwider earnings were echoed inturn a personal failure to failure fulfi a personal sibility, eff become that so the ofthe hardships journey migration however, hisrespon- the Sean, creation as ofsuchpressures views wages. fi placing added potentially compromisedproviderism the realisation ofthisby ideal the Church’s prohibition oncontraception andinsistence onmale residence, life inarespectable tostable family were establish exhorted migrants settlement: while thetion within ofvirtuous Catholic model culpability, contradic- anunderlying the ofwhichregisters operation ofmoral adiscourse via experience isinterpreted past At points, these Th ese interlinked notions, of moral restraint, ‘hard’ ofmoralrestraint, work for ‘suffi interlinked notions, ese Sean’s within production are centralSuch ideals to memory account. post- offi a Open know, so. heryouknow.father hadspoilt Th the fi likeitbeing you know. ’Cos I … us …wewere the other mummy twelve anddaddythen. After months, We her, stillloved you know, ourdaughter, as called but…shealways unhappy after, meandmy For wife. heroverthere, leaving youknow. what up,youknow I mean? I meanI, slipped I’m happy, but…wewere mother to andfather makemeown happy,trying ButI … youknow? I, my daughter, I’d have brought her… herupmyself. ofleaving Instead [T] …I’dhe onlything I would have donediff Th what hometo overandabove yousend yourfamily. aweek, shillings is money will be a great help agreat later be will on. ismoney to for provide resolve one’s astoic anddogged ected family, 62

onrelatively youngfamilies nancial pressure upon low cations ofwhichcontinue to aff ce savings bank book and put in it at least fi andput in itat least book ce bank savings gure of St Joseph, the Catholic ofthe motivations ideal ofStJoseph, gure l the role of ‘breadwinner’ in the prescribed way. inthe prescribed l the role of‘breadwinner’ Falling away the from Church? ey thought the ey world ofheryou myrst grandchild, mother and 61

erently was, I’d, erently was, I’d have ect Sean inthe present: Sean ect ve to ten ects of ects cient’ 167 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document of the world: experience aformative played tional ritual role inshaping the youngself’s insistence inparticular, andother ofdevo- forms inmass participation to life.hismother’s Due astaple featurewhich religion was ofeveryday in childhood a rural his family’s andrecalled inRoscommon, small farm aresourceatic for as self- up on in1951,Billgrew Born reconstruction. signifi of whichthe wider offamily, onthe ideal interms focused the forms mainframework ment, andself- of belonging settle- andrespectable ofvirtuous model worth: a asource life to as family practice, butinthe central ascribed importance and Aileen’s unwavering commitment to the maintenance ofdevotional of amyth ofthe piousgeneration. Th religiosity,migrant present their interms experiences andAileen Sean at overthe the apparent timefretted of decline Catholic observers inpost- ofreligious selfhood construction migrants’ England.Where war Sean’s andAileen’s trend within oneimportant exemplify narratives selfhoods ofreligious the reworking ‘the simplefaith’: contestation,Questioning counter- and memory ofone’s performance the stoic anddogged via duty to provide. Th ally right. commitment mor- as anddetermination to ultimately dowhat heviewed his butunderscores too choices andthe arduous characterofthis work, ‘had to’ Sean’s constraints to upon endure, the notonlyalludes heavy life he‘put something upwith’, ofworkof hisexperiences as he something as Sean’s From this perspective, subject. lution ofamore knowing depiction the evo- expression signals that ofregret so the very wisdom, engendered city, choices overthe has the ofthose long term hard living consequences onthe temptations away inEngland,frittering ofthe hisearnings settled younger, choices whenhefi madethe ‘wrong’ self. IfSean knowing less Sean’s the ‘mistakes’ofa as decisions past narrative, enabling himto view ance ofcomposure in ofthisthe roleachievement whichunderpins 168 experiences. On the one hand, as a devout Catholic and Pioneer Bill’s Catholic andPioneer adevout Onthe onehand,as experiences. routines exercisedgious acomplex infl formative 16, these reli- to in1967,aged Manchester When Billmigrated For however, other more migrants, problem- proved this mythology however,Overall, itisthe andultimately steady perform- successful you hadto go. [Sighs]To anecessity, itwas important. yes, …very side, was meitwas, Th e church, as far as your parents was …my mother’s, was yourparents onmy as echurch, far mother’s as Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life eyoungerself ‘slipped up’, are redeemable buthismistakes 63

cance of migration iscommemorated.cance ofmigration isrefl uence settlement overhisearly notonlyinSean’sected, rst Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document enjoy tohow know expected also hewas circles inwhichhenow moved Inadditionto expectations. trench’ to ‘the boardroom’, felt healso to social compelled adapt to new opportunities. for andbusiness futureinvestmentmoney inproperty ofhislife, abstinence from alcohol from to saving aspects over wider histrade,butinthe exercise to learning only indedication ofrestraint Th success. personal consistent ofpursuing, restraint andameans was with, ofhiswork history,the phases early Bill’s embrace ofthis ofself- code tion ofhisfather’s unstable andanxiety- inducing masculinity. During ofhisrejec- part oninhislife byBillearly as embraced was discipline self- inthis imperatives context,realisation puritanical ofmasculine so Consequently, howalcohol consumption given the against militated narrative is renegotiated. While Bill got married in 1975 and was able to in1975andwas narrative isrenegotiated. WhileBillgotmarried life exerts ever- the overallplace his ofreligion within greater demands, More generally, Bill’s as andhisprofessional working progresses career members and, at times, endangered the family’s endangered fi and,at times, members for other family and capable worker, ‘misery’ caused drinking hisheavy a‘hard’ hisfather hadbeen ofhisfather: while behaviour destructive the hadbeen achiefmotivation years, histeenage during a Pioneer to become WhenBillelected andmutating ways. invariable hood fortune. able personal his appointment acompany as andthe accumulation director ofasize- industry, construction the within British culminating in career successful whohad‘donemembers well for themselves’, buildinga about Billset living’.‘make agood Following the example andfamily ofother friends to butdetermined however, inEngland,notonlydevout, Billarrived refl pub- were narrated, conspicuously absenthisaccount, from going was ofBill’sfabric aroutine narrative, forming around whichother events attendance woveninto mass the basic was religious prescriptions: where leisure routines inpost- Englandwere initiallytightlywar by regulated e younger self’s determination to ‘make a living’ was manifest, not manifest, was determination to ‘make aliving’ eyoungerself’s Bill’secting the pledge’. determination to ‘keep Onthe other hand, ladder, the career Billascended As however, ‘the from moving labour and started drinking, because that was the donethen. thing that that was was because drinking, and started at asite twenty agent, …two,that’sI became the pledge when I broke I can’t and,er…I was aforeman, andthen howmany remember years, and aforeman, ofyears, anumber after then became I gangerman. a as money good …earning I was to Lincolnshire nomore, because godown then, acouple Andthen, I didn’t after ofyears gangerman. madeupto a was the saved money, andthen I andI back I came Th ese career ambitions impinged upon Bill’s upon ambitionsimpinged career ese ofreligious self- sense it: making Falling away the from Church? money, the within professional nancial survival. survival. nancial 65 169

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Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document formance ofreligious practice andinvolvement indomestic life: overthe precedence per- took greater work commitments increasingly and new earning, hewas immediatelybuy ahouse dueto the highsalary 170 to the defi ofnon- found healso theinvolved, mastery manual diffi skills Yet, skills. new this the challenges andlearn whileBillenjoyed tasks new hiscompany, within roles new to perform he assumed required hewas Bill’s As and development. personal progressed career younger self’s refl critical provoked In adiff stigmatisation ofpoverty: andhypocritical acruel Oneimplication ofthis was people. ordinary of the interests above needs submissiontoforced clerical collective thewith Church, control appointments andresources whose oflocal for Billultimate lay culpability aversionhis early learning, to academic for were histeacher responsible from here directly hereceived beatings today is … when you go to Rome, and I have been to Rome, andyou been today is…whenyougoto Rome,andI have the church to to them the to church. give important I think so was Th likethat. something orselling pigs orselling some orselling chickens, afarm infrom paying that’spence, could aff allthey to, youknow, had…gave six- that objected always ifpeople was I … that didn’tthe people have any money. that something Andthat was and…youknow, …upset youknow that, didn’t they mindupsetting ’cos that important I felt as, so far as was that to them sixpence peoples And sixpence.’ so, and- so- he’d this ‘sixpence’, emphasise so, and- So- youknow, …soul- itwas this, destroying sixpence. so, and- so- so, and- So- and- fi suchaparish, so, and‘Tonythat McDaid’, I had, er, ‘ten shillings.’ ‘so- Erm, and- so- so, Youout the collections. wouldhave the, Tony this teacher was McDaid When you’d goto church onaSunday, wouldread and…the priest that well.put upwith as You hadthe dinner, goneinthe and[snores] …chair. Andshehadto homeyouwere knackered. …whenyoucame it…youknow thing, …what from know, I’ve every- done,itpaid living, I’ve hada…good that’s as far as …work …you to alot, putupwith because concerned, to …goswimming’, I said, likethat. orsomething ‘Ican’t ! ’ Andshehad Birmingham ! It’ll metwohours take ! ’ You know, so- ‘Well …thehas kids and- so.’ She’d andsay, ring ‘Well home?’‘Well yoube can I’m in andso- meeting at to board be Coventry, …I have orLondon and- so, ‘Well in… to I have there. be inBirmingham. to I have to I have be be [T] controlled everything, …the diary itwas he higherupyouwent, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life erent way, ever- immersioninprofessional life also deeper ciencies of his National School education. education. ofhis Nationalciencies School ection upon the role ofthe upon Churchection inlimitingthe ve shillings. So- So- ve shillings. and- so- so, and- halfacrown. so, ey didn’t ey have the money. Andthat sixpence 66

ord. And they weren’tord. Andthey were they working, 67 Whilethe regular cult due cult Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document of a more open andrefl of amore open the suchfrom distance as institution, recognised andhypocritical serving diff apositive as andpresent past Framing invertthis the between logic. disjunction trast, naturalBill’s restored. authority andshouldbe was bycon- memories, that the implication the Church’s was recent times, traditionalrole and feltment that inEngland. WhileAileen in ‘religion goneto pot’ has continuity asourcerepresented ofpersonal intheirofsettle- narratives nity of‘sheep’: autonomy, personal imperative, proscribing commu- creating amindless More generally, an conformity as ofshamingenshrined suchtechniques advice columns, commentators andphotographed columns, advice life inBritain onIrish ofthe thewithin pages culture.and nuns Hence, wereEnglish popular ubiquitous where priests accordance marginalisation the with ofreligious wider infl concernseditors’ to the reshape content andtone ofthe publication in refl appeal, waning this initiallysignalled representations, ture and ethnicity inEngland.Within the cul- publicrepresentations within ofIrish prevalent less have become andvalues awholereligious symbols as overthe period and 1950s, for negotiating problems migrant intheinstitutional 1940s framework earlier, noted As construction. whilethe the Church main formed ofpublicself- processes within visible have become changes gradually the Church excesses. have its mark from aliberation beset of the onthe Church restored; contrary, shouldnotbe which the changes there’s inthere. hypocrites some of the world? Th ifyoulike…why isn’tpeople, people Romedoingmore for the poor through poor from the years collected that been amount has ofmoney at the that’slook goldandthings inthe churches inRome,and…the ofthe Church memories For andchurch- andSean, Aileen going likesheep. followed I’mgoing doingthat. notgoingto church, I’m notdoingthis.’ We all itwere, ‘I’m as went the against grain, not did,andnobody Bloggs Joe …youdidas youknow that, brought up,was that time,whenI was …at youhadtodid.AndI think do whatever do,that other people onSunday goto mass and… itwas concerned, the church as far was ‘Ooh, weshoulddothis.’ saying, somebody saying, such thing as As the manincharge, andanything hesaid,youknow,was no there was Th contextIn the wider community ofthe Irish inEngland,such e church controlled the school, a hundred per cent, the parish priest priest echurch the cent, parish controlled ahundred per the school, erence, the Church ofBill’s self- isacruel, childhood e question you have to ask. Yes youhave equestion to to ask. church but… I go 69

exive present. Th exive present. Post authors as ofmoral years, early its during 68

Falling away the from Church? etraditionalrole andauthority Irish Post ofsuch locus , akey uence within within uence etn the ecting 171 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document society as a whole came under attack. underattack. awholecame as society Church the wider andpost- abuse overmany years, routinised war the letters accumulated, many the with horrifi detailing as patriots, toendeavoured BrothersIrish defend the as Christian ofthe the within pages represented had atransformative eff release. release. pupilsandinmatesby former inEnglish not onlyofsystematic andsadisticabuse, ofsuff butofthe lives relating to Schools Industrial remembrance tomigration England.Inanextended ofpersonal stream abuse and clerical many between ofwhichilluminated the connection byreligious orders, institutions abuse within run andpsychological ical ofsexual, phys- narratives arena for the publictransmissionofpersonal Post ofMay 1992hada ratherthe scandal within impact limited Bishop Casey and institutional abuse relating to back the post- Whilethe decades. war sexual conduct concerning priests’ tideofpublicscandals to arising marily inthe actively andpersistently challenged authority was expanded. andpolitics fashion infl bythe later 1970sreligious events, organisers andattendees ofsocial as 172 and Irish society generally’. society and Irish the didwithout acquiescencedone what they ofthe Church, the state could ‘they orders culpable, nothave werewhile individual certainly post- order. claimed, social independent RonanMcGreevy journalist As ofthe ofabuse to moralityofthe instances generalindictments ticular the ofdebate, par- ranquickly from parameters the chainofassociation established Laff established to theconferences recently to supplyevidence inEngland,organised British- the year following gave of testimony victims at aseries based June andOctober andbetween Brothers, bythe Christian public apology inApril a 1998following established resident inEnglandwas for victims most vulnerable within post- within vulnerable most aturning society, marked war also they the to failure protect acollective history, inIrish evidencing episodes’ sion byacoercive religious regime. into submis- moralityofamute brutalised the itself population, confused signalled people the silence ofordinary disturbing, the hierarchy. Most off complicity giving state, ofthe Irish whichhadfeared servile responsibility, mounted, continued to evade evidence anditlaidbare the the as Church, ofthe the Irish moralcredibility which,even destroyed uences were much less visible as the space allocated to sport, music, music, to sport, the space allocated as uences were much visible less Th More fundamentally, however, the 1990sthe during Church’s moral However, whilethe ‘one revelations marked shameful ofthe most akey became theof letterspaper pages the samedecade , during enceforth, this amplifi Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 70 helpline that aspecial this trajectory was indeed, prevalent, So oy (Ryan) Commissionto Inquire into ChildAbuse. howthe post- upon ect Church Irish was war 73 excesscation oflatent ofclerical memories Th and Magdalene Asylums readers were readers told, and MagdaleneAsylums is failure to intervene, argued McGreevy, argued to isfailure intervene, 72 Post ofthis broadeningof part As cities following their escape or their following escape cities contributors. Whilesome c minutiae of Post , duepri- ering ering led ense to ense 71

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document which Bill adopted conflwhich Billadopted mation ofthe youngerself. Inparticular, goals the andpersonal lifestyle brought himinto confl inEngland,hispursuitandrealisation ofthis inevitably desire living’ damental internal confl ofdefl ameans as read might be also hisautonomy,underscoring ofmindandrationality. independence ofrebellion,act diff ofthis power, critique whilehisverbal ofhisachievement, scale anarrative overcoming ofChurch to accentuates ‘make inconstruction power it’ the ofBill’servation narrative ofself- preferred success: Bill’s made migration ofexcessivedenigration implicated inthe pres- Church becomes power for self- way displaced the from to failures self. be Inthisperceived way, the the to Churchself- animpediment as enablesresponsibility development industry, hisadvancementhave the within construction aided positioning fosterofself- habits helped puritanism to seen whichmight be discipline limitations ofself- Bill’sactualisation: although internalisation ofCatholic the of excessive ofexplaining ameans Church supplies andjustifying power Bill’swithin the notion narrative ofself. From ontological oneperspective, tension ofpsychic to Church, negotiate points is mobilised hypocritical to self- acruel, have subjection generated, ofindividual andmorally serving subject- abuse, the generalised of clerical revelations whichthese position Bill’s the donotmirror experiences confessional narratives particular own Church. ofthe Irish More memories precisely, hisown reconstructs while Th point. point. liberation of Irish society: ofIrish liberation for ametaphor the as served also their against erstwhileoppressors truth ofpost- callousness buttheof speaking act subjugated society; war poverty and injunction to regulate base desires for material desires wealth: andinjunction to regulate base poverty is liberationist critique ofpost- critique isliberationist howBill religious authority frames war a better manorwomen for a better doing justthat. suffi hoursand earn for regular doyoumuch Work whichcan harm. things bling anddrinking, hard ongam- spent isoften …the yougain extra weak money becomes hard andmaterially- become concerned people andtheir faith minded in thisfor craze money, eff ofits regardless caught inEnglandbeing up andgirls there boys isadangerofIrish any and chance extra seize ofmaking money Many Englishpeople however,From another perspective, Bill’s ofthe denigration Church insociety. buteverywhere notonlyinthe classroom, erance at work, won’t tolerate the bigstickanymore. Th Th e Irish people have changed. Th have changed. people eIrish 74 Th e mistreatment of the vulnerable served as a metaphor for ametaphor the as emistreatment served ofthe vulnerable erentiates the himfrom ‘sheep’ who‘followed’ meekly, ict with the moral puritanism so central so the to with moral puritanism theict for- ict. While Bill was determined to ‘make a good to ‘make agood determined WhileBillwas ict. Church’s the with Irish icted sanctifi cient to get what you need. Youcient towhat get youneed. be will ey reject the puritan ethos. Th ethos. the puritan reject ey Falling away the from Church? ecting andcontaining amore fun- ecting ey want to see Christian tol- Christian want to see ey 76

…the ontheir lives ect cation of cation ey 75 173

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document into the fi aninternal conflis suggested, acity to judgeandcondemn the moralcharacterofthe self. Inthis way, it theImpugning moralauthority ofthe cap- Church its thus neutralises moralstandards where the issueofmaterialism prescribe isconcerned. the moralauthority ofthe than Church right to devalue andits journey and the opulence to dramatise ofRomeisless the heroism ofthe migrant Th of wealth. butonthe morality ofsexual conduct, issues notonthe popular centres, It isnotcoincidental, therefore, that Bill’s antagonismthe towards Church 174 years following this following Clareyears gave to birth the fi Clapham two Common,andwithin at StMary’s, were married, Sean Clare and dancehall Withinan Irish inElephant and Castle. 20 months at the Ballroom, Shamrock herfuturehusband Sean shehadmet arriving found employment Lloyd’s with inthe bank City, a month within of traininginIreland andsoon secretarial Clare hadundergone specialist ofhernarrative. Although the work focus as quicklysuperseded marriage to 17, England, whenClare migrate elected to in1957,aged London In accordance the with Church’s on the aimsof settlement in views fi withcompulsion, miscommunication associated day and wedding was ofautonomy andself- aperiod represented inheraccount, her discovery tional notionsofCatholic femininity. IfClare’s ofcourtship memories Clare’s narrative, their signifi family. established the within newly the‘breadwinner’ sole as Sean leaving themarket, from labour herdeparture with coincided tory: motherhood inAileen’sas atransitionalmoment account, marked inClare’s life his- ence pervasive: ofthe Church was infl and onebrother, inwhichthe everyday achildhood andrecalled oftwosisters in afamily the youngest Cork, north upinrural Clare grew the fi Catholic. that andthe ofthe good businessman refl anunconscious onthe issimultaneously moralityofwealth position nancial loss, setting the setting couple intheir a house: back plansto purchase nancial loss, ection of his own diffi ofhisown ection the culture, youknow. the way home,youhadto goinandsay aprayer, of justpart anditwas toldalways wehadto goto church onthe and,andon way to school andweallhadto jump up,youknow, us, see inreverence, andwewere were house, alltogether,priest into …pop wouldoften andthe priest the church aschool, andthe there muchso was that you…the priest, into Well the incorporated school of…itwas part itwas I say it…As within Yet, events important formed andmotherhood whilemarriage asimilarly complex in ofthe ChurchMemories function performed inthis chapter. narrative addressed nal migration in1940, Born Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life gure of the other: what Billidentifi ofthegure other: what e function here ofBill’s efunction collections onparish stories linked culty in reconciling two competing self- inreconcilingtwocompeting culty images; 77

cance was notdefi cance was ict of moral principle is projected outwards outwards isprojected ofmoralprinciple ict es as the Church’s as es confused children.rst ofthree ned in terms ofconven- interms ned 78 Th is, is, u- Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document members, they decided to to return Ireland: decided they members, ‘awfully homesick’.became to family closer inorder to be Inresponse, ‘at homeallday the with children’, Clare network, asupport and,lacking However, commuting left todailyfor Sean London work with Clare was their fi purchased 1960 they andin the losses, hadrecuperated they twoyears within their savings, awhole.Although life Clare as andSean’sfamily haddecimated wedding daywedding prefi ofher ofthe strainsandimpositions this memory respects, In important deposit for ahouse. deposit …saving for alloveragain a then wehadtoofstart kind …So know know, you welaugh really, just…something about itwas I think, didn’t butthey made,you all this drink, this know arrangement was wehadanother billfor whenwecomeand hadanother back, pi…So to itallback somebody’s took so’ house, itback take they …[laughs] So stuff at allthis beer, Look ‘Look! allthis saying, andhewas just come out, the army, at the time,andhe’d doinghisnational service hewas only butat the endofthe day apparently,back, in hewas my brother was, an arrangementover, that left any that drink was that wouldtake they had anextension andthere ’til was to enjoy themselves, 12,for people oftherest day, the wehadanarrangement with pub…Sean andalso we goaway that day!’ We them allthere, left youknow, celebrating the again’, said,‘Ifwewere getting married … Sean hesaid,‘no way would away at 5o’clock that day, and…We us, took somebody said always inthe IsleofWight, andwehadahoneymoon wewent there ourselves, Andweactually,in the in afternoon. allourmoney ’twas likewespent then andyouhadto tea provide then youhadto the provide drinks, I think,and wehad…the record music was, player, And likethat. things a pub,inKennington, the Tavern Horns upstairs, room hadafunction to,…And,andI remember youknow wehaditin opposed …as as fast, then you’dCatholic So church days. inthose have break- the wedding midday after inthe nomass there was 12because before married get allwecould that have, andat was thatthe timeyouhadto wedding, remember, ’Cos I always at itonthe wedding. had to spend 38people We forandthen ahouse, wecouldn’t upadeposit hadsaved …we wanted to go back to Ireland so much. So he applied for some jobs, and forjobs, to heapplied some goback Ireland much.wanted so So andI just homesick, so youknow, …I was late inthe itwas evening, away ’til to morning be early from and…heused longer working, at no home allday the with children, ’cos and I was I was homesick, awfully ontheleaves line,andsnowallthat …[Sighs]But I was and, …there always ofstrikes were lots anditwas toKent, north down service bad ’cos avery and’twas getting …was commuting, was Sean Well London, nearer to be upto Surrey wewere andwemoved inKent, that’s youknow, He saidthis, left!’ ‘Th gure andcondense Clare’sgure and marriage about feelings 79

later moving inKent, torst house Surrey. Falling away the from Church? ey’ve paid for all this, we’ll for paid allthis, ey’ve 175 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document however, ‘didn’t to want know’: job’tigious that might into have role. Sean, led aprofessional journalism thehave family’s strengthened fi 176 off for sheapplied andwas after reignited was ofherown fordesire acareer a publishingfi to birth herfi to giving prior herfamily. within and wife, ‘quite At Clare hadbeen school, and bright’ Clareprovoked to refl fi In additionto these diffi Cork proved bility toandcountry’, ‘the beach anaffl achieving life. Although resettlement greater accessi- enabled married with faction as Sean’sas disqualifi wage andClare were confronted also Sean withaccumulating care health bills completion with way off stillsome still renting, were Even Clare andSean years of thethree then, buildingprocess. after priceat the the successive contractors initialasking as stages raised erty to loan fi forced tooutabridging take were they inBishopstown, sive: having for anewbuild adeposit putdown well- reasonably secure expen- was purchase house employment, paid ered a position at the aposition ered and …’Cos I,I was I fi …before off andwent everything, allourfurniture, moved andbarrel, stock lock, Cork ’cos theand… inat wesold house my the lived time.So, parents for weplumped so hecouldjob, have orinCork, hadeither inDublin, andhewent for toaninterview, andhegotthe Dublin hire people, there weren’t the with plant hegotajob so inthe many sixties, jobs women to work in there … And I wrote towomen to the work inthere …AndI wrote At I applied onestage for at ajob the of,eatingatkind us… Th be?’ ‘How that much will ’cos to thethe chemist, prescription I thought, then to take frightened to be butI used that, with cope I could I was, then … pounds seven about when youraverage wouldhave wage been like… whichwas ten shillings, likeonepound something to be used … I used I say, as and itwas to often, just so be, I used to pay, the doctor to have in the doctor there. herasthma with AndI used started really I say,And then, as andshe… asthmatic, my bad daughter isavery however, migration, Return Clare’s didnotresolve ofdissatis- sense back to back Ireland. Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life at could have been as much as four pounds … And all this was …Andall this was four much pounds atas as could have been rm in London. A year after returning to returning Ireland, after Clare’s A year inLondon. rm cult. As Clare recalled, even though Sean was able to was though Sean even Clare recalled, As cult. 80

mother as the limitations of her roles, upon ect resettlement inIreland also nancial anxieties, ed them state from assistance: ed 81 Cork Examiner Cork

rst child had secured aninteresting with job rst childhadsecured nished work I,in…I wasnished inapublishing nancial position, as well as being a‘pres- being well as as nancial position, nance the completion ofthe prop- Cork Examiner Cork . Th . is, as Clare explained, as would is, . To makematters worse, uent in1970s inlifestyle Cor … of unheard , itwas Cork Examiner Cork , Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document fulfi self- sources ofpersonal as andmotherhood to marriage consecrate to the realise promise ofaffl of the self inAileen’s account, for Clare itsignifi ofthe self. Th tories alternative his- onpossible speculation provokingretrospective desires, andthwarted regret with life are andfamily associated marriage contrast, inheroverallaccount Foran emotionalupswing ofsettlement. Clare, by andmaternity marked andisolation inhernarrative, marriage otherness to authority. Within the this transitionalnarrative ofreligious selfhood, anexplicitnarrative the registers against Church turning claims and its for self- aframework offemininitydiscourses as Clare’sevaluation, Aileen’s ofCatholic importance the enduring narrative emphasised in Aileen’s andClare’s isthe place too so ofreligion. Where narratives, aprofessional career. via development ambitions for personal unrealised with a limitingofthe self, associated kind of narked about that. that. about ofnarked kind really there, was job I … prestigious avery partic… upinavery ended when I think ofittoday, that …that Barry, wouldhave wouldhave been the gapbridge tous get stay inIreland, andhave anincome. And of hoursuntil home’, hecame justto itwouldhave …itwas because into I could sitfor have ‘God, acouple I thought, know gotsomebody and,andifI’d to work, down youknow, you persevered, days, inthose that he’d guarantee hewouldnever So homeintimefor meto get be for hispint calling didn’t onthe way liked home. and…Sean work, andhedidn’t o’home at six clock, to want know, youknow, as women them, upwith but’twas getting Sean tohomeandstillbe get ideal, be ‘Yeah!’ that would do thischildren?’ three ’Cos with I said, I thought, andhesaid,‘Can youreally for at you,youknow twointhe morning, the paper. ’tilhome And,hesaid,to six ataxi two,butwe’llprovide atabout night and they’d ’phone in,andyou’d for their take stories really,copy typers andyou’d there, andthe be reporters’d outand be er…the ’til inthe evening ’twas twointhe likesix that, morning, job oneofthe Crosby family, hewas hehada so upstairs, and this oldguy inthe concerned Crosbyofnewspapers, group old…family real paper, infor aninterview, andthere was I went inCorkso and…so, the own they the ifyouknow Crosbyofnewspapers, group I don’t know and saidI’d I’d donethis, isthere donethat, any …Andthen this guy, ofwrote in that now. I kind But…so I realise ajournalist, as been, that iswhat loveto have I would opportunities, life ifI had overagain, my andhonestly, it, enjoyed ifI had company andI quite inLondon, While Aileen’s of aperiod inEnglandwereas represented years early life are andfamily signifi marriage justas In turn, lment, for Clare the compulsory performance of these roles signifi roles ofthese performance for Clarelment, the compulsory Irish Post the own the …they own they andallthose, us, where fi us, uent domesticity. sought Andwhere Aileen 82

nancial strain evidences the achievements the achievements nancial strainevidences Falling away the from Church? es herandSean’ses failure ed indivergented ways Examiner 177 ed

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Clare: Barry: ofClare’sthwarting ambitionsandaspirations: personal Church isidentifi 178 wanted from married life; andthereafter, married from wanted the patriarchal requirement to quickly,other orwhat too each they knew married really get they before Th were inextricably related to the self- negating eff and Clare’s pursuitofacareer. For possibilities Clare, unrealised these the family’s both relationship ofaffl achievement marriage impeded Sean’speriod, genderrelations the within enforcement ofasymmetrical Eng within prevalent were increasingly andmother. wife as roles However, whilesuchconceptions offemininity ofself- forms suit ofindividual her ofandbeyond outside development, inthe pur- supported to be and arelationship whichsheexpected within socio- acertain avehicle both for achieving was marriage statuseconomic diff life were andfamily signifi married evaluated ofwhich they terms ofthe journey, migration acore in the as object expectations a family andthe establishment saw of both Although marriage Clare andAileen eChurch’s insin’ prohibition on‘living to her andSean encouraged erent. For Clare, who arrived in England some 12 years after Aileen, Aileen, after Forerent. 12 years inEnglandsome Clare, whoarrived thing wrong, youknow.thing wrong, ofthem goto church few there’s anymore. So, of,very I know some- go to church children anymore, …Andnoneofmy that so friends’ and…I go whenI feelnot, to mass likeitandI … noneofmy children older, I’d butI’m getting more I thought devout, be I get as I say, as you know, Yeah. yeah. Andthat’s …And youknow what you learned, know, ’cos the always man’s that was …you’ve youknow got to obey, all thisofthing kind …andthat the annoysmeabout Church, you he’d andthe woman’s hismates, gowith intheand house, place was or youknow, work, after to godrinking Because, heused onalot. get youknow. inourmarriage, We lotofrough periods an awful didn’t wouldn’t oranything youknow. soon so have Andwe had gotmarried fi was 24 … like,we…I was was only19whenI gotbecause he Sean married, married, get they …before livetogether orwhatever today whocan I mean I envy Andthat people innocent. annoysmewhenI look back, youknow, oflife, oranything, told anything ofthe facts wewere so wewereand …that’s never I mean dangerous thing. avery, very na andso green, England so ï vulnerable, very,ve, youcould be very to andwhenwecame taboo, was andeverything anything likethat, Th freedom. …wehadn’t the andI minded narrow brought very, usupso very the Church stillimportant? was back, whenyoucame then even Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life the Church of, justkind for alotof,like,there was No. I blame and to goback, youtried before both And, through this period, ve years older…AndI,basically, veyears together, ifwewere living we ere was no kind of …there was no advice onsexuality noadvice or of…there nokind was ere was ed as anagent ofpatriarchal as control, fored the responsible 83

lish popular culture during this culture during lish popular ects of Catholic doctrine. ofCatholic doctrine. ects uence cantly Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document the 1940sand 1950s: society,Irish incontrast of the with more comforts set authentic frugal Clare ‘materialism’ regarded adeleterious force as contemporary within And whileaffl often refl often Clare’s satisfaction, personal representation offemininity inhernarrative ment ofwomen’s for desires ‘place herown the within home’thwarted self andother,evaluations Whilethe Church’s andpresent. past endorse- continue samenorms ofhernarrative these to organise in other parts asource ofexploitation as religious norms andsubjugation,portrays istherebyformative of‘the ethos’ impact WhileClare puritan negated. defi decision- the authority ofthe Church to andrejects inthemaking past the agent of its own destiny.the own agent ofits hadthe self been ofanalternative trajectory holding outthe possibility ofdisappointment the sense manages fl the youngerself. Th andto desire, explain of blameforpersonal andallocate the mistakes to illuminateof Church ismobilised the religious of repression power inBill’s life. As routine ofeveryday matic, critique account, aliberal commitment avoluntary, to religious practice as rather than anauto- ofantagonism, reconditioningher anobject Church become has regret. ofpersonal creating a legacy ‘obey’ one’s herandSean’s husband destabilised relationship, married tality isn’ttality there. ofthem some whenyougoin.Th from oftea cup isn’t you’dhospitality there. hard, I mean, youknow, be a get to even now, have bighouses And they these butthe bigkitchens, great these much to too materialism, But I put italldown andthat. young people. to have goneoutofIreland, seems the with theto heart have stopped, Th shedidn’t usthe ones just give youknow. like,the hard ones, that’s inmy what mind.Andshe’d sticks sitthere andgorge, andshe’d to buythis bigbox of chocolates, butsheused diditthemselves, they made… they oranything, toupthe to get kids school seemed wouldn’t mother, good aparticularly say shewas ’cos shenever I mother, this particular money, you know, I said, for …As the week come, awire itmeantshecouldthere changeit…andshe’d was have we’d the come ‘No,noithasn’t wire yet?’ go,‘Has come yet.’ when So offi ‘Go overto the post to say, weused remember andhermother …I always I hadthis friend Yet, the infl whileClare regrets For Clare, therefore, the overthe course ofthe journey migration ne these aspects of her life in the present, it does notfollow that itdoes the ofherlife inthe present, aspects ne these at seems to have changed a lot of … in Ireland, the visiting seems to seems alotof…inIreland, have at the changed visiting seems ected normative conceptions ofthe ‘good’ected and‘bad’mother: acentral journey, migration uence aimofherown was 86 is strategy of memory, termed ‘uchronic’ byPortelli, ofmemory, ‘uchronic’ isstrategy termed

come’, ifthe has wire ce, gooverandsee and 84

uence the Church exercised overher Falling away the from Church? owing from past failures through failures past from owing at old,innate hospi- 85

179 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document experiences as part ofalarger, part as experiences more meaningful whole: one’s to recognise expressing aneed personal belonging, of collective Perhaps ofmigration. losses more fundamentally, amechanism itisalso anaffi to preserve ofCatholic culture, expresses aneed aspects associated metonymically outthe problematicwhich screens role ofthe Church whileidealising since Th Ireland degenerated. has temporary and communal acultural apex whichcon- reciprocity,from embodying ofmoralpurity, through tropes Ireland remembered isalso authenticity Onthe other hand,Catholic in having overcome impediments. these of Catholic control, accentuating whilealso ofthe self the achievements explains alegacy ambitionsinEngland as the failureto various realise Th andhypocrisy. repression ofrestriction, through tropes Onthe onehand,Catholic Ireland production. isremembered memory distinction. attributes ofsocial ofthe self andmarks ment positive ofthe as former Catholic culture,of Irish enabling the retention andnarrative deploy- aspects andnegative positive to imaginatively segregate the tendency religiousdisavowed identity. Th ofone’s aspects to desire preserve acountervailing inturn producing into rather Clare’sfeeding than resolving and andregret, ofloss sense of this identifi religious authority. At the sametime,however, renunciation wholesale this impulse to rebel internalised against andlegitimised strengthened ofidentififorms confl aclear register narratives identifi in the context to adesire diminishandsplitoff ofsettlement, asource andself- ofrepression as experienced be reproach, generating, relation to religious authority. religious prohibitions could Internalised byanambivalent formation, structured adivided as Catholic subject generative to ofthe religious Irish prohibitions was how subjection ofreligious power, the workings outside standing subject itobscures the with emergence ethos’ ofthe ofanautonomous puritan rejection However, to the extent that ‘the narrative equates this liberalising inEngland. ofthe Irish imaginary theof Church within collective power Th 180 e revelations around clerical abuse have ventilated a powerful critique critique abuse have erevelations around ventilated clerical apowerful Th all, we can kind ofallidentify. kind all, wecan Th didn’t have…you know, extras andthere allthese was and…wewere people cold. Because, very whenitwas youknow onthecoats bed, inthe winter, about, …wetalk about wetalk a laugh because having wehave together inthe we…whenget kitchen downstairs, I mean, ese dynamics produce a distinctive ambivalence at ambivalence of produce adistinctive the level dynamics ese Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life cations. Andundoubtedly,cations. likeClare andBill,whose for migrants cation is also likely to be an ontologically destabilising act, act, destabilising likelyanontologically cation isalso to be ofChurch has critique cation, thepower liberalising rmative imageofone’s compensation as for the origins andother religious norms between ict is integrative impulse in ismanifest ere’s whosay, people odd afew ‘Oh! is nostalgic form of memory, form isnostalgic is narrative religious religious Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ical Christian values werecentral also values to the defi Christian ical puritan- the cultural hegemony; Catholic Church exercised apowerful anIreland where depart andAileen NotonlydidSean secularisation. complicate settlementand Aileen and any simple between equation were ‘falling awaymigrants the from Church’, ofSean the testimonies lamented howIrish observers Whilecontemporary selfhood. of migrant ofthe myth inshaping importance the understandings process enduring byreligionplayed ofthe in the post- lives inthe generation, revealing war substantiating the central as read be role can they From oneperspective, the profound atof this to ambivalences itcentre. myth ofpiety reveal Th fortune: for hergood the reason staff herrecuperation, During bus. having injured herself jumpingHospital, the from platform ofamoving herfi inLondon arrived cousin Lizzine life, fortifi of everyday turbable religiouswhich,suff faith work ethic’,and a‘heavyweight Mangan’s animper- relatives cherished hearts’, ‘hopeful Alongside to inthe London 1950s. adefi them Ireland with from relatives carried herimpoverished possessions a LondonIrish Family memoir In hernostalgic change religious and generation: memory, myth thepious Deconstructing e oral narratives examined in this chapter deconstruct the workings the inthis workings examined chapter eoralnarratives deconstruct really. Yeah. back whenI go disappointed very And,I get it. that’s the way I see all that’s goneoutofIreland, d…has has …the gone,youknow heart ofsugar,a cup orwhatever, you’d twoeggs, borrow, youknow. And other andhelping outand,youknow, each of bartering, ifyouneeded well off very was had…nobody everybody isn’t ’cos true, there, and alotmore wewere heart all…itthere was We didthis!’ and‘We never andwehadthat’, hadthis, youknow, butit St Anthony, Patron Saint ofMiracles. herrecovery, upto arrange of under thewho hadteamed directorship heandStDrogo, Patron Saint itwas ofBroken Bones, She believed St Christopher, Patron Saint ofTravellers, hadn’t workingalone. been hours. allherwaking during usingherunbroken right arm Saint aloft ofthe sheheld andpraise hermedal andinthanks death overseas herfrom whohadprotected StChristopher other patientsthat itwas Always aglass- half- told regularly staff Lizzine ofgirl, sort full 87

themadversity. against ed Whenherfather’s the attributes, AnnaMay and recalls Mangan eadMn.A Warm- Me and Mine. A MemoirHearted of using even the most mundane aspects mundane the most aspects using even and patients at the hospital learned andpatientsat learned the hospital Falling away the from Church? 88

StMary’s rst residence was , and … and there was alot , and…there was nition ofpublic morality cient education and 181 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document native ideals. Th native ideals. enabling cultural adaption andinvestment inalter- norms, societal wider needs andentitlements ofthe individual. needs the ofgenderrelations stressed understandings increasingly popular offi self- fulfi promising personal andmothers, wives women as andrevered elevated of sin.Perhaps obviously, most onthe whileCatholicfamily discourses the pursuitofaffl to regard wereexpected also they success inthemarket, upon labour their status dependent themselvesto for providing theirdevote families, to Ifmenwere expected isation ofexpanding consumeristimperatives. andthe real- purchase house impeding economies, family strain upon prohibitions contraception placed against andworking motherhood the moraldangersofthe ‘twilight ahomeinorder to zone’, escape chase andpur- were to urged marry Ifmigrants implications. contradictory post- society, injunctions andprohibitionswar produced butparticular life within andfamily broadly consistent ofmarriage the with valorisation imperatives were Catholic limited. regulatory also was missive society affl ofanincreasingly could norms assimilate the shifting the extent andAileen, Sean to whichCatholic suchas discourse migrants life. andfamily around marriage subtle adaptionsbackgrounding intheir interpretation ofreligious values andpresent versions ofthe religious self while past continuity between emphasising bythe settlement process, and undisturbed invariable as their presented religious convictions andAileen Sean reasons, these For andassessed. reconstructed of the positively youngerself could be off andat theendof journey tail migrant reworking, anism ofsubjective self, ofthe avehicle the for ofthe selfthe supplied cultural origins articulation atdesires diff fl illustrate isthe inacoherent ofthis capacity to discourse address, and What Sean’s imperatives. and Catholic regulatory andAileen’s narratives respectability work conceptions consistent ofsocial popular both with of the life domesticity, realisation andsuburban ofstable family aframe- dangers of‘pagan’ defi settlement England,successful was the against moral were warned migrants English cultural norms: while Catholic andpopular by theIrish with Church simultaneously resonated prelates. of Irish Englishculturewithin until rhetoric the despite the alarmist late 1950s, 182 exible way, diff to patriarchal at control atimewhen cially subject marriage within ered a culturally intelligible framework in terms ofwhichthe interms actions aculturally intelligibleered framework source ofidentity avital for whileCatholicism formed Nevertheless, Within this context, settlement promulgated theofvirtuous model and Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Catholic the womanremained ideal lment through roles, these inaccordance bywhichthe reshaped self could with ameans be erent points in the settlement process. Catholic models of Catholic models inthe erent settlement points process. ey thus formed a source of psychic stability stability asource ofpsychic thus formed ey erent and potentially contradictory emotional needs and erent emotionalneeds andpotentially contradictory uence and the consumer pleasures it enabled as forms forms as uenceitenabled andthe consumer pleasures uent and per- and uent interms ned and amech- Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document as a record of change, nostalgia also registers the otherness of the past. ofthe the past. otherness registers also arecord ofchange, nostalgia as imageofmoralrespectability. andahallowed Nevertheless, origins lective the ofthe religiosity post- incol- ofpride generation expresseswar asense Th ofconfl legacy solved inanunre- butalso ofthe role ofreligion intheircumscription lives, reinterpreted their relationshipfundamentally inthe resulting cir- to it, Clare andBillhave the thus from Church, have not‘fallen away’ butthey Church from devaluation. achievements personal to preserve tional need date circumstances ofsettlement the inEnglandandthe personal emo- tothe belief accommo- ofmoralityand the terms adaption ofpersonal of religious selfhood – ofthe Church’s the rejection right to defi given a‘privatisation’ the outworkingofthismotivated itself, tensionbelief has the signifi upon closure ofastable inhibitingthe imposition production, ofmemory aspects of religious identifi Clare isnot‘secularisation’, butthe formation ofmore ambivalent forms ofthe self. Th itions andother parts of aconfl the manifest continuation also butthey transition inreligious selfhood, Bill’s not straightforward. was andClare’s a register certainly narratives ofreligious identifi the reworking stories, memory fi demonised andself- assertive mous, the against constructed aware versionofself was transformation inwhich amore autono- ofpersonal relating astory ofChurch critique power, ofamore generalised subjects personal as themselves Bill andClare located were notmerely they venting anger; doing, Inso excessive development. control clerical personal constrained how ment BillandClare recalled promulgated inthe 1940sand1950s, settle- conformity toofvirtuous amodel emphasised andAileen Sean their ofantagonism within accounts points of life inEngland. Where key ofthe self formed ideals andcompeting religious norms tensions between ofasexual revolution, inEnglandat the beginning contested andarrived Ireland increasingly atwho left atimewhenCatholic hegemony was For achievement. BillandClare, bycontrast, apersonal of settlement as their endurance that itwas contributed toopment, the overallmeaning Church. Th bythe set the within and demandsofthemoralrules process migration the for challenges managing responsible themselvesas positioned both limiting eff ofreligious authority overthe whilethe self. Instead, self- the legitimacy e myth of piety which organises commemorative whichorganises emyth ofpiety representations of commemoration.Hence ofnostalgic ambivalence the fundamental ofBill’s aspect this despite performative andClare’sNevertheless, tensions about didnotprovoke these For questions andAileen, Sean ictual internal dialogue between internalised religious prohib- internalised between internalictual dialogue us, to the extent ofplotdevel- us, principles suchtensions formed ects ofreligious prohibitions were intimated intheir accounts, ects gure of a cruel, self- self- ofacruel, gure Church. andhypocritical serving cation, the articulation of which impinges upon other ofwhichimpingescation, upon the articulation icting icting emotions. practice and regards As cance ofsettlement. eoutcome ofsettlement for Billand Falling away the from Church? cation this implies 183 ne Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 12 , y e k c i H . J 2 1 1 . etn , at ad omnt Th Community and ‘Faith , Keating J. 13 . al , Lally , M. 9 , s i r r a H . A 8 1 O cag i te rs cnet se L Fle , Fuller , L. see context, Irish the in change On 11 , s i l g n I . T 0 1 E. Delaney , , y e n a l e D . E 7 . okn , rs Wres n nln , England ’, in Workers ‘Irish , Hopkins E. 2 Notes Notes disavowal. its discloses butitalso the past; innocence, rather than apresent reality. for expresses longing Nostalgia arelic as ofthe post- visible ofalost settlement ephemera war milieu, Mangan’s itisincreasingly ofLizzine’s convictions, depiction obscure inEngland.Insinuated intheof Irishness gentle irony ofAnnaMay representations to ofcontemporary the background receded has piety tinue celebrated to be indices ofmobility, as integration andidentity, con- music andcultural heritage inbusiness, achievements While Irish 184 O te ocp o ‘icrie oe’ e . rw , , Brown C. see power’ ‘discursive of concept the On 6 67. Ibid., 5 MacAmhlaigh, D. 4 Britain ’, in Catholics ‘Irish Culhane , R. 1 J. A. Jackson , , n o s k c a J . A . J 3 1829 to the Present Day 1829 tothePresent History and Social and Cultural Failure History: Secularization’s Narrative aMaster as ’, Journal Debate at the Another Secularization Look Britain: Christian ’, Century British History British Century to the Welfare Mobility, State, Materialism andSocial 1945– 62 ’, inIreland since 1960 State andSociety ’, Brown, Brown, 79 ’, B. Girvin , ‘ ChangeinIreland, 1969– Contraception, MoralPanicandSocial Modernity , Giles Love: Th 1945– 82 Th Whyte , J. 5–8; 1923– 1970 chs 1987 ), , ( Dublin Introduction. Introduction. 1800– Understanding Secularisation, Britain: 2000 Race, Community and Confl and Community Race, Th ‘ , Lane Mre-Mwr ‘Aote o Lpe?’ ’, Lapsed? or ‘ Apostles Mower Morley- , eUndoing ofaCulture Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Irish Political Studies Th e Intimate Story ofan eIntimate Emotional Revolution Story 46 : 4 ( 2003 ), 963 – 976 ; D. Nash , ‘ Reconnecting Religion with Social Social with Religion ‘Reconnecting , Nash D. 963–976; (2003), 46:4 eParlour andtheSubu Th e Irish inanEnglishParish eIrish ’, acetr, 21 c. . e as . agae , Langhamer , C. also See 4. ch. 2013), (Manchester , Memoirs ofaMayo Immigrant e Death of Christian Britain ofChristian e Death Faith in theFamily: A ofEnglish Lived Catholicism History Religious oa oooy Th Moral Monopoly: Urban Catholics: Urban Catholicism in England Catholicism and Wales from Urban Catholics: Urban xod, 2004). (Oxford , uln, 1971). , (Dublin Th eIrishin Post- War Britain Th eIrishin Britain An Irish Navvy: Th 1:3 (20 , 302–325. (2002 ), 1:3 9:1 (19 , 86–108. (1998 ), 9:1 odn, 16 , 160 . 1967), , (London 23 : 4 ( 2008 ), 555 – 576 . For the English debates see see debates English the For 555–576. (2008), 23:4 uln, 20 ep cs –6 . ivn ‘ Church, , Girvin B. 3–6; chs esp. 2002), , (Dublin ict: A Study ofSparkbrook ict: A e Catholic Churche Catholic in Modern Irish Society rb. Domestic Identities, Cl Identities, rb. Domestic ( London , 1963 ) , ch. 4; J. Rex and R. Moore , Moore R. and Rex J. 4; ch. 1963), , (London e Diary ofan Exile eDiary reatened? Roman Catholic Responses RomanCatholic reatened? Responses Church in and Modern State Ireland, Th Th e Furrow Th brenhr 06), 90–91. 2006), , (Aberdeenshire e Furrow Eire- Ireland xod, 20 128. 2007), (Oxford , ; J. Morris , ‘ Th ‘ , Morris J. ; e Furrow Christus Rex Christus Irish Catholicism sinceIrish 1950. Catholicism 9:4 (15 , 236–239. (1958), 9:4 1:8 (15 , 387. (1950), 1:8 6 : 4 ( 1955 ), 211 – 214 ; G. G. 211–214; (1955), 6:4 xod, 21 ad Judy and 2013), (Oxford , 4 08) 4– 9 , and 74–98, ( 2008 ), 43:1 Th odn, 16 151. 1967), , (London abig 2001), , (Cambridge 2:2 (14 , 1 4 T. 17–24; (1948), 2: e e Strange Death of e Strange Death odn, 16 40. 1964), , (London

ass, Femininity and ass, Death of Christian ofChristian Death Th eEnglish in Twentieth Historical Historical Cultural

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 2 Clae ‘rs Ctois n rti’ 39 9; S . Nali , hne of ‘ Change Nuallain , O S. M. 389–390; Britain’, in Catholics ‘Irish Culhane, 21 23 Th 3 2 Th ‘ , Prendergast M. 22 ’, “Dangers” of Warned ‘Irish 20 188. Ibid., 19 Power , R. 18 Moore, and Rex 17 24 Th , r e 6 c 2 n e p S . W Kennedy , P. . C 25 . E . A 4 2 ’, Leakage the and ‘Marriage Sheil, L. 16 32 ‘Th ‘ 2 3 Ireland , of Society Truth Catholic 31 1 . okn , omn:Iih ahlc i England ’, in Catholics ‘ Comment: Irish , Hopkins E. 14 27 Culhane, inBritain’, Catholics ‘Irish in Catholics ‘Irish 388;Eugene Bodkin, ‘Th Editor, 15 4 Ii. 15. Ibid., 47 46 Harris, , s i r r a H 6 4 25. Ibid., 45 11. Ibid., 44 2. Ibid., 43 15. Ibid., 42 4. Ibid., 41 22. Ibid., 40 18. Ibid., 39 4. Ibid., 38 13. Ibid., 37 15. Ibid., 36 16. Ibid., 35 Ibid. 5. 1929) PI/SA/10, 34 Mayo, (b. Walsh Aileen 33 3 . ogo , ‘ Comment: Th , Hodgson G. 30 Today’, Old Year ‘One 390. Britain’, 29 in Catholics ‘Irish Culhane, 28 Outlook inIreland Outlook ’, England’, 398– 399, 400. England ’, Archives, Dublin, AB8/ B/ XIX/ 17g. 17g. AB8/B/XIX/ Dublin, Archives, for Centre Diocesan forreport Group1963),Dublin Studies(London, Hauser, for Problem’, theR. Action Irish Research ofPreliminary ‘Hypothesis Parish ’, 1957 England and Wales Moran, J. See cities. Women Going toEngland England: Comment’, AGM/AIB/ LIC/ 1/6 Offi ese ideas were also discernible within the local press inmajor press destination the within local werediscernible also ideas ese e Council of the Irish Centre, Camden, Eighteenth Annual Report, 1972,1, Centre, eCouncilofthe Eighteenth Irish Camden, Annual Report, e Irish in Changing West inChanging eIrish London’, ce, Annual Report, 1967,1,AIB/ ce, Annual Report, LIC/ Z/ 4 ( Dublin , 2015 ), vii . vii 2015), , (Dublin Faith in theFamily Th e Furrow e Exiled Irish’, eExiled Th Apple ontheTreetop e Furrow Welcoming the Stranger: Irish Migrant WelfareWelcoming since in Britain theStranger: Irish Race, Community and Confl and Community Race, uln, 21 94), 22. (1954)), 2012 , (Dublin e Family Th 9:4 (15 29 4; T Ln , omn: Th ‘ Comment: , Lane T. 239–242; (1958), 9:4 Th Irish Birmingham: A History Irish Birmingham: A 5:4 (15 , 29 Hpis ‘omn:Iih ahlc in Catholics ‘Comment: Irish Hopkins, 229; (1954), 5:4 e Furrow Arrangements fortheIntegrationofIrish Immigrants in Th Irish Post e Furrow Blackfriars uln, 15 22. 1953), , (Dublin e Irish inBritain eIrish ’, , ch.4. Observer uln, 15 , 168. 1958), , (Dublin 9:4 (15 , 255–260. (1958), 9:4 1971. , 13February at Isn’t ’, 1:8(1950),213– Centre215; Irish Welfare A Catholic Handbook forIrishA Catholic Men and , March 1951,50. Falling away the from Church? Th e Furrow Irish Post , 5 June 1955; A. P. Boland , ‘ A London London ‘ A , Boland P. A. 1955; June 5 , Christus Rex Christus ict Th e Furrow 1971. , 20February , ch.1. 9:8 (15 522–529. (1958), 9:8 iepo 00), 173–175. 2010), , (Liverpool Th e Furrow 1 90) 94–95; (1960), 14:2 5:4 (15 , 227. (1954), 5:4 1:8 (15 , 403. (1950), 1:8 e Irish in eIrish 185 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 7 ‘raig h Slne, Silence’, the ‘Breaking 71 Beatings’, Terrible ‘Letters: 70 3. Ibid., 69 3–4. Ibid., 68 17. Ibid., 67 26–27. Ibid., 66 13–14. Ibid., 65 Ibid. 64 Duff 22. Bill 1935) PI/SA/6, Dublin, 63 (b. Hagan Sean 62 11. Ibid., 61 10. Ibid., , S T 60 C 9 5 17. Ibid., 58 14. Ibid., 57 10. Ibid., 56 9. Ibid., 55 7. Ibid., 54 5. 4. Ibid., 1935) PI/SA/6, Dublin, 53 (b. Hagan Sean 52 25. Ibid., 51 18. Ibid., 50 11. Ibid., 49 8. Ibid., 48 186 7 F Dln ‘Th Dolan, F. 72 7 R MGev, ‘Atonement’, McGreevy, R. Enough?’, Sorry 74 ‘Is McGreevy, R. 73 8 Ii. 17. Ibid., 81 16. Ibid., 80 15. Ibid., 1–7. 1940) PI/SA/1, 79 Cork, (b. Cullen Clare 78 Duff Bill , S T 77 Times’, C the with 6 Change 7 and Adapt Must Church ‘Catholic Doheny, J. 75 of Legal Aid’,of Legal for Slaves’, ofthe ‘School Memories Never Heal’,Never ‘Another Sideto the Story’, Share ChildAbuse Pain’, McGreevy, ‘Survivors June 1999;R. Irish Post of Abuse’, Irish Post Th June 1999. Post October 1998. October 1998;‘Th 31 October Post em Out’, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life McGreevy, ‘Day ofAwful, 29May 1999;R. Revelations’, , 8August 1998 A Catholic Handbook A Catholic A Catholic Handbook A Catholic y (b. Roscommon, 1951) PI/ Roscommon, y (b. SA/ 4, 2. y (b. Roscommon, 1951) PI/ Roscommon, y (b. SA/ 4, 4. isat Hand’, Boys for Artane , 29May 1999;‘Comment: Help Clergy’, ‘Fashion 1998;T. Mahon, to Bash , 24October Irish Post eWalk to Gethsemane’, Irish Post Irish Post Irish Post ‘Artane 1998;M.Doyle, , 3October Justice’, Seek Abused e Debt Wee Debt Brothers’, Christian Owe , 25April 1992. Th , 11April Scars 1992;‘Letters: Whipping Left , 11July 1998;V. ‘Time Marne, to Stop Whinging’, Irish Post Irish Post , 9. , , 10. , Irish Post Irish Post Victims infrom , 25May 1998;‘Calls Flood Irish Post Irish Post , 22May 1999 , 4April 1998;AnnieO., ‘Don’t Single Terrible 1992;‘Letters: , 22February Irish Post 1998. , 10October , 21March 1992;‘Letters: Absence Roberts, , 4April 1998;S. Irish Post Irish Post Irish Post Irish Post at Will Irish Irish Irish Irish , 31 , , 12 , , 12 , , Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 8 . . agn , Mangan M. A. 88 20. Ibid., 87 19. Ibid., 9. 1940) PI/SA/1, 86 Cork, (b. Cullen Clare 85 Portelli , A. 84 18. Ibid., 83 17–18. Ibid., 82 Family in Oral History odn, 21 6–7. 2011), , (London Th e Death ofLuigi Trastulli eDeath and Meaning Stories: Form and Other e ok, 19 , h 6. ch. 1991), (New York , Me and Mine: A Warm-Me and Mine: A MemoirHearted ofaLondonIrish Falling away the from Church? 187 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Immigrants Act. Act. Immigrants underthe 1962Commonwealth notrestricted was to Britain entry Irish Ireland’sdespite the from Commonwealth departure in1949, formal were bythe diff unassimilable they exercised as thewere from ‘ordinary’ indistinguishable workingclass, post- ‘immigrationwar problem’ that to assume the Irish appeared often andso politicians tive other: journalists, of rapid change inpost- ofanalterna- inthe spectre returned society war ofstabilising identities inVictorianmeans the unsettling eff Britain, akey formed Ifthepropensities pathologisation ofIrish belonging. colour hadlargely the ofnational dominant religion as criterion replaced ‘the nolongercentral Question’ Irish to was publicdebate, andwhere 1945and1968encountered aculture where inEnglandbetween arriving migrants Irish theWhatever material ofthe hardships settlement process, England war post- in reception migrant ofIrish politics Foreign andfamiliar: the 5 processes of migrant memory memory of migrant processes andthe belonging Otherness, Nothing butthe same oldstory? tion’ inthe ‘Welfare State’ wholly‘unquestioned’. were ‘largely they accepted’, claimed, itwas because, their ‘fullparticipa- attentionrelations’ remedial didnotfeature therequiring agroup Irish as Irish migrants to project their whiteness as a means of locating themselves oflocating ameans their as whiteness to project migrants Irish diff in post- onthe maintenance predicated ofhierarchical Englandwas war that One implication ‘sameness’ Irish ofthis produced. was partially was the ‘coloured immigrant’, migrant’s whomthe against Irish ‘sameness’ contingent the of othering appeared upon suchprocesses of discourse, erence between categories of migrant, engendering anincentive engendering for ofmigrant, categories erence between Yet, were ifthe nowfi Irish 1 literature Andinthe expandingon‘race sociological erence ofthe ‘coloured immigrant’. Hence, ‘the fi as certain same’within gured 188 cial scientists speculating onthe speculating cial scientists

2

ects elds elds Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document diff at and exclusions simultaneously, perspectives between vacillating complex: English inclusions operated onIreland andIrishness discourses diff treats often the Irish Where ofthedebate theperceptions Irish. historical ontheof reception again.’ Th example ‘the attraction biggest ofIreland to people. isthe the Irish visitor post- culture. According popular war to the of Ireland’s within people culture andinherently landscape, ‘friendly’ and,mor ofEnglishcities calendar the within civic Irishness butinthe prominence assigned other migrants, to notaff the notonlyinthe ofrights Irish granting registered, was relative to ‘coloured’ anddesirable.Th were the familiar Irish migrants, of their claimsto diff toadenial ‘the enact as ofthe same’appeared Irish designation the very multiculturalism ofBritish the within framework emerging discourses, andsociological political within visible less was ofthethe Irish otherness inherent to its alludes instability: although also ofother migrants arrival however, ‘sameness’perspective, ofIrish the contingency the upon Fromtating their into disappearance another the Englishworkingclass. inpost- belongings ‘insider’ could fashion migrants England,facili- war to die’. than apublicidentity prepared for which menandwomenwouldbe oraleisure anenthusiasm, activity,reinterpreted as aheritage, rather safely could life, be where Irishness andassociational ofdomestic scape land- to interwar the rich andreassigned the volatile ofpolitics realm from removed was Question Irish accommodation andenjoyment: ‘the rather than transformed enabling expelled, andstability was democracy unity, ofBritish tonarratives hegemonic potentially posed Irishness consumption. for popular Inthis way,object threat which the symbolic identities ‘foreign’ political Irish an culture as Irish whiledomesticating ‘civilised’had to be ofcultural splitting aprocess whichrendered via Englishlife’, inextricably woven‘into fabric was the very meanings its so ofaccommodationprocess anddisavowal. Ineff acomplex 1921necessitated after Englishsociety and cultureswithin settlement Question’, ofthe ‘Irish the continued people presence ofIrish tory. whilethe Anglo- noted, earlier As TreatyIrish eff ofAnglo- legacies England, stemming the from unresolved his- Irish intwentieth- regarded was mental inhowIrishness ambivalence century as ‘ordinary’ citizens. ‘ordinary’ citizens. as isnotjustageneralisation. It confi isafact erent moments, in response to changing circumstances. circumstances. to changing inresponse erent moments, 1945,this continued ambivalence After to popular structure thisofdenialrefl kind suggested, MoMoulton has As 6 4

erence. 3 aff Suchaprocess erence as a binary category,more the was reality erence abinary as Nothing but the sameoldstory? e generally, the pervasive idealisation e generally, the pervasive orded one means by which Irish bywhichIrish onemeans orded Manchester Guardian ect, because Irishness Irishness because ect, overand over rmed, ected a political apolitical ected ected afunda- ected 5 Particularly Particularly orded orded , for , 189 is Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Act, all of which reminded the publichow‘distressful’ allofwhichreminded Act, Ireland was. thefrom Commonwealth, andthe 1962Commonwealth Immigration neutrality, to wartime reactions inpopular Ireland’sevident departure English- of defensive attitudes that reasserted diff Irish themselvesinarange manifested Englishconstructions underlying ties underpressure, ofdisavowalandthe came latentthis mechanism anxie- to andIreland the arose, constitutional Britain relationship between pertaining Where issues cultural forgetting. upon dependent remained 190 collective imaginary ofEnglishsociety. imaginary collective the re- signalling discourse, athreat theemergence as within ofIrishness of post- representations gavewar way tostereotypical amore aggressive inEngland,the gentle campaign mockery bombing and the Republican drop ofBritain’s Ireland inNorthern intervention controversial military ‘the once with again volatile ofpolitics’. realm associated the Against back- ‘foreign’ amarkedly as Englishconsciousness within returned identity, unsurprisingly, apparent most the Troubles, during was, whenIrishness stimulating refl the ofthe limitationsconflof both andthe ofwhiteness importance signifi the shinealight Troubles upon such,they As a migrants. as post-war the contradictionsresolve ofidentifi to negotiate this complex inorder to landscape manageor discursive attempts aftermath,butembodied orits ofthe event ated recollections into the were self. Personal thus ofthe bomb notunmedi- memories were incorporated over the divisions life howthese course conditioned ofadaptioncommunal histories memory, personal andhowindividuals’ inthe ofIrish internal mirrored divisions lence was ofEnglishdiscourse ofthe period. memories complex ofpersonal articulation onthe narratives confl relationdynamic to Englishsocietal ofthe Troubles, communal ofIrish workings memory wider includingits alensthrough as whichto illuminate the here serves ofthe bomb event fl but to investigate more generallyhowthe tensions generated bythe con- ofethnictension, history notonlyto local It so, recoverasubmerged does andidentifi self-positioning studynegotiate ofthe problems ways migrants of three acase presents it namelyofthe Arndale, Manchester the 1996bombing event, charged post-1945 Englishsociety. ofasingleethnically- Focusing onthe memory relationship acontextpolitical as for the shaping ofcultural identities in ict impacted upon migrants’ sense of national and ethnic selfhood. Th ofnational andethnicselfhood. sense migrants’ upon impacted ict On the other hand,England’s ‘enjoyment’ ofIreland’s mystique Th theAttending chapter explores howthe ambiva- dynamics, to these ischapter ofthe explores British–Irish importance the enduring cant identity problem for the Irish in post-war England, revealing cant identity problem England,revealing for inpost-war the Irish Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ection upon questions of belonging. ofbelonging. questions upon ection cation created bythecation created advent ofthe Troubles. cation the Troubles for dramatised 8

erence. Th erence. andthe ict, is was 7 u it But ict ict in e Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document

3 Michael Cummings, ‘Begorrah – can’t have you fearful English living with us … and mind you do nothing to prevent us from living with you fearful English’, Sunday Express , 16 November 1961, BCA/ MC1019. Th e cartoon refers to public debate on the likely exclusion of the Irish from proposed restrictions on immigration. Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Mayor agreed: ‘we’ constructed through this reportage was ambiguous. In keeping with with Inkeeping ambiguous. was through this‘we’ constructed reportage ever, fi was the bomb how- At level, coverage inthe ofsuchincidents 1970sand1980s. the local the ofoutragethat rhetoric saturated frequently the post-eschewed attack whichonthe whole relatively ofthe national press, response constrained context, explain that plusthe the partially fact nodeaths hadresulted, an opportunity to summon local memory ofthe ‘blitz’. memory to summonlocal an opportunity for evil’, with andpoliticians leaders civic journalists, local andprovided have before’. ‘shell- shocked’, ‘battle wouldalso through they this diffi and rubble to andtraumatised. treatand rubble the wounded Yorkshire, to ascene ofsmoke wouldarrive andMerseyside, Lancashire hour, Greater from dispatched Manchester, over81ambulances, West Within anddebris. glass byfalling the struck ofwhomhadbeen most extensivecaused damageto the citycentre andinjured over200civilians, shoppingcentreArndale the inthe bomb city’s district, main retail the from onlyyards Street, onCorporation parked a white transit van World mainlandsinceon the British the Second War. within Contained a3,000- exploded PIRA inManchester,lb bomb largest bomb the second onSaturday 15June inthe morning, At eleven 1996,the past aquarter bomb ofthe1996Manchester memories andemotionaladaption: reconstructing Memory, myth 192 ally sign the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Friday Agreement. the 1998Good ally sign actorswhowouldeventu- the political outbetween played then being chief signifi upon ‘innocent’ and ‘vulnerable’ civilians. ‘innocent’ civilians. upon and‘vulnerable’ of ‘horror’, and‘tragedy’, ‘terror’ infl infi headings again prevail’.again ‘the whichsaw spirit usthrough the darkest days once ofthe Blitzwill Society, wrote to LordMayor Derek Shaw to express hisconfi Th them – for ourguts. weare known adetermination about butthere inshock was was Everyone inevitable. that …their resilience attitudeexpect andpluckwas our people from stronger itcomes back andI fully If alioniswounded attacks. terrorist through- repeated bythese defeated notbe andwewill out the country Th the bomb’s intheFor national press, writing many journalists British elion- iswell- ofManchester ofthe people spirit hearted known e position ofthe city’s eposition large inrelation population Irish to the civic Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life cance lay in its tactical function within the within ‘end- function cance lay tactical inits politics game’ 13 ve local papers proclaimed the event a shared experience ashared the event proclaimed papers ve local 14 andCultural Social ofthe Jewish chairman Rose, Leonard inthe reported As gured as ‘a as chillingremindergured ofthe IRA’s capacity icted by‘evil’icted and‘cowardly’ bombers Manchester Evening Times 15

12 Yet, were whileMancunians 10 Th ebomb’s relation to this 9

cult cult time as they 11 Titles andsub- dence that , the Lord Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document military force. military tration at regulations constraining the to capacity legal soldiers’ escalate andfrus- charges ofarmy brutality at incredulity repeated lives, soldiers’ outrageat expressed of the loss publicopinionhas in1969,British troops ofBritish the following deployment for Particularly withdrawal. calls self- British creating perceptions, fi elites the confl sought to depoliticise role. Yet, adisinterested ‘third party’ performed which Britain ifpolitical Britain’s to frame tended a‘peace- as intervention in operation, keeping’ for anational ‘war’, support mobilising popular therefore, offi treachery and proclivity towards violence. violence. towards andproclivity treachery fi bility ofwhomwas adversary, terrorist the andunscrupulous incomprehensi- anevil against Tommy British maligned andunfairly bewildered vulnerable, struggled anarrative inwhichthe crystallised the within tabloid media, particularly antagonistic national interests. antagonistic national interests. exceptional was violence rather whose tative than fanatics expressive of bydefi attacks of Republican elites to endeavoured mute political thethe 1970sBritish import early intended to force ontoagendainEngland,from the partition political refl English cultural memory. within andtreachery violence with ofIrishness equation the established post- within synonymous the elision pre- attack reactions, by structured and‘terrorism’ ‘Irishness’ simply unrepresentative fanatics, became as eff Irish community,Irish onthe day ofthe inthe attack anarticle numerous letters the from public protesting the ‘innocence’ ofthe wider the eff confl Troubles to limitthe bythe 1968wereconditioned need heavily after offi conventions since partition, established people as a‘suspect as community’,people terrorists. potentially harbouring ofthe aresult ways counter-as to Irish target came practices terrorism butalso of the aconsequence ofattacks, human costs as partially cities, unavoidably English within ethnichostility bombs incited Republican ately the ofthe constrained impact PIRA’s the detonation of campaign, However, whilethe state’s overallmanagement ofthe confl of ‘criminal justice’, defl the from semantic fi place ofbombs the meaning rst place because of the ways coverage of its development undermined ofthe undermined development ways coverage ofits rst place because ect, whilethe of‘terrorism’ rhetoric intended to isolate bombers ect, was ected these tensions inananalogousway. these ected was Where this campaign Popular to the PIRA’s responses inEngland campaign bombing registered likewise toPopular the bomb Manchester responses ict’s impact upon domestic British society and politics. andpolitics. ict’s society British domestic upon impact Whilethe LordMayor’s processes. ofthese offi ects 17 Inthis context, representations ofthe confl popular gured through historic tropes of Irish irrationality, ofIrish through tropes historic gured ecting domestic pressure for retaliatory violence. violence. pressure for domestic retaliatory ecting 21

ning bombers as ‘terrorists’: as unrepresen- ‘terrorists’: as as ning bombers 19 Inthis way, public offi Nothing but the sameoldstory? popular dissatisfaction and periodic andperiodic dissatisfaction popular ict, this was only necessary inthe onlynecessary this was ict, 18

cial representations ofthe into thateld of‘war’ cials sought to dis- cial narratives ce received received ce 16 Manchester nta of Instead it ultim- ict 20 193 ict, ict, In Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document According toparagraph: the second ofterror’. message evil and‘the bombers’ inManchester’ people born Manchester?’, ‘50,000Irish- between the upanassociation text tacitlysets Inapage- more precise. become seemingly entitled ‘Why two article in mainlandBritain’. Evening News 194 whichthe Such implications, 4 London, on 8 March 1973, killing one and injuring 238 others. on8Marchoneandinjuring 238others. London, 1973,killing Th 03673. BCA/ warning ‘Watch out, you murdering Irish bastards, youare goingto ‘Watch get warning bastards, youmurdering Irish out, one abusive phonecalls, Centre Hillwouldreceiveseveral at Cheetham Heritage the Irish the following bomb, Onthe evening suspicious gaze. community ontoIrish displaced in the ofa theform local was bomb accents’,‘Irish bythe angerincited whereby aprocess local facilitated the about ‘hunt’ for menwith story ensuing months into aserialised are smiling’, eyes Irish Gibbard,‘When Les cell could be capable of carrying out further attacks. attacks. outfurther cell capable ofcarrying could be IRA active mounted that fears inthe hunt alocal bomb for clues, lorry anti- As ofthe together fragments pieced forensicterrorist experts Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ofunits anumber has the that IRA ‘police believe reported e cartoon refers to the PIRA car bomb inWhitehall, bomb car refers to the PIRA e cartoon 22 ByMonday ofthe theinternal location threat had Manchester Evening News Guardian 23 , 9March 1973,

inthe evolved Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document work, had been Englishat that time: hadbeen work, of insideandoutside both explainingin Bolton, that ofhisfriends, most whenhefi hadbeen Englishpeople how friendly Onthe contrary, tension Englishpeople. with did notrecall hestressed at employed in1996. the timeofthewhere bomb hewas anight- work as secured Sean College, at Rochdale guard time security alabourerforof employment Wimpey’s as before buildingcontractors, in1976.Th to Rochdale moving before town, offour children workingandraisinghisfamily inthe years next 20 the wouldspend Catholic church. at theher within Sean year alocal hisClare- met after and soon club,marrying Irish at wife alocal born immediately found work inacotton Sean mill, 21.Upon arrival, aged upinCo.Off grew in 1935,Sean suburbofGreater Manchester,northern at Born the timeofthe bomb. a inRochdale, living whowas way inthe narrative ofSean, migration vandalised a local Irish bar in full view ofstaff view infull bar Irish alocal vandalised you know?’. it, about were alltalking they ‘every …because timeanything happened to ‘awkward’ feel began inpublicspaces Sean inthe 1970s, early campaign however, this, Despite the with commencement ofthe PIRA’s bombing it tonight!’ Barry: Sean: tension: particular of a period as recalled whichwas aftermath ofthe bomb, Manchester inEngland,Sean ofhisexperiences In hisaccount aspects ofthese them! All my friends were English, when I was in Bolton. Yeah. inBolton. them! were Allmy English,whenI was friends with and…yougotongreat 40Englishpeople, …about amongst Allofthem. Youwere allEnglishpeople. man Irish onlygotthe odd Yeah,and that. I didn’t have, fi friendly, were allvery youknow, sociable Oh, they were allvery they there was abighush. there was my heard accent, they as my mouthsoon andthen as until I opened to pump Waiting the mecoming used pint. through they see the door wasn’tthey for you.Th waiting my mouth for for …toWhen I opened my ask Th pint. (excuse me)I went into the pubfor apint Th again. Sean’, hiya come in.‘Hiya, or…Andthis day, whenthat went off bomb to allsalute youwhen used And they on my waywork. homefrom Th is atmosphere of hostility and suspicion was recalled in a distinct inadistinct recalled isatmosphere andsuspicionwas ofhostility for to apint call I used into it. I walked pubinRochdale, My local What didthat like? makeyoufeel 24 27 InMiddletonthat into night andviolently ten menwalked prominent Most inSean’s the was ofthis period memories nd any any fault with ofthem. Andthey aly before migrating to Bolton in1956, to migrating aly before Bolton ey used to have used itready. ey Whenthey Nothing but the sameoldstory? and customers. andcustomers. is coincided with a spell withaspell iscoincided rst took upemploymentrst took ere was abighush. ere was ey were …and ey 25 26

195

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document worked alone during his time as a night security guard. guard. anight security histimeas aloneduring worked who ‘were allEnglish’. However, as Further, mentions ‘embarrassed’ feeling Sean amonghis‘workmates’ ofSean’s this practicephase during aregular to have been work history. thus unlikely work was after for adrink Calling and6.30a.m. of 4 p.m. the hours between aweek, night shifts seven worked where hetypically College, at Rochdale guard ever, asecurity workingas in1996hewas how- ofhisnarrative concerning work, inthe section recalled Sean As fi has Sean after scene occurs fl Greater Manchester area. Greater area. Manchester inthe living people suspicionsaround created Irish press, in the local 15deaths many insome with reported moreresulted injured, and,as to Warrington twoin1992alone.Th nearby subject was to subject 1974 and1992Manchester was ofthe PIRA’s the mainfocus formed inEngland,between campaign the fi more than itself. the event whichthereby ofthe bomb, Manchester comes tofor stand the memory into incorporated whereby have incidents ofearlier salient been details here toofunconscious reworking, point aprocess itissuggested, encies, February 1975. to explosions sentences cause in for prison term conspiracy medium in Fallowfiby police the mid- bomb- whenaPIRA 1970s, discovered was factory making Sean: Barry: Sean: 196 communal memory ofthe Troubles,communal of memory ininteraction processes with At the sametime,however, to ofanIrish the workings points italso the tensions Troubles during oflocal to alongerhistory inBritain. ofSean’s other with parts ict life history. Inthis memory, the pub It here notinfact to note isimportant that was the 1996bomb Th one, the Irish man, there was justyou… man,thereone, the Irish was workmates Allmy are Andyouwere Englishandthat. mates, to work. when,whenI went inwork, EvenI felt embarrassed embarrassed. very forget I, Whenthat that. that I’llnever happened. that, …I remember But…on down. calmed I went eventually, to back it, wheneverything that it?Notnice here, forwere youknow.nice, theliving people was that there, with I didn’t that, in…It bombing agree wasn’tshocking, It was embarrassed. felt very goinginthe pub.I stopped I yeah. Sean’s therefore ofthe bomb Manchester alludes composite memory e fi WhileLondon rst attack inthe area. Manchester byrepublicans Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life …ohI did, were …wellOh, they it’s now. down closed I used goingin.For I stopped acouple ofmonths, I, I were embarrassed. to And doyougoback the pubnow? con- isthat details rst thing tocertain notethis about story 31

receiving people Irish eld, infour resulting local 30 Th onSaturday, work, nished 15June 1996. is was perhaps most pronouncedin most perhaps is was Sean earlierexplained, heusually Sean 28 eight separate while attacks,

29 uh inconsist- Such ese attacks Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document As well as awkward self- awkward well as As here suggestive the isalso term consciousness, of‘embarrassment’. inducingafeeling received, usuallywarmly he was of coming ‘under suspicion’, ofsoci ‘big hush’, inthe communal set space ofthe pub,relates anexperience Troubles more generally, personally. to Sean mean Sean’s ofthe story truth’biographical access to provides inturn what andthe the bomb, that inconsistent isfactually but‘autobiographically true’. into amemory crystallise events associated butparadigmatically tinct ofexperience relatingimage, suchthat fragments to temporally dis- inaccordance isshaped the with ofthe form generalised reconstruction ofhostility. experiences for personal their ognition own Inthe process, relate can and receive rec- Sean suchas whichindividuals from position have madeavailable processes asubject- these the bomb, Manchester bythe Troubles. suspicionsaroused popular hadsuff inBritain thatthe people idea Irish ofpublicsympathy for generating form, audience adegree ingeneralised andparticular, ofthe local level andmadethem available to anational at the shaped ofdiscrimination narratives personal is that collected they in1991.Th Six and the Birmingham ofthe Guildford bythe justicerelease Fourand British sparked in1989 publication coinciding ongoingdebates with around institutional racism Equality the Commission forRacial and theIrishCo suchas reports, research ofpubliclyfunded a number community inBritain’ an‘ethnic as minority’. Inthe 1990sinparticular, publicprofi anenhanced progressed, the period and, as of the problem ofanti- authority onto agendas discrimination local Irish the outcome pushing animportant ofthis was development activism, byafl Driven people. ofIrish the victimisation munal counter- narrative, the central of whichunderscored message ofacom- the production incited community’ ofthe ‘Irish positioning the from 1980sonwards early this the period, during community’ however, a‘suspect as In fact, imagined were whilethe certainly Irish andmedia. press the within wider people Irish towards tility displayed eff repressive ofthe Troublesthe period the exemplary given as presented isoften Within thethemselves within ofwhite terms Britishness. this narrative, fi the post- during who arrived have a‘lowpublicpro- adopted years, war those inparticular the andthat ofthe experiences migrants, Irish, Irish concerning apublicsilence inBritain isthatin Britain therebeen has identity.personal earlier, noted As acentral ofthe claimofscholars Irish to pressures incorporate their le’ about identity dueto overwhelming experience following ofpersonal oftheIn terms reconstruction ects ofthe ofTerrorism 1974Prevention ects Act andthe hos- mmunity in Britain: A Report inBritain: A mmunity Nothing but the sameoldstory? e importance of such reports here ofsuchreports eimportance their , madethe national headlines, al stigmatisation, inaplace where ered unfairly as a result of aresult as unfairly ered of Research Undertaken for Undertaken ofResearch ofcommunityowering le for ‘the Irish Discrimination Discrimination 32 Th is ‘auto- 197 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document shocking.’ You again. down settles know, we don’t it’s likethis …this bombing, to fade: ‘let’sand the allowed tensions ofthe past …let’s hope it hope there’, ‘over imposed could a closure be saying, here’ to be seems Sean ‘over Ireland. maintained Ifharmony could inNorthern ‘peace’ be madetowards thethat been progress as has onwhat hesees to focus there’: ‘I think it’s myself.’ are what doing, they pointless, prefers Sean ‘didn’t Sean tion to the bomb, Manchester that with bombing agree of‘extreme’and actions states in rela- heearlier As Republicanism. to heendeavoured differentiatediscussion, the himself from views thethere’ during constitutes bywhich,at ofpoints anumber atactic the ofthe cause problemidentification as of‘a ‘over hooligans’ few political murders inthe political province since the 1997ceasefire. inCo.Antrim, the first army base at Massereene stationed soldiers twoBritish Ireland shotandkilled inNorthern sident Republicans dis- Sean, with to my prior interview On 7March 2009,twoweeks Sean: to life inEngland. hisemotionaladaption ofwhichsignify the importance relationships, personal anunwanted strainonvalued whichplaced anevent as Sean anattack represented onthis community,bomb by itisremembered so the Because workmates for many andfriends years. English neighbours, with socialised the pubwhere with community hehas too ofhislocal this identifi ‘Irish’ himself as andhow recognises ofbelonging: Sean a dualsense confl such,the articulates term As away places. familiar from to adesire hideoneself producing internalised, been has how this gaze ofsuspicion,the ‘embarrassment’ term anobject Irishness intimates for the way inwhichthe ananalogy Troublesconstructs Sean’s rendered ofthe ‘bighush’ Ifthe story the following bomb. inreality didso they him,andhow others to see andexpected wanted howSean between of the emotion ofshame;anunsettling awareness ofadiscrepancy 198 any good for … for the Irish people isit? for …for people theany Irish good it’s Notdoing Notdoinganything for us. bl… this bombing, shocking. …let’shope You again. down itsettles hope know, wedon’t likethis now. It’s It’s 12 year. the overthere. great last great Let’s been been youknow. it’shooligans, Because now, united years, few inthe last Andacouple …for afew innit. again, that, Veryagain. embarrassing, ago,wasn’t there weeks upto afew it?Th and peaceful Was notnice. Notanice thing to Th happen. this to confl resolve works Sean Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life I ws ut ey wwr. Th awkward. very just was It butheidentifi theof himwith actions bombers, es ict in twointerrelated ways: ict ey just stared at you, youknow. juststared ey 33

at’s lovely why itwas ey’re ey’re starting ict ict within 34 s ’ n a e S es Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document province since 1921. inthe developments ofpolitical neglect sustained governments’ British irrationality, governance,including ofdemocratic infailures butrooted view, the confl made ‘clear’: that shouldbe crucial the ‘innocence’ people was ofthe ofIrish majority nately, Ireland fortime’. inNorthern some have persisted To that end,it to ‘prevent any into spread this island’ of‘conditions unfortu- suchas, that the vital nation remainthe ‘rational time,itwas andcalm’ inorder Stechford andMPfor Birmingham at Home Secretary Labour Jenkins, sought to limit the for public appetite retaliation. for a‘counter- calls provoked attack’, onthe whole politicians butleading Th ents. ofsuspicioninto elem-of the innocent andguilty whole,splitthe object counter- unrepresentative as the PIRA representation which,portraying of a the possibility open here left predicated was to bombs response onwhichthe offi ‘terrorism’ democracy tion between andBritish dangerous ramifi with standards, liberal ofBritish corruption afurther represented cities the ofEngland’s targeting atro- ofterrorist inthe wake minority Irish and systematic discrimination against the against Catholic minority.and systematic discrimination eff an the Unionist as regime portraying traditions, democratic to British anaff as this traditionofrepresentation conceived ‘Ulster’ decades, throughout press theapparent post- andleftwing the within liberal war and amore self- but inthe 1930s, Originating framework. liberal critical andrenunciation, ofrevenge discourse avirulent between ally divided formation, onthe butintern-discourse Troubles aunitary notinfact was the above, British suggested As ofthe bomb. ition to the perpetrators and ‘Irish’ inoppos- experience ofvictimisation ashared through positing ‘Mancunian’ the categories between ofrealignment the possibility opens to ‘this bombing’,opposed asubject- here locates Sean which position ‘dictatorship’ective powers through governing theofemergency use few totally unrepresentative fringe fi totallyunrepresentative fringe few donebya iswhat ofthe majority Irish isbeing to the overwhelming howutterly that alienandrepugnant importance weshouldrecognise donebyatiny minority. been bywhatwere has damaged It isofgreat the native- relations ifthese It population. atragedy wouldbe born relations excellentthat have that period been community and between the wholeof alarge community Irish has 100,000.During ofabout which the cityofBirmingham, I have for 25 years represented nearly iftheIn turn, Troubles refl community Irish ofalocal amember himself as In constructing e Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974,for example, ofNovember pubbombings eBirmingham ict in Northern Ireland was not a simple product of Irish ofIrish notasimple product Ireland was inNorthern ict inEngland.Th cations politics for domestic 36

democracy, ofBritish afailure so ected Nothing but the sameoldstory? oftheir community.gures How 37 According to Roy 35 ihn this Within e distinc- ront ront cial 199 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document News Manchester’: in notleast everywhere, people the Irish sickened has people, the Irish ofways’.sorts such, ‘this As horror, doneinthe nameof that been has ‘their city’, ‘refl as Manchester regarded that people’ ‘Irish emphasised Societies, Irish CentreHeritage Hillandvice- at Cheetham chair ofthe Federation of Similarly, Michael press Forde, inthe local World ofthe Irish chairman 200 their unjustifi whohaveminority brought ofshameto nation, the feelings Irish with cowardlynow to ‘totally themselves the from disassociate uncivilised, ofManchester’, andintegration the with people friendship andsought ofthe communitypart foryears’, overforty ‘towards striven hadalways Th for the bomb. responsible’ those ‘the governmentto success wish British infi ClubinChorlton, wrote to Social the Lord Mayorthe Association Irish Michael Reilly, suspicionsconcerningpeople. Irish popular of chairman community Irish sought to leaders dispel which local within parameters Th by atiny minority.’ ‘sick’: ‘It the with abomination population done the wholeIrish istarring Middleton Township West, Henry Committee, as the condemned attacks ‘innocence’. Following the pubattack ofthe inMiddletonthe chairman public fi munity. other ofthe Irish, insinuated reactions the treachery local Ifsome to moraldistinctions defend the ofthese reputationuse com- ofthe Irish made andjournalists politicians Following local the bomb Manchester is construction of local Irish ‘embarrassment’ Irish the basic oflocal isconstruction established would also be great. great. be would also for the extremists andthe terrorists stillgreater andthe victory be here. Ifthat were people toplaceinnocent take Irish the damagewould towards orvengeance inhostility expressed to be standable feelings under- that too, notallowits the community does it is, inthis country off that clear they itisthat madeoverwhelmingly important itshouldbe saddened and angry. We believed that after 25 years of being in the ofbeing andangry. Wesaddened that 25 years after believed We did.We bywhat are the notjustgutted Irish IRA are horrifi us. behind was andbombs ofguns I thought that misery allthis futile suchcowardly,with scum. callous Th Mancunians. whoare proud those much themselvesnative tohere call as justas descent wholiveandwork ofIrish those It whichpuzzles isaquestion er no shelter to those who commit these crimes, and how important andhowimportant er noshelter whocommit tocrimes, those these onthe Tuesday Us?’: ‘Why whichasked the bomb, after Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life gures, some of Irish extraction, ofIrish sought to some upholdthe community’sgures, city’. ofyourbeautiful able, destruction unwarranted inthe maketo contributions their cityinall they ected ey are deeply embarrassed to be associated by birth bybirth associated to be embarrassed are deeply ey 39 According inthe to anarticle 38

eAssociation’s ‘an integral members, 40

nding and bringing to justice nding andbringing Manchester Evening ed, ed, 41

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document at technical school, attended between 1956 and 1959, was ‘Rory Brady’: Brady’: ‘Rory 1956and1959, was attended between school, at technical that oneofhisteachers recalled ofthe interview, Joe the beginning after four some minutes occurring ofschool, memories about of adiscussion Anglo- the course oninthe early interview. During history political Irish their ofthe about experiences Troubles, inon until asked zoned Joe intheUnlike sample, whousuallywaited the ofrespondents majority to in1965. Manchester moving 17,before in1962,aged Birmingham tion worker, to inLongford background asmallfarming from migrated construc- aretired Joe, ofSean. those werefrom respondent distinct ofmy second memories the personal Inthis respect, nationalist goals. subject- for the whichdiscourages public expression ofsupport position a providing ofthe suspiciousgaze, function ofthe regulatory supportive as seen formulated, itcould so be was text strategy inwhichRepublican defensively works toexperiences splitoff his the community constructs narrative through whichSean Because fl andworkmates. neighbours communityto communityoffriends, the andhislocal Irish inRochdale ling ‘embarrassment’ tounproblematically belong to dissipate andSean perceive himinactuality, they perceive himandhowheimagines enab- communityto to restorehowhewouldlikehislocal coherence between ontoculpability of‘hooligans’, anunrepresentative band endeavours Sean confl that ofthe negotiation ofthe bomb facilitates memory apersonal struct to con- whichheseeks within aframework 1952, this narrative provides inEngland lence For andthe whosettled idealisationofpeace. Sean, vio- reparation through withthat theseeks society disavowal ofPIRA community,Irish society, British within integrated as and presented thisthe narrativeinnocence protests suspected ofanunfairly decades, settlement withaspirational the inEnglandduring post- associated war ciational ofIrishness culture, code andexpressive ofa‘respectable’ the past. the past. in attacks following to speak upon community called representatives that ofmany other echoed the following bomb hostility to local response andthe for desire ‘peace’, community ties, the PIRA, Michael Forde’s With angertowards central shared victimisation, its ofunfair themes atict the are inSean’s invisible institutional rendered level narrative. however, this with identity con-In the process, associated the politics unfair. gone off has abomb front Whenever linewecould alllivetogether inpeace. man, you’ve probably will have heard of him, Rory Brady? man, you’ve have probably will ofhim,Rory heard o’years …my teacher, awell- at the time…was itornot, believe known thenIt the that for norm acouple school youwent was to technical for dramatises him.Th the event ofbelonging ict 43 42

have goneundersuspicion.Anditisso people , the Irish Formulated space of‘offi the within conservative Nothing but the sameoldstory? the historical and political con- andpolitical the historical rough projecting 45

cial’ asso- cial’ 201 44

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Joe: Barry: linity, the implications Manchester bomb: remembers for has howJoe stand why’,stand however: organisation’. ofanillegal amember being At ‘didn’t the time,Joe under- outofit’, taken the dayin school hewas for lifted virtually that is‘hewas …he’sof the Republicans President ofSinnFein at the moment’. ‘was Joe 202 lineage. lineage. ofashared evidence andthe to youngself the as youngJoe, unknown leader,raphies ofthe Republican credentials were political whose Th nationalist themes. nationalist themes. tity, andshaping Joe’s inrelation triggering to ofchildhood recollection asignifi which ishere as interpreted of him’, accent, Irish ofmy aresult Northern at own as arrived been has apparentassumption, in Joe’s that I ‘probably supposition have will heard ofreference. shareframe the samenational Th political interviewee and reliesthis involves strategy the that assumption interviewer both ese stories appropriate the chance intersection between the biog- appropriate stories ese the between chance intersection people hadavote. Th people next door, inthat them living house; four there four could people be the vote …ifyouhadthe Protestant people had,carried one person to vote, allowed entitled to onlyoneperson vote,be butthere was Ireland at inthewould inNorthern thathouse living time,four people say, ifwewere I have, I have my here right, wife andI have sons three Ireland, to inIreland, likeI have Northern …Catholic people [pause] whathonestly I feel, I mean youacouple …onit ofincidents I’llgive to speak, I have that’s at that from that, ofview point the way I look in Ireland, atplay, gotfair that beforehand, timeandfor never years time there wasn’t …andthe …Catholic …[pause] population peace, Ireland now,…butat inNorthern thatpeace touch wood, thank God, then, to that realise …there’s …[pause] … youhave I had to realise, butthen it, about bad feel here inManchester,had happened I did that?after Brady’, went onto Joe explain,As ‘Rory a‘brilliant teacher’, ‘one was learn what politics was about, wefound outthen. about, was what politics learn to y’know, gettingstarted abitofsense, youknow When westarted Th of the street, the rest of the houses all down that alldown the side were ofthe rest Protestant houses of the street, onthe house righthand thethe last righthand side sideofthe street, on living butshewas sideofthe street, each ofhouses blocks living, Ireland, andat inNorthern that inArmagh cousin living timeshewas that bad it I felt Well sigh]…howdidI feel? longpause, …[very is dynamic, in interaction with a particular code of Irish mascu- ofIrish code ininteraction aparticular with isdynamic, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life person anIrish round as Manchester How walking didyoufeel 47 However, to which nationalist the appeal credentials upon at was the way it was. the way itwas. at was er of a shared national political iden- nationaler ofashared political 48 I had acousin?, didhave a 46

is Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document was to silence and politically neutralise the Irish community the Irish neutralise in Britain’ to silence andpolitically was ofthe PTA function ‘the ofTerrorism [Prevention primary strikes, Act] Group ofthe (IBRG),for in the 1981hunger example, wake established those feelings that feelings potentiallythose confl invitation to‘feelings’. express political Inoff an ‘feelings’ as about aquestion reads Joe ofasuspiciousgaze, object the through tells heexperienced becoming ofthewhere anxieties Sean relations, ineff onBritish– position to anideological articulate anopportunity as Irish usingthe ofdiscourse, question aninstitutional within mode response tial referent his here frames pub,Joe the communal ofalocal setting Where Sean’s spa- its as takes ofthe bomb Manchester mainmemory Joe: Barry: Joe: Barry: alist’ agenda in the region. agendainthe region. alist’ ‘anti- whichlinked bygroups driven racism’Irish Britain’s with ‘imperi- the from 1980sonwards was andBirmingham Manchester London, as privilege’, such incities that occurred activism the radicalisation ofIrish onProtestant a‘sectarian state Irelandwhich saw based as Northern society.British Inadditionto single- Troops suchas issue groups Out, that and anti- Republican were narratives inaudible wider within imperial It ofmilitant Republicanism. ities didnotautomatically follow, however, routinelyBritain, sought the to ‘community’ disassociate the from activ- community’,‘Irish fi state. ofthe British Foreye ‘offi this reason, inthe panoptical onesuspect rendered purpose political avalid served on the confl contesting as dominant narratives British Troubles, mayviewed Joe be the during Republicanism for Irish support to proscribe inBritain ities yourself? know, I’m ofitanyway? the sureabitabout history youknow that I would say like,butI mean, that’s goin’ been onfor you 300 years, there now, butI’m I’m that’s not; happy peace, for to see all,youknow, thisagainst what’s the goneonlikenowwith settlement that’s goneon I mean, peace, for to see there’s the onlyway forward, was that’s people the onlyway, itwas peace, to bring ithadto be it but, and Catholic, that shouldn’t people init, their lives lost have,people Protestant both It’s surely, happened things alotofbad alright, brought, andalotof she couldn’t the footpath, down that walk ismy onityouknow. feeling the across shehadto road, walk outherdoor whenshewalked right, inBritain violence that publiclysuggesting PIRA In the 1970sand1980s, You’ll know, it… you’llabout know youknow,I wouldsay youdoalright, are youfrom what part A, oktw, n o Tyrone. Co. in Cookstown, Ah, … bit…about awee I know ict, which criminalised Republican violence as ‘terrorism’. as violence Republican whichcriminalised ict, ect to off ect gures who often had substantial business interests in business hadsubstantial whooften gures er anationalist justifi 50 For Representation inBritain the Irish Nothing but the sameoldstory? the with eff icts 49

cial’ representatives ofthe cation Th for the bomb. ajustifi ering ofthe author-orts cto for cation us, us, 203 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document version ofmasculinity, the concomitant ontheandgeneral abstract focus access to aheroic uppermits ifthe taken militant discourse strategy: Here, anaversion to emotionaldisplay to Joe’s shape appears narrative at ofthe the ofdiscourse. bomb institutional hismemories level struct through Joe’s backgrounded emotions andattachments, attempt to con- ‘felt here’, that bad ithadhappened hint at complexity anunderlying of Th ning ofthe response. that pauses iscomplicated punctuate bythe the deep begin- projected soldier. Republican the Irish Yet here certainty the imageofmasculine sive ofanidentifi ofself- are project toldway hereagendered they enact expres- fashioning, a heroic defender ofjustice. Th voice, becomes also argument andformal ofexposition to authorise his techniques deploys who Joe, so Inthus defending the PIRA, andfreedom. toments equality entitle- forces oppressive against toviolence to use secure men prepared heroic defenders as ofjustice; as the PIRA implicitly constructs tactics Onthe onehand,Joe’s ambivalences. its without justifi of self projected. for the version ofrecognition asense audience derive whichhecan from onthe Troubles,to an express providing perspective andas amarginal Joe’s a‘safe’ as account whereby space the inwhich heperceives interview ofself- astrategy obtaining, of this within part composure isdiscernible dynamic Inthisbythe regard,encouraged intersubjective the period. could situate likeJoe work of experiences inwhichmigrants their own circulated off identityIrish whichsuchgroups here, More however, importantly in the 1990s. the militant narrative of erature identity that onIrish anddisadvantage into emerged publicspace ofthe Troubles, throughperiod echo the discourse lit- andthe ofits terms the during people byIrish faced ofthe discrimination acknowledgement a policy of stripping Ireland of its resourcesandculture’, Ireland ofstripping its a policy such,‘anti-As ofcolonisation and ahistory from resulted racismhas Irish with the result ‘that every Irish person was deemed suspect andguilty’. suspect deemed was person Irish thewith ‘that result every 204 by Britain’s relationship to Ireland’. areandstructured underscored inBritain living ‘the people ofIrish lives and self- inBritain. empowerment ‘freedom’ overlaps the in‘Ireland’ with ‘struggle’ necessarily for identity through thisisnot process the composure achieved Nevertheless, Th sisters intheofIreland. andbrothers north remain oppressed whilstour free be never wecan Butwerealise oppression. from free tate, to to fi toeducate, to organise, campaign, community, isto liberate ourown task primary toOur buildup,to agi- e activism of the IBRG played an important role inforcing ofthe animportant offi IBRGplayed eactivism Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life cation with ideals embodied in romantic portrayals of inromantic portrayals embodied ideals cation with ese pauses, together with the admissionthat pauses, he ese 53 therefore, Inturn, the ‘struggle’ for nally see ourcommunity nally see ered analternative frame- ered ese stories andthe stories ese cation ofPIRA 52 naln that entailing 54

cial 51

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document nity’ leadership and‘the leadership councillorshall’. town Manchester from nity’ inManchester’, people Irish andmore specifi linity, inhisnarrative heidentifi here andelsewhere mascu- Irish aheroic himself with imageofpoliticised to identify seeks tion ofadiff ‘we’, however, to adiff shifts Joe council, to off ofthe then city leader Leese, includingRichard councillors, local from centre the avisit Irish the bomb Manchester Hillreceived at Cheetham onlyhoursafter recalls, Joe and,as councillors families come Irish from having ‘aas relationship great hall’. town Manchester with Many local itself views inManchester community’ the ‘Irish here suggests, Joe As emotional processes that threatenemotional processes this image: to project. wishes Joe certainty image ofmasculine the disrupt that ofanxieties might abackgrounding otherwise permits ation as alabourer,ation as an emotionalinvestment butalso inthe publicofthe antipathy institutionshisexploit- whichhave British towards sanctioned state. Joe’s work inEnglandhave experiences thus acertain engendered for his‘crippled- responsible as which heimplicitly viewed up’ bodily ofBritishness, aspects bydenigrating butalso hisretirement, following with involved toincreasingly cial institutionshave heappears become community, Irish the within local hisprominentas position offi whose through reference success migration preferred story to what heviewed sought his to bolster Joe to project, wished Joe achievement masculine to the imageof the posed interview, inthe faceofthe threat facts these has taken its toll on hisbody, its taken has suchthat he is‘crippled- up today’. this material success to secure natureheavy performed ofthe work Joe inManchester. afamily andraise buy ahouse however, Inlater years, the hadaff tion industry atunnel- as had to howhisearnings dowith thedigger within construc- Inthe fi success andachievement. ofpersonal astory as hissettlement sought to construct inEngland awholeJoe narrative as in toofhissettlement upon us back the touched details Chapter 3 . Inhis Jes eff Joe’s the Centre, … youknow upto came here allthe councillors hall,they town Manchester from relationshipgreat hall,the town Manchester night with ofthe bombing I’m community likeinthe involved Irish inalotofways andwe’ve a here we’re inManchester yousee but, lucky, it, about the community, say, saidto encountered me like,that they anything bad, …that I ever like,I can’t ahard timeforWell people the Irish …itwas itwas itwas, ofthe understanding adeeper provide madebyJoe responses Other ort to identify himself as a local community here refers leader alocal himself as to identify ort erent form of masculine status. If in the previous extract Joe extract Joe Ifinthe previous status. erent ofmasculine form er support. ofaffl him adegree orded 56 through the collective this memory In recalling 55

erent subject- inviting recogni- position, Nothing but the sameoldstory? cally, commu- ‘Irish with uence, enabling himto es himself with ‘the himself with es rst instance, this 57 205 In - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document engendered through work intoengendered experiences these confl personal distinction and belonging. andbelonging. distinction personal community, Irish local aspaceaffi where this hecan being 206 the period ofthe Troubles:the period to during were subject inBritain practicemonitoring many people Irish a morning, oneChristmas activities terrorist linkwith tigate apossible ally, that suddenly remembers to hishouse inves- the came Joe police inEnglandmore gener- were received people howIrish about discussion but‘Ican’tpeople’ say, like,that encountered …that anything bad’. I ever Th andexperiences. feelings andhispersonal ofthe the bomb event an emotionaldistance between thus involves anattempt whilecreatingview seriousness to diminishits Joe’scomes underthreat. for negotiating the strategy confl his‘great from derives Joe relationship’ hall’ town ‘Manchester with inthis role,ofstatus the andbelonging sense authorities are positioned the British if,bycontrast, isdestabilised; ‘Irishman’ the within interview Joe’s culpable, are as disavowed of the self. Ifthe PIRA self- an image as other destabilising parts without generated ontoanxiety another object, thetiate disavowal, shifting this tension through ofprojective astrategy nego- cannot Joe ofthe orpublicrepresentatives IBRG, contrast to Sean power. ofcivic whoiswellcircuits into integrated nity leader local In commu- andthe local republican, Irish public discourse: the determined within opposed ideologically oftworoles the performance upon depends Th Manchester bomb on the agenda for discussion at onthe the agendafor meeting: discussion bomb Manchester off particular whotook Leese, as representatives of the PIRA. ofthe representatives PIRA. as councillors condemnation, expressed SinnFein constructing local attack, at apre- cillor to speak the after than inthe ayear cityless meeting election PIRA’s butwhentheaSinnFein IBRGinvited the bomb, after coun- tactics ofthe community the victims community Irish Irish portray as leaders ‘Irish’ and‘Manchester’. Notonly, didpublicfi wehave as seen, inManchester’,‘the people Irish both whichincorporates aconstruction sympathy for the PIRA’s to ofbelonging sense andacounterposed cause aconfl into focus sharp brings bomb Manchester the he‘felt because states above, Joe here’ that was bad as ithadhappened e version of self Joe wishes to project through hisnarrative thus to project wishes e versionofself Joe Th notwhollyaccurate. this claim itturns was Later, out, As inaseparate origin. ofIrish includingthose people, mention the andasluronall attackcity andnoteven isoutrageous place …To take again thatand apledge noattackever will come to the forthat ofManchester the place attack took ontheapologise people byaSinnFein Any they visit onthe basis representative shouldbe e Manchester bomb brings the diff brings bomb eManchester Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life us, the bomb ‘was ahard timefor the ‘was Irish the bomb us, ence overthe IBRG’s to includethe refusal 58 Richard council leader Amongthem was erent andidentifi impulses 59

ict between his ideological hisideological between ict ict. ict. Th ict intheict inter- rm a sense of asense rm e reason why, ereason gures and and gures cations cations Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document in full view offamily, isno view Joe’sin full negates status that within context: Joe lance apparatus into morning, the space ofthe private home onChristmas oftheinterview. state’s Onthe invasion onehand,the irresistible surveil- the within to project thepotentially versions ofself hewishes undermine for the forgetting Joe’s within ofsuchexperiences narrative isthat they ofthe period. memories ferred layered other, overwith uncoverspolice anexperience that been has pre- to emergethe appears spontaneously, police the about ifthe question as Th target ofasuspiciousgaze. to have the appears direct he also actively forgotten where hewas events separate notonlykept distinctevents inhismemory; has Joe By contrast, ofthe Troubles undersuspicion. ofbeing memory collective a period as into whereby ageneral, blurred experiences distinct ofmemory process to were anactive inextricably Suchfeelings linked ofvictimisation. sense inrelationgenerally constituted events to a whichheactively expressed For andthe the Troubles the bomb. Manchester after bomb Sean, more pub encountering remembers inhislocal hostility how Sean with sharply Joe’s ofthis experience ofcoming undersuspicioncontrasts recollection Joe: Barry: Joe: Barry: Joe: Barry: Joe: Barry: oneexplanation above, the with interpretation developed In keeping aye, they did yeah, they came here once. came they aye, didyeah, they like that? that they were doing’ their job, they got a report. gotareport. theirthey job, that were doing’ they nothin’myself, well, I had to hide,andthen …itcome into my mind, Christmas? themI invited in…the playtoys kids … there’ssubstantiate I said, what you’re here, because, noguns saying, I said,that I said,I hope, youcan them lads, I let in,wellbefore I says, to them, I says like,at …so, the door, hadareport justsaidthey they said, never me,they could have someone justreported Irish, being searched. stuff them’,in to the to front yousee room ‘all andthe kids, fl ‘there’s arakeofguns’, said,‘here, come surely there to is, Christ I the It timeyouknow, house?’ hadjustcome Christmas ‘Jesus!’, I said, come in’, what’s course youcan, youhave in He itabout? said‘Do guns went to the door, intheI said, house, ‘Can guns some we that I had Th here any once,I have came trouble ohChrist them, with never they Well, I didn’t …I didn’t feel butthen I thought it, about great feel to I don’t know, could have, I think me with …somebody some mebbe ey came here because somebody they had, they had a report hadareport had,they they somebody here because came ey !’ I said, ‘there’s!’ I said, inthis house’, noguns youknow, even never they What was that about? about? that was What Was there any oranything trouble the overhere with police ever them about comin’ that, How about didyoufeel round after And why came? doyouthink they e memory Joe here concerning recounts Joe ememory Nothing but the sameoldstory? 60

aming kids’ kids’ aming 207 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document marked achangeinthis relationmarked ofmutual aff them very …funny.them very We to have always used laughs’: great Infi ayoungnurse inStockport she was to godancingwithEnglishmen howsheused Remembering settlement. of this phase early during ofinteractions Englishpeople with memories eral nurse Infi inManchester Kate agen- Sligoto from in1961toupwork Manchester take as migrated adiff ofsuchinteractionsresult takes image ofself. centres ondefl relation to ofemotionalmanagement encourage intersect that astrategy confl inJoe’s as ofthe instances, TroublesIn these memories more generally, fi the incident imperative byframing the that, within semantic masculine that ‘Ididn’t away isquicklyrationalised ofa interms it’ about great feel acknowledgement anunderstated hisfeelings to isinvited describe Joe andincontrol ofthe situation. unperturbed Similarly,himself as when to ofthe whileenablingpresent intrusion Joe diminishing the seriousness toys’, that anarrative strategy creates emotionaldistance through ‘guns’ between and‘children’s incongruity centralwhose feature isawry whenitisrecounted. Hence Joe’sthe memory ofirony use intelling astory memory.cult ofthe self simultaneously,parts Joe’s the isthus from police adiffi visit diff industry.the anexperience which undermines construction As eff the from emasculating protect it the self- successimage ofmigration this ‘great to relationship’ serves ‘greathis proclaimed relationship’ hall,andwith town Manchester with ofthe community. inthe eyes Joe criminalises Th Day, onChristmas ofneighbours potentially view infull occurring house, home.Onthe other, inhisown longer master the police’s to Joe’s visit 208 eld of work, permits empathy the were with ‘lads’: ‘they permits doingtheir job’.eld ofwork, a as produced In the narrative ofmythe memory third respondent, Th say, don’t tell …youknow, It tell were alright. them …Nowthe Jews my down …my andcalm accent. Or to try to …I used …I used Ooh Th lot ofEnglishpeople. andI’ve a with likethe English,andI do, worked I did it, the …I liked Whenare we…er…’, yourfriends? meet youknow, But and allthat. going? Whenareto wegoingagain the dance? When are wegoingto Th ey did, they loved to be with the Irish. Er, the with Irish. to be loved are we did,they ey all…‘When they is underpins the initial forgetting of the event, but also the of thebutalso form initialforgetting isunderpins ofthe event, e onset of the Troubles, by which time Kate was married with twins, ofthe twins, Troubles, with eonset married bywhich timeKate was icting identifi icting Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life ection and aversion in order to preserve an impermeable animpermeable andaversion inorder to ection preserve cations based ongender, cations based andthe interview belonging 62

rmary, and like Sean recalled highly positive highlypositive recalled rmary, andlikeSean ects of the injuries Joe sustained within within sustained oftheJoe injuries ects rmary, Kate recalled how‘Ifoundrmary, Kate recalled in1941, erent Born again. form ection, ection, however: is calls into iscalls question 61

erent - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document of the Irish suspectee appear to have reshaped personal experience in topersonal have appear reshaped suspectee of the Irish the eff case, Th might attack they them’:‘because inparticular,bomb Kate for the feared physical safetyofherchildren ‘specially abomb’. whenthereincrease was Following the Manchester herhusbandthe exits scene. as of neighbours gaze bythe hostile herhome,encircled within penned being thus recalls acommunalestrangement from space ofleisure andsociability, Kate recalls Where thefrom Sean communal space ofthe neighbourhood. the boundar solidifying bourhood, space ofthe pub,Kate neigh- the ‘shuts masculine onherlocal herdoor’ Sean’sreferent: where of‘coming memories undersuspicion’ to referred routinely Where Kate’s mixed. diff memory to them separate communalworked from where spaces EnglishandIrish the howfor tensions both suggesting generated through the Troubles pub,Kate shut’, my hadto avoid door hadto hislocal ‘keep Sean as shut’ inorder to conceal signifi verbal an experience of‘coming undersuspicion’, ourmouths ofhaving ‘to keep many oftheReproducing features ofSean’s memory, Kate here recalls is memory contains two factual inaccuracies, revealing, as inSean’s as revealing, contains inaccuracies, twofactual ismemory was the English.Th was In the …youknow, were, er, they yousee. parents ofIrish Irish, might youknow. attack they andnotsaythem. shut, anything, Because their mouth them, keep to keep them in,andI had to keep I had kids, You know, Manchester. ohGod, Oh… oh…hadto hideme,andthe to tended Kate hostilities As went on explain, suchneighbourhood Irish. I was then knew people much, because I … I couldn’t ourmouths shut. well, wehadto keep …I couldn’t speak my son’s head’, over here for you.’ shesaid,‘I’llbe Oh!Oh,well I …and say, orso- ‘Ifmy …Ifthem son IRA and- so’s’, shesaid,‘touch ahairon to …she’d sheused started, come over. Andshe’d say to me…she’d to come over,used whenthe youknow Troubles Th started? he’d eff Jump into andgo!Because’, the van him.He’d, I knew I said …because dear. to AndI used say ‘Don’t to Pat, say aword whenyou’re goingout! Ireland. sent toOh!Well Northern was I had Oh shut. my door to keep inthe army. was Scotch, andherson the other woman,shewas Andhe inthe Englisharmy. overthere andhewas He was their their base. And You overinAberdeen. he was know, overinthere where Englandhad And hadason. butthis ones …andthe wereIrish alright, ones the Irish Th Irish. English,andonewas One was Avenue the awomanacross road.Th there was heroff ects of a memory process whereby collective constructions whereby constructions process collective ofamemory ects and all that type of thing. Oh and I used to OhandI used …andshe ofthing. andallthat type ey hate …especially, inPark ey Hill whenwelived Nothing but the sameoldstory? y separating the interior ofthe home ers of Irishness. As a result, just aresult, As ers ofIrishness. ey were from Donegal. And, so And,so were Donegal. from ey ers from Sean’sers from spatial isinits 63

ere was two families. twofamilies. ere was e Troubles 64

209 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Kate: Barry: diff explore Kate’s further animportant ofthe bomb, Manchester memories concerns we their relation As ofdiscourse. institutional with modes ofthe ‘good images idealised tunities tomother’. realise could oppor- provide ofsuchoccasions, orthe recollection occasions, cant others aninter- within howsuch ofself, butalso sense subjective were experienced relationallywere experienced for Kate, aff as Th it. to preserve steps and taking the mother, role ofprotective the about safetyofherchildren worrying the her within thus home,in ofthe bomb Manchester recalls memory maternity womenwith anddomesticity.ininity whichidentify Kate’s ence of‘coming offem- bydiscourses undersuspicion’shaped been has Troubles diff to her. oneofthe ways Kate’s ofthe Inthis respect, memory congealed period/ key ofsettlement herexperiences within inEngland,means event insight into what permits the butitalso Troubles, a as suspect, factually activities of the PIRA in the face of prevalent suspicions, protesting that suspicions, in the face of prevalent ofthe PIRA activities Kate howshesought to distancethe here herself from aimsand recalls frame ofthe Troublesframe blur, ineff that of‘coming allinstances undersuspicion’ withthe memory associated the encouraged forgettinghas ofthe specifi this process the within the publicspace from victimisation 1990s, of Irish Troubles awhole.Facilitated as bythe images circulation ofgeneralised haveyoung andunderherdailycare, come to defi of‘comingcant experiences undersuspicion’, whenKate’s children were home. Th at living have all,may been at noteven thepossibly adults time;some, been in1996,allherchildren wouldhave Secondly,the bomb. was the bomb as forliteral Kate sense to have herchildren’s kept ‘mouth shut’ following in Manchester, notmake wouldhave itdoes andso hadEnglishaccents, Firstly, ways. particular that given Kate’s andraised children were born 210 erence inrelation emerged to her presentation ofthe PIRA: there, in our … co… in our pla… inourIreland.’there, inour…co… inourpla… are over isthe Englishpeople I said, are at sucking it, ‘the way the IRA youare.’ itas against ‘Idon’t I said, likeitany more than youdo.But’, doing…’ I …’,be ‘Look, andI said, AndI … ‘Iamnot…I’m as I said, You doingthis, and youcould be andyoucould doing that, could be helping andyoucould the be IRA, youcould toso belong the IRA, Irish!’, youknow, ‘You’re so- and- so’s’, ‘And andallthat. are, the IRA way inwhichKate’s important A second diff memories Th isrenders specifi Well youknow, it, goingabout kept at kept …they ‘Oh they the Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Wa hpee atr that? after happened What e suggestion, as inSean’s as esuggestion, isthat earlier, case, emotionallysignifi ers from that of Sean concerns how her embodied experi- concerns that howherembodied ers from ofSean c details ofKate’sc details ofthe bomb Manchester memory ect, into the onedefi ect, is suggests howthe eff issuggests city of individual events, such events, city ofindividual emotionallysignifi ecting ne her memory ofthe ne hermemory 65 nitive experience.

ered from Sean’s from ered ects of hostility ofhostility ects - - Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document helps fortify Kate against personal feelings of powerlessness. ‘But’, ofpowerlessness. feelings Kate personal against helps fortify as ofnational but pride, asense ation. Suchidealisationnotonlyevokes a father fi idealisation, ofprojective anobject as AdamsKate’s appears Gerry story dimension to the eff anew Revealing ‘peace’ andthe‘peace’ ceasefi fi not steadily was herhabitation ofthis subject- suggests, aims, of its recognition position fi Ireland orthe that role within ofthe population majority state donot the andthe state Irish; ‘the ofNorthern Englishpeople’ between petition terms: the ‘our phrase the confl Ireland’ constructs intraditionalnationalist isframed at ofinstitutional the politics level inthehowKate’s process revealing aims, ofthe understanding Troubles Th voice interrogatingto the accusatory the present. self inthe historical Kate aresistance to verbalise manages expresses herunderstanding, best and‘our‘English people’ Ireland’. Here, fi after which, byreintroducing history, re- between the opposition establishes complicated byKate’s eff ‘English’between and‘Irish’ inrelation isimmediately to the PIRA However,community andSean. leaders this eff by deployed such aformulation ofdisassociation replicatesthe strategy to the PIRA’s inopposition andaccused able accuser byboth violence, ‘I’m youare’. itas against as asubject- Inconstructing inhabit-position gure. gure. e memory thus ofsympathy unmutes asense for the ememory PIRA’s political be somebody won’t somebody be peace. want us.’ Butit’s ofthem, isn’t part it?ButI think there’s always probably be, well, ‘We …wedon’t wedon’t belie… andwedon’t it, want …it’s not [condemned]… condoned haddone.You what they know, said, they anddid andallthe out, others McGuinness came andMartin Adams, Th Th this iswhat doing. they’re and er, isto have peace achance, well why them nottake out?And thinking to myself, ‘Well that’s good.’ wed…ifthat gotpeace, I mean AndI,I’m out. on thegoingto radio sayingpullthe they’re troops this But…butthen programme there was werein what doing. they he’s ‘God, man.’ aneducated well,so I think, Er, believe butI didn’t there, andhesits he’shim, oranything, andhespeaks good, …so himontelly,watched andnomatter to fl whotries well. so AndI’ve think hespeaks AndI Adams. men.Gerry clever what thems are doyoucall very, very theAbout way …butI think that. about You pleased so know, gotachance. I was has ifthe peace However, Kate’s as to condemnation from ofthe PIRA vacillations, at really is. I really do … And I was so pleased that they did, Gerry that did,Gerry they pleased so do…AndI was I really at is. really gure embodying traits of wisdom, composure anddetermin- of wisdom, traits embodying gure xed. A little further on, as Kate pondered the Kateissue of on,as pondered further xed. A little re, the reasons for this ambivalence became clearer: for thisre, became ambivalence the reasons ort to explain areatort sucking it’ ‘the way the IRA yr iln.AdI think that’s awful. AndI killing. ey’re 66

Nothing but the sameoldstory? ofgenderinheraccount, in ects nally locating the that term nally locating ort to collapseort diff ict as a territorial com- aterritorial as ict uster him,orcajole erences 211 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document bomb. Making use ofthis use formulation, sought Making his tobomb. disassociate Sean ofthe onto the perpetrators events for divisive responsibility it projected ofnegotiating this ameans confl provided experiences England in identity’ ‘Irish theTroubles Rethinking oldstory? and butthesame Nothing won’t somebody be always be, peace.’ want think there’sthus ultimately closure: ‘I probably anuncertain produces Rather, what ofthem’. haddone’remains ‘they ‘part Investment in‘peace’ ofadmiration. objects rehabilitated permissible be as ever can PIRA deliver complete events redemption, whetherthe whetherthese about instance, withviolence.Inthehowever, last association Kate isunsure oftheir this problematic potentially enablesabackgrounding because and‘condemnedFein to out’ ‘take the troops agreed haddone’ what they ‘sothrough whenSinn investment was of‘peace’: she inthe idea pleased’ that ofamoralcode ‘killing’. prohibits prescriptions internalised identifi of form agendered bytension between underpinned to be here appear Th Adams. identifi onethat violence, the moral acceptability complicates ofpolitical Kate’s itisnowcaughta suspiciousgaze, upinarelated conversation about ‘they’, withanaccusatory logue inthe glare itself of to justify struggling killing’. extractinconfl the self Ifintheisenvisioned previous ‘they’re Kate ‘Ididn’t reiterates, because were inwhat doing’ they believe 212 English. Th community where was spaces the population andlocal majority Irishness identifi incorporated narrative. Th his within ofbelonging sites whichconstituted important spaces, local of‘embarrassment’ interms remembered andexclusions familiar from For ‘coming production. Sean, memory of personal under suspicion’ was diff tensions were these inscribed heightened tensions, suspicion’. Yet, of if the Troubles aperiod as collectively remembered was ‘under came people tension, whenIrish Troubles ofincreased aperiod as the allremembered the norm, as Englishpeople with friendships stressing the post- to recall tended While migrants terms, inpositive decades war attempts Catholic, Kate, this to tension resolve whoisadevout of the notion of the homogenised Other.of the notionofthe homogenised ofthethatdesire adoption Other avoid facile wecan the increasingly It the andthe isonlybyunderstanding ambivalence antagonism ofthe Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life cation with an empowering symbol of militant Irishness andthe ofmilitant Irishness symbol an empowering cation with byGerry projected Irishness thecation with imageofempowered e opposing positions taken up by Kate in the previous extract upbyKate taken inthe previous positions eopposing e conservative narrative through which Sean understood his his understood narrative through whichSean econservative eTroubles that of belonging sense ahybrid thus disrupted Catholic conservative aparticular cations with 67

ict throughict the way erently at the level icted dia- icted Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Th ofBritishness. tant narrative to isconstituted ideas through opposition through expressed the mili- the ofIrishness code because inpart split, Joe’s ispotentially more sharply ofbelonging ofbelonging, sense objects multiple the towards restorationis orientated ofharmony between Where Sean’s were tacitlyorexplicitlyof belonging recognised. narrative at where the dualities precisely points destabilised to tended be premised splitting of‘Irish’ and‘English’ ofself was whichthis performance upon ation ofthe muting eff for the contest- creating possibilities framework, andhistorical political on the Troubles, abroader able within tohisexperiences locate was Joe subject- nationalistic discourse byamore militant, provided position simultaneously.constructions upat diff Bytaking hisexperiences through twocompeting herecalled because in part ofsilence Sean’s kind within aparticular producing account. the PIRA, concerning oftaboo akind tightly narrative inculcated circumscribed: the hension ofthe PIRA’s however, was motivations, that ofpolitics talk was compre- whichanxiouslydisavowed internalisation ofthis understanding, subject- ofashared construction Aneff ofvictimisation. position ‘English’ the categories and‘Irish’ between of arealignment through the creating the possibility identity the Irish from ofthe violence PIRA, own these diff these Ireland. Wherein Northern Kate’s on clearly narrative diverges most the next through reference to anationalist ofthe understanding confl taneously, disavowing the PIRA’s rationalising them onemoment, tactics Kate intwodiff this Joe, negotiated suspiciousgaze with butincommon Incontrast Sean, with experiences. contrast earlier with in people EnglishandIrish ofsuspicion,creating tensions between object heran rendered whenherIrishness aperiod as aftermath ofthe bomb Sean’sfrom the andJoe’s Kate recalled Incommon Sean, with narratives. relationships signifi with one’sgender regulates space, shaping aff social within position of one’sthemes aff could othered be experience ofbeing Kate’s and In this form respect, ofhowthe narrativevery issuggestive it. to preserve thesteps about safetyofherchildren andtaking worrying herhome,inthe within mother, role ofprotective enclosed as envisioned anexperience ofcoming undersuspicion,inKate’s as bomb sheis case in relation to the eff split subject- at ultimately ofclosure. without apoint arriving positions of Joe’s andforth,to discursively back andfrom heshifts narrative, as exclusive rather than reconcilable. Hence the more character decentred andmutually oppositional entailing become that multiple belongings istends to resonate the with splitting eff Joe’s the eff narrative didnotevidence Kate’s features shared anddiff with both ofthe bomb memory ofcommonalityerent Sean’s with points andJoe’s accounts is ects ofgender.ects the andKate recall Sean Whileboth However, Englishdiscourses. ofwider the ects cant others. Nothing but the sameoldstory? taboo, ofthis particular ects ects ofanti- ects stereotypes, Irish theerent points erent ways simul- ected bythe way ected ect ofthe ect ective ective ered ered 213 ict ict Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document repressive model here obscures, notonlyhowthe Troubles here model obscures, repressive generative was produced interpret the Troublesthrough migrants whichIrish were dynamically shonethrough, butthat the ofcommunal forms victimhood memory Irish ofvisibility, chinks where occasional theof truth comprised discourse Th andnegation. ofrepression solely interms the period during that ofdiscourse a model conceives Englishresponses Troubles inEngland.Attention indicates to the thislimitations of politics ofthe politics bythecirculation wider ofwhichisinextricably shaped the formation and through ofcultural narratives, anavailable repertoire ofexperience isconstantly howthe reconstruction mediated reveals family, church andneighbourhood. negotiation ofconfl self’s byother ofidentifi forms mediated ‘here’ and‘there’ther isalways demonstrates between howthe dialogue ofthe Troubles event fur- chic adaption to the process: the migration insepara inEnglandwas belongings inother contexts, the As issueofIrish emotionallegacies. their personal and settlement ofindividual trajectories inthe particularities rooted the ofself overthe accretion life upon ofasense course, depended conflsought these to resolve of identity confl Th ofsettlement. histories through oflongerpersonal the prism howinterpretations ofthe Troubles evidences perspective are shaped undiff ofthe period. histories ofpersonal literalagainst readings adapt emotionally, andhowthey migrants upon cautions butitalso ofthe impact Troubles sourcenarrative arich for analysingthe subjective bythe Troubles.tion dramatised Th order the to contradictions orresolve manage,transform ofidentifi in andinterpreted tity, isactively reconstructed ofwhichthe past part as experience, butembody representations oflived unmediated are never society. ofthewar period recollections Migrant refl ofbelonging, forms to reconcile contradictory iscomplicated experiences bythethese need rather, anddiscrimination; ofhostility experiences the composure of recall they unsettling emotionsmerely because donotoccasion period brought diff howthe Troubles, reveal narratives orremembrance ofthe Troubles, inpost- experiences Irish obviously, England.Most war allthree regardingthe signifi observations 214 Th an as migrants to view Secondly, atendency where therebeen has Taken together, four general permits narratives analysisofthese close irdly, attention to the specifi the well state, as ahistorical as erentiated byactivists collective, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life inrelation to the complex Th ofEnglishdiscourse. workings ofthe self intoerent ofthe contradiction. parts Memories ict the Troubles posed for individuals, and the way they the andthe ict Troubles way they for individuals, posed ecting the ambivalent position of the Irish inpost- ofthe Irish the position ambivalent ecting icts within the everyday contexts ofwork theand within everyday icts through interpretationicts ofthe past, cance ofthe Troubles for understanding interpretations city ofindividual also cation, themselvesthe outcome ofthe is function of memory renders oral ofmemory isfunction ble from theble from routine forms of psy- e point isnotthat epoint English performances ofiden- e kind ca- e Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document tion of white Irish subjectivities. subjectivities. tion ofwhite Irish were implicated and sameness otherness specifi andindividually changing the historically to continuities consider, ofEnglish perceptions; thatthe ambivalent is, identity inBritish overthe twentieth century,major shifts alongside toseriously the take itisnecessary standpoint, anIrish from experienced inorder isthat, was tohow‘whiteness’ suggest understand narratives for identifi ofpossibilities spectrum full to andthe underplay the to complexity Irishness ofEnglish responses tended has this entailed anddisadvantage ondiscrimination emphasis thealism within context ofthe Troubles. Ironically, however, the very multicultur- inthe ofBritish making participated activists which Irish andinternal diff contingency inpost-eity of‘whiteness’ notonlythe historical 1945 England, revealing complacent challenges the Irish concerning assumptions the homogen- inpost- oftheplexity Irish ofthe position study of England.A case war the pluralcharacterofbelongings – indicate com- collectively isthe wider memory, the diff andinthe present. spectively memory, theinterpretations ofwhichshape forms ofdiff the within ofothering context incultural understandings shifts ofwider impact itisnecessary, ofracialdiscourse therefore, to situate personal ofdiff ories communal reshape mem- events contemporary as experiences, those of consciousness inrelation incollective changes of othering to shifts have acontingent ofexperiences andrelational meaning dimension: the follows that Inturn, itfurther of‘discrimination’ the meanings speak. which to from silences creatingandspaces both construction, in its people’s Irish aredo notmerelyimplicated experience; they describe Tropesconstruction. ‘discrimination’, suchas and‘suspicion’ ‘invisibility’ forms ofdiscursive of the repertoire the within contextand produced ofthe Troubles, part forming andas and‘suspicion’‘invisibility’ shaped as understood must themselvesbe and offi withsecond- associated generation militancy, Republicanism Northern neo- Irish andaffl Catholicism, domesticity revivalism, experience ofpost- bypost- settlementwar andshaped of discourses war post- forged through the lived inEngland: one ofthe Irish imaginary war conceptions ofcompeting but the the ofethnicitywithin articulation ofthe Troubles communalIrish memory notuniformity, thus registers, communal ofIrish inthe internalmemory. mirrored fracturing course was ofidentity, discourses of Irish buthowthe ofEnglishdis- ambivalence – Finally, what processes allthese ofcommunal the variegation It follows this from that institutional on‘discrimination’, discourses cial conceptions multiculturalism. ofBritish erent phases of settlement. In order to assess the subjective the subjective Inorder to ofsettlement. assess erent phases erential impact of diverse trajectories ofsettlement and erential trajectories ofdiverse impact erentiation of‘whiteness’, butthe ways in Nothing but the sameoldstory? available for to self- individuals cation What this enabled. these simultaneously of c ways discourses uence, the other the uence, in the produc- erence, retro- erence, 215 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 16 , e c y o B . G . D 6 1 1 Qoe i ‘eae h Wudd in, Lion’, Wounded the ‘Beware in Quoted 15 Th Club of chairman Rose, Leonard 14 Notes Notes 216 . olo , Moulton , M. 16. 1927) PI/SA/5, 4 Galway, (b. Grady Brenda 3 et al., Rose J. B. E. , 2 l u a P . K 1 Rcn itretos nld . ali , , Bailkin J. include interventions Recent 5 Th ‘ 6 8 On the longer history of Irish stereotypes in modern Britain see L. P. Curtis , Curtis L. P. see Britain modern in stereotypes Irish of history longer the Years’, On Twenty Back 8 Clock the Puts ‘Ireland 7 13 John Major, Minister, Prime to Derek Shaw, LordMayor ofManchester, 21 1 Wrs rm ils n sb edns n h the in sub-headings and titles from Words 12 Bomb’. a of ‘Anatomy 11 Ceasefi a IRA, the of Mind the ‘In Sharrock, D. Bomb’, a 10 of ‘Anatomy 9 June 1996. rti , Britain ’, in the Political about Irish British Discourses “Race”: and Deconstructing 19 9 c. 4. ch. 9, 1996), GB127.M480/ 23. 62168 Box Society, to Derek Shaw, LordMayor ofManchester, 18June 1996,GMCRO, GB127.M480/ 23. 62168 Box xod, 16 , 19. 1969), ( Oxford , 107–109. 1997), ( New York , CA , 2012 ) , ch. 6; J. Corbally , ‘ Th ‘ Corbally , J. ofEmpireHeart 6; ’, ch. 2012 ) , , CA odn, 20 141–149. 2002), , ( London Britain Th 8 April 1950;‘Sixty- Acres ofStout’,Six 1959; ‘Eire Fairy’, Guns’, isnotabout Border along the Irish 19 . e i , Nie, de M. 1997); Th and Apes Angels: June 1996,Greater County Manchester RecordOffi Manchester Guardian 1882 Observer Strategy’, On’, the Blast’, Standard but aTactical Option’, Irish and English History eIrishin Post- War Britain eIrish – aFriendly People’, Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Evening Standard aio, I, 20 . otr Foster , R. 2004); , WI (Madison, , 0–19 . egt Weight , R. 107–109; , Ethnic Studies and Racial , , Whitewashing Britain: Race and Citizenship Era Race in thePostwar Britain: Whitewashing , 17June ‘SinnFein 1996;M.Bentham, are inWake Shunned of Th Sun e Times Stockport Express Stockport Ireland and theIrish England in Interwar Th Fight for Peace Goes ‘Major Vows: , 17June Reiss, 1996;C. e Irish Question and British Politics 1868– Politics and British e Irish Question 1996 Daily Mail Daily Th Colour and Citizenship: A Report on British Race Relations Race andColour onBritish Citizenship: A Report Radical History Review History Radical e Eternal Paddy: Irish eEternal 1798– Identity Press, and theBritish , 17June 1996. eIrishman in Victorian Caricature Manchester Evening News Guardian the following bomb. the twoweeks during , 17June 1996;W. Rees- Th ‘Exploding Mogg, odn, 1995). , (London 1946;‘Ireland’s, 15October Castles’, Patriots: National Identity 1940– in Britain 2000 , , Manchester Guardian ( Oxford , 2007 ) ; M. Hickman , ‘ Reconstructing ‘Reconstructing , Hickman M. 2007); (Oxford , Moston Express e Jarring Irish: Postwar Immigration to Immigration the Irish: Postwar eJarring , 17Junethe Say’, Papers 1996;‘What 2 98) 9 9 ; al Paul, 296–299; (1998), 21:2 ursday, andCultural Social the Jewish Paddy and Mr Punch: Connections in Paddy and Mr Punch: Connections Picture Post Picture Manchester Guardian Th 0 09), 0–15 . Delaney , E. 103–125; (2009), 104 Manchester Evening News e Afterlife ofEmpire Daily Mail Daily Manchester Evening News re May Represent not a Goal re May notaGoal Represent , 17June 1996. and , 22August 1953. ce (hereafter GMCRO), GMCRO), (hereafter ce 1958;‘Gossip , 16January Middleton and North 1949. , 16February abig 04), 4. 2014), , (Cambridge ( Washington, DC , DC Washington, ( Whitewashing Whitewashing , 19October Picture Post Picture (Berkeley, ( London , (London eir Own Evening , , Wigan Wigan , 17 , ,

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 1 . io , Ra Sirn i te ain:Mltr Fmle, rts Public British Families, Nation”: Military the in Stirring Real “ ‘ A Dixon , P. 17 20 Th 0 2 1 O te ra am o te IA apin e . nls , English, R. see campaign PIRA the of aims broad the On 19 18 for example, P.See, Rigby, howmany we’ve times knew ‘Iwonderifthey 21 for example, P.See, Rigby, ‘Shure, an’ it’s the British showing timewestarted 2 A Gie, IA Bme Th “Bombed ‘IRA Grimes, A. 24 Manchester?’, ‘Why 23 22 For to LordMayor, Lawless example, Desmond White 15June 1996;Mary 2 ‘err akah, Backlash’, ‘Terror 25 3 ‘otx:A us fr el ec’ Peace’, Real for Quest ‘Context: A 31 Bombing’, Street Bridge Edition: ‘Special 30 16–17. Ibid., 29 34. Ibid., 28 32. 13. Ibid., 1935) PI/SA/6, Dublin, 27 (b. Hagan Sean 26 3 Sa Hgn b Dbi, 95 I A , 34. 1935) PI/ SA/6, Dublin, (b. Hagan Sean 33 Diff History Oral Makes What ‘ Portelli , A. 32 Opinion, and Withdrawal from Northern Ireland ’, in G. Dawson , J. Dover Dover J. Dawson , (eds), G. in Hopkins Ireland ’, S. Northern and from Withdrawal and Opinion, talks (203). talks namely to highlight andcontest SinnFein’sobjectives, exclusion offi from this attack the hadmoreregards bomb, Manchester also specifi IRA in England: Th IRA oftheIRA History Mail grilling – we’re justgoingtoyoude- let instead’, bombs yourown fuse Sunday Express ofIreland’, shape political the new undertake will the IRA out, get Army will Standard BCA/ ‘With ourluckthis MW2785;JAK, oneprobably isJack Lynch!’, infavour measures’, ofsterner upallthose ‘Stand are fi they freedom felt likedoingthe same’, and Memories Legacies Engagements, in Britain Communi Suspect what sort of people we really are!’, wereally ofpeople what sort Emmwood, ‘I’m tosuspicious…’, get Emmwood, beginning BCA/ BCA/ (nocaption), Cookson MW2935;B. Manchester Evening News GMCRO, GB127.M480/ 23.‘MPsPeace62168 Box Dim’, as Fury Hopes to LordMayor, 16June 1996;Tom to Campion LordMayor, 19June 1996, 24072. BCA/ 1996. 1993. ‘ Attack“Sick” Pub’, onIrish (eds), e most detailed survey ofthe ofthe operation PTA survey remains detailed emost P. Hillyard , , 4March 1972,BCA/ 22116. Th e Oral History Reader eOral History , 20August 1971,BCA/ ‘Ifonlythe British 20971; Cummings, odn, 1993) , (London 1972,BCA/ , 6February ‘’S’alright21955; Mac, nomore chaps, Middleton and Manchester North Guardian e Bombing Campaign 1973– Campaign eBombing 1997 ty: People’s Experience of the Prevention ofTerrorism ofthePrevention Acts Experience ty: People’s ghting for?’, odn, 20 c. ; G MGadr , McGladdery , G. 4; ch. 2003), , (London Manchester Evening News Th e Northern Ireland Troubles in Britain: Impacts, Impacts, Ireland Troublese Northern in Britain: Sun . , 15June 1996.

Moston Express , 18July 1972,BCA/ 22866; P. Rigby, ‘Isthat the eirOwn” ’, 2d d (Lno 06), 45 2006), , (London edn 2nd , Sun Manchester Evening News Nothing but the sameoldstory? , 12March 1971,BCA/ 19885; Emmwood, acetr 21 , 41–56. 2017), (Manchester, Sun rn?’ i R Prs ad A Th A. and Perks R. erent? in ’, Manchester Evening News 1971,BCA/ , 1November 21346; Warrington Guardian , 20June 1996. Evening News , 17June 1996. Daily Mail Daily Daily Mail Daily uln, 20 c. 2. As ch. 2006), , (Dublin Armed Struggle: Th Armed 1972, , 5December , 10August 1971, , 13June 2006. , 9March 1973, Th , 20June 1996; e Provisional , 22March c tactical tactical c , 20 June omson omson Evening Daily Daily cial 217 e Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 5 ‘BG oiy n ni rs Rcs’ Racism’, Anti- Irish on Policy ‘IBRG 52 5 Je oet (. ogod 14)P/S/3 5. 1944) PI/ SA/3, Longford, (b. Doherty Joe 55 3 Se fr xml, . asrde ‘Th Mansbridge, N. example, for See, 36 Th 5 3 34 ‘Two Ireland’, inNorthern report, Killed Soldiers BBC from Details 2. 9March 218 54 September, 20 4 5 (Birmingham, Ireland’ Northern on Statement ‘Policy IBRG, 53 51 1 5 5. 1944) PI/SA/3, 0 Longford, 5 (b. Doherty Joe 49 48 elect- oflocal Although the ingerrymandering Unionist didengage regime 3. 2. Ibid., 1944) PI/SA/3, Longford, 46 47 (b. Doherty Joe O’Brady, however, in arrested taught andwas notLongford, inRoscommon, 45 44 Brady,Rory orRuairiOBradaigh,isaprominent republican. Irish 3 Hm Sceay Ry ekn, Jenkins, Roy Secretary, Home 38 3 Eoh oel Powell, Enoch 37 39 9 3 4 ‘iapoa’ ‘Disapproval’, 43 Th “Bombed ‘IRA in, quoted Forde, M. 42 0 4 41 Michael Reilly, Club,Chorlton, to Lord Social ChairoftheAssociation Irish Search ofaPolitical Voice’,Search 1 August 1981;‘Now’s the Time for Action’, Th 14063. BCA/ Th Statesman New An Pobal Eirthe 1611/F/3. Acc/ MS BCC, 1986), 1989,4. February An Pobal Eirthe (eds), O’Connell J. Tom Tom and Gallagher T. in 1921–68?’, Irish Studies Contemporary Regime, Unionist the See to the franchise. J. exist respect with didnotinfact religious discrimination oral boundaries, Whyte , ‘ How Much Was Discrimination Th Irish Revolutionary gence of the IBRG see ‘Angence ofthe IBRGsee for Postponing Excuse Eff White , W. Robert See Cavan. ‘Ulster: Th Pamphlet Island. A Tribune Other post- for replenishment example, ofthiswar narrative see, G. Bing, UDCL/ Centre 1936),HullHHC), (London, (hereafter History 100/ 4. For the ofaCommission ofInquiry ActsIreland: Report Powers ofNorthern Special Powers See onthe Act. Special the National Liberties Councilfor Civil 1974; ‘Birmingham’, Bell, Moston Express col. 1673 20 June 1996. Mayor Derek Shaw, 7July 1996,GMCRO, GB127.M480/ 23. 62168 Box Manchester Evening News emselves for emselves Help’, is narrative crystallised in particular in reactions to the 1936 report of to inreactions the 1936report inparticular isnarrative crystallised Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life Hansard e Bomb onourDoorstep’, eBomb , oebr 95 BC Ac S 1611/ F/7/3/4/1. Acc/ MS BCC, 1975, November , 1974, col. 1682. 22November Deb., Irish Post is line of interpretation was most prevalent inthe prevalent most islineofinterpretation was Hansard and , 20June 1996. ( ( Th Th e Risen People eRisen loigo, N, 2006). IN , (Bloomington, e Risen People eRisen Irish Post Th Irish Post e Times 1974;‘Guildford’,, 9February 1974,vol.881,col. 1677;Ronald 22November Deb., , 18June 1996. Irish Post acetr, 18 1–36. 1983), (Manchester , 1974. , 30November Ruairi OBradaigh: Th Ruairi . 1981. , 14November Hansard 1989,4. ), no. 3,February UDCL/ 1950),HHC, (London, 55/ 2, and e crooked pillar’, ecrooked the emer- 1989,5. On February ), no. 3, to Must 1981;‘Irish Look , 14November Daily Herald Daily Pobal Eirthe eirOwn” ’, 1974,vol.881, 22November Deb., Irish Post , 3July 1953. ( Manchester Evening News Th ective Action’,ective eLife and ofan Politics Punch e Risen People eRisen 1981;‘In , 5September Irish Post 1968, , 16October , 12October ere under Guardian John Bull’sJohn Irish Post ) n. 3, no. ), Th e , , ,

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 6 . hba , Bhabha H. 67 72–73. Ibid., 66 71. Ibid., 65 1. Ibid., 64 69–70. Ibid., 63 37. Ibid., 36. 1941) PI/SA/2, 62 Sligo, (b. Daly 12. Kate 1944) PI/SA/3, Longford, 61 (b. Doherty Joe 60 59 to in‘Council Invite SinnFeinQuoted ChiefCondemnsDecision Councillor Off Brush Irish ‘Manchester’s Elliott, C. 56 5 ‘in en o drs Pbi Meig n acetr, Manchester’, in Meeting Public Address to Fein 15. ‘Sinn 1944) PI/SA/3, Longford, 58 (b. Doherty Joe 57 to Manchester’, News Sorrow’, , 10April 1997. Guardian Th e Location ofCulture eLocation Manchester Evening News , 17June 1996. Nothing but the sameoldstory? odn, 19 , 52. 1994), , (London the Verbal butFeel Backlash the , 11April 1997. Manchester Evening 219 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document observed ofnational myths: observed Raphael Samuel As andPaul Th andcultural boundaries. of social ofthis power,because the ofmyth rhetoric contributes to the enactment While the factors which motivated this racist are whichmotivated While the complex factors andvaried, referendum debate,have apolarising following to voted, leave the EU. people the British began Since for the this Britain. research book porary homogeneity. ofBritish fantasies wider in the exclusion ofwhite– butinthe consolidation of other experiences, are implicated, andhowthese notonly silences ofthe colour paradigm ofthe racism,andintheforces process ofBritish recognition varieties tural racism’. ofthe this broadensunderstanding scholarship doing, Inso to the alludes continuities of‘multicul-Britain ofamuch longer history cultural homogeneity,1945 British inpost- onthe scholarship Irish war to reinforce tended studieshas migration British thewithin myth ofpre- cultural nation. Where the dominance ofthe imperial/ colonial model a multi- contributing as to the ofBritain ways, reimagining important the interrogation national myths ofBritish identity ofexclusionary in Th history minority and memory Conclusion: Myth, symbols that suggest particular ways ofinterpreting the world’. that particular suggest symbols stories’. Th myths are nor‘detached neither Midgely ‘lies’ reminds us, Mary As e‘ethnic turn’ advances recent within inBritain on the scholarship Irish Clearly, remains urgent for suchrecognition incontem- the need the excluded. Time exclude, also they andpersecute solidarity inrallying andagain, not. andwhodoes ofjustwhobelongs questions fundamental … raise National ofnational myths help andthe identity sense build whichthey ey are, rather,ey ofpowerful networks ‘imaginative patterns, 2

220 1 ompson ompson Precisely Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document constructed diff constructed tinuity andself- overtime. How nationalsameness been identity has ofcon- afantasy upon rests italso in the past; persecution about getful agency in the present. inthe present. agency their isunlikely to recognise ofsuchattitudes past inits theabout agency society. Wendy As Ugolini recently indenial has reiterated, asociety ofracismandxenophobia British within the longerhistory acknowledge the historical outcome of ‘native’ social, cultural and political traditions. traditions. outcomethe historical of‘native’ cultural andpolitical social, ofthe self’,integrity conceived as aninnate Britishness andimmemorial onthe coherence assaults and postmodern various ‘protection against ‘time to before’; impulserecover, to to return anidealised a powerful as ‘social cohesion’ andBritain’s post- destiny persistently register imperial ongoingdebates over uncomfortable histories, to acknowledge refusal more generally. of‘identity’ the tion andprocesses andbeyond Above refl for historical underscore the need mental however, orignore, misunderstand What suchappeals isthe funda- parallels withdefi turous debate, unaware commentators ofthe andthe publicalikeseemed tor- placethe long, inthe rightful world. During andrecoverits outsiders around Britain’sestablished to control’ ‘take back need from perceived and xenophobic attitudes were andare consensus to integral the popular a debate based fundamentally on the question of belonging. ofbelonging. on the question fundamentally a debate based counter- andutilitytothe economy the NHS as British within arguments anti-refuting off rhetoric, immigration incapable of appeared whileprominent Remainsupporters questions, andthe ofausterity, impact of citizenship pertinent as barely registered ‘socialagainst cohesion’, long- suchas deindustrialisation, the erosion run eff society. inBritish So politically bywhichrace ismobilised mechanisms unable the orunwilling commentators to expose seemed instances, these in As nationallation inward borders. movement to restrict andsharpen of pre- reception when the hostile legis- motivated ofmigration EU waves the 1905AliensAct orthesuch as Act, 1962Commonwealth Immigrants identities’ routinely to recognise that: fail ‘struggling the with complexity to deal servants of andcivil politicians that militating mechanisms wereother these factors indeed, ective, rivals …through …oracombination internal rivals minorities ofboth. inthe ofexternal form national andreconstructed stantly constructed Th defi been andthat often ithas isimaginary orBritishness Englishness Th e appeal to an innate and immemorial Britishness isnotonlyfor- to aninnate eappeal Britishness andimmemorial ese developments reveal starkly the consequences of a refusal to ofarefusal starklythe consequences reveal developments ese ned, often ambivalently, often ned, the against ‘other’. Th contingency erently under diff history, inrecent immigration ning moments British Tony As ofidentity formations. Kushner argued, has 3 Simultaneously, however, also suchdevelopments erent conditions historical isthus ‘contribution’ migrants’ ering to concerningexivity the produc- e ‘self’ has been con- been has e‘self’ Conclusion 5

221 4

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document response isdemanded’.response ‘sothe ‘moral complexity because asingle emotional often ofthe past’ confi ofdiversityinBritain’, politics avibrant tain the ‘pride and increasing of the complexities of butonrefusal inthe past, notonlyonthe denialofpersecution depends, processes ofexclusionary the From perpetuation causes. this perspective, eff to the read visible a tendency exceptional andproducing ofchangeas anddestructive aview fostering ofreformulating inanongoingprocess are identities, engaged societies myths ofcontinuity andself- that the fact overtimeobscure sameness diff by fundamentally formed circumstances contemporary upon inthe past tity constructed ofiden- fantasies to impose ofinversein akind anachronism, seeking of self. diff whichconceives alogic orpreserved, defended whichmust be a ‘thing’ reifi identity ismore easily the perspective, absence ofthis historical the In ordissolve enablingtransform conditions formations. ofearlier outcome oflong- the eff processes, historical run fi anoutcomeidentity conditions isnotconceived as inthe ofhistorical because Inturn, involved. andcontestationcompetition necessarily of the together with processes consciousness, outofpopular screened 222 a challengeto the inherent homogenisingtendencies innational myth. orcommemoration, presents history,Minority recovery conceived as past’. anddissemination ofa‘useable the with production concerned history’ of‘identity ofmyth; avector alocus as regarded be but itmight itself contests the exclusions paradigm national ofBritish mythology,bility’ Th national histories. at myth, ofminority butalso the level notonlyat of the across the applied board; level must be arguments ‘crises’rst place, contemporary the so as ofidentity are notgraspable changeintheerence a‘loss’ absoluteandequates present with as One implication isthat to restore appeals engage ‘traditional’ values question. question. them oftheir potentialtoday’s to bring into andpriorities assumptions fi without identity anindefi isinreality diff yawning the muchcapturedby registering moreidentities wouldbe faithfully whereas agenda, to acontemporary Ancestors are recruited resolution. successful to its forward up toalllooking the samestruggle, ‘them’ identity onaspurious between trades and‘us’: ‘we’ are allsigned Crucially, however, these ifsuchcomplexity recognised fully isto be dence of previously marginalised group marginalised dence ofpreviously 6 sus- JohnTosh As ‘helped has while‘identity argued, history’ has Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life 8 xity. one’s Essentialising robs relation inthe past to people

andtheirs ourcircumstances …Ethnicerence between More fundamentally,erent processes. historical identity construction identity 7 all,identity Above history nite ofmovement process and mediation, ects oflong- ects changeinthe present as run overtime. s’, tends italso to underplay ects of which serve to ofwhichserve ects e ‘invisi- their ed as

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document social interaction: the communalsocial inboth manifest and ideals myth values and of cultural production constantly through processes wider mediated were interactions demonstrate ofethnicselfhood howunderstandings ofthe journey. migration From andpossibilities pressures oneangle,these and contribute ofnegotiating the formulations ameans to collective as self- bywhichdiff construction, of process isthe ofadialogic complex here evidence agency memory of the post- settlement ofmigrant war experience. What the processes ways ofinterpreting English– peting relationsIrish andthe signifi rather, identity; of Irish tension, off existedindynamic they unpredictable mechanisms ofidentifi mechanisms unpredictable belonging anddiff belonging identity, about stories to ofmultiple the articulation andcontradictory contributed conditions, historical underchanging designations peting werecultural accommodation, confronted com- with bywhichmigrants the Instead, oflong- ambivalence and opposition. ofEnglish processes run inarelation anddominant were ofcontestminority narratives locked national against forgettingthe ofastruggle form anddisavowal, where didnottake butmemory identities were andIrish shaped, which British ofthe British– importance relationship acontext political as Irish in the enduring registered production Memory ways. changing torically self- and migrant otherandhis- indiverse each shaped understandings environment discursive able inwhichEnglishperceptions anddynamic ecology, refl in post- memory of migrant Englandilluminatewar acomplex narrative ofBritish– theonism within longerhistory the relations, processes Irish ofantag- amechanism as regarded isoften experience. Where memory the complexity ofgrasping ofthe ameans post-as migrant 1945 Irish orexclusion, narrative, whetherofassimilation ofaunitary inadequacy life demonstrates the experience ofeveryday andthe embodied memory ofpersonal cultural myth, the psychology relationshipshifting between in aneff ofdiff possibilities ofidentity andthe the formation dilemmas inthewhich obscure past fi historically through alensofpermanency, possessing loss/ with identities are alike andmajority interpreted absence. Minority affi tion andethnicabsolutism, potentially consolidate reifi towards tendencies over time,they wider andreformulated identities are bywhichminority produced processes the masking that elide the suchhistories subjectivities, totalityofmigrant andbenefi fairness unsettling complacent the about intrinsic assumptions of persecution, At incisive,itforces most confrontation its histories submerged with Th Th ese stories did not resolve themselvesinto didnotresolve acoherent stories ese discourse is book has applied Popular Memory Th Popular applied has Memory isbook ort to shift attention to shift ort reifi from ecting the extentecting to whichpost- ahospit- Englandformed war erence. erence inthe present. cence people’. ofthe ‘British To the extent, however, the ofdiff rming equation erently situated draw individuals upon ed collectivities towards ‘the towards always collectivities ed cation’. eory to the case of the Irish ofthe Irish to the case eory 9 Herein, attention to the Conclusion xed constituents erence/ change ering com- ering cance 223 ca- Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document from distinctive confi distinctive from toendeavoured reconcileconfl cifi were highly they so life events, the ofimportant circumstances relationships oflived and inthe particularity were rooted consequences eff byongoing underpinned available interacted with myths was migrants how ofemotionaladaption: bythe dynamics structured powerfully relationship 1945. after reciprocity illuminate post- ofsocio- vector animportant as migration war cultural ofpost- anxieties Th migrants. war and aspirations the England,informing outlook, wellin Ireland as as post- ance ofwider transformations, cultural andeconomic social, war the import- seminal ofsettlement narratives registered and personal 224 In so bringing the ‘unpredictable mechanisms ofidentifi the ‘unpredictable mechanisms bringing In so group- andgeneralisingaccounts ontologies ofethnicrelations. based layers ofcomplexity by inthe experience concealed migrant frequently revealing process, culture the andhistorical individual, tionship between interrela- ofthe understanding dynamic deepen settle. Andthey they gender, inwhich those well as haveas left migrants the within societies ofrace constituted and ethnicity, discourses of historically and class through identitiesmigrant arethe constructed negotiation andadaption Th conditions. historical under changing reformationthe production, anddiversifi resource thus for analysing auseful form memory ofmigrant processes memory. inthe confi the shifts settlement andwider process to demandsofdiff thelife changing course inresponse intrinsically open- were ofbelonging andincomplete: personal understandings ended thus adaption was attachmentsofself. Subjective andimages desires, competing thatresult constant involved between vacillation ‘identity’ ‘there’ andpresent, and‘here’, past tensions between unresolved the with throughtiations were ongoingeff themselves refracted nego- butthese ofidentity; publicnarratives within embedded norms experience andthe personal atension negotiated between histories an as subjectivity migrant produced also ofmigration composure ofthe emotionalconsequences integration co- so splitting, psychic towards tendencies with articulated Since, however, ofidentitynarratives andbelonging. processes these the outcomes ofsettlement inwider andinvested evaluated migrants orts to manage the emotional consequences of migration. Since to ofmigration. managethe these emotionalconsequences orts c From another angle,however, were themselves processes allthese Approached through Th the lensofPopular Memory ‘composure’, ofmemory strategies individual : bywhichmigrants Life history and the Irish migrant experience migrant andthe Irish history Life and ambivalent hybridisation confl ofpsychic gurations and internally divided the ofthe within development British– Irish unstable versionsofexperience, evolved ictual e workings of migrant memory thus memory ofmigrant eworkings overthe andevolving , oscillating cation of migrant subjectivities subjectivities cation ofmigrant ese processes illuminate how processes ese life formation. Migrants’ ict, diff ict, ofpopular guration orts to compose erentiating how erentiating of erent phases cto’ into cation’ eory, the eory, spe- Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document 2 R Sme n . Th P. and Samuel R. 2 3 W. Ugolini , ‘ Weaving the Italian Experience into the British Immigration Immigration British the into Experience Italian the Weaving ‘ Ugolini , W. 3 Midgley , M. 1 Notes Notes ofourever- possibilities horizons. changing complexity, ourshared inwhichwerecognise prism the where wegrasp orfi anideal as less may then‘Identity’ serve, andfor exploring of‘identity’ alternative ontologies. rethinking the basis thus for tools supplies memory ofmigrant history acritical focus, sharp Gilroy , P. 5 4 T. Kushner, ‘Colin andAnti- ofMigrant andthe Holmes Development Migrant 9 iry Gilroy, 9 15. Ibid., 8 , h 14. s Ibid., o T 7 . J 6 artv , n . ri-Nro . Hoff C. , Craig-Norton J. in Narrative ’, Historiography’, inCraig- et al., Norton 123. 2018), , ( London in Honour Essays ofColin Holmes and Historiographies. Histories Britain: Postcolonial MelancholiaPostcolonial Why History Matters History Why Postcolonial MelancholiaPostcolonial Th eMyths We Live By msn es , (eds) , ompson aigtk 08) 12. 2008), , (Basingstoke , xv. , Th odn, 20 , 1. 2004), , (London eMyths We Live By e ok, 20 6. 2005), (New York , Migrant Britain a n . uhe (d) (eds), Kushner T. and man xed a boundary, than as odn, 19 , 18–19. 1990), , (London , 26. , Conclusion Migrant 225

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document y l a D e t a K Cullen Clare A (core sample sample) interviews Project in sample A interviews. for in- then selected was Note are that used pseudonyms depth analysis. 2017. From (sample sampleA) this acore wider sample often interviews 2008and between wereandtranscribed conducted All 26 interviews Interviews : Appendix arae 94 fu children four Marriage: 1964, Post- worker care lineoperative, work: Generalmigration nurse, factory nurse work: Children’s Pre- migration 1961 1959,Manchester Migration: Dublin untilEducation: National 14,convent School inRoscommon Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; owner andquarry farmer upCo.Sligo grew Born: 1941, 1940) PI/SA/1 Cork, (b. Cullen Reference: Clare 03/ 09 Interview: 04/ children three Marriage: 1959, work: Bank Post- migration 1957,KentMigration: London 1960,Cork 196?,Oldham197? college untilEducation: National 14,secretarial School Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; Guards sergeant inCivic Cork upinnorth grew Born: 1940, 226 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Sean Hagan Hagan Sean Grady Brenda Duff Bill Doherty Joe upCo.Off grew Born: 1935, 1927) PI/SA/5 Galway, (b. Grady Reference: Brenda 04/ 08 Interview: 14/ children six Marriage: 1949, servant work: Domestic Pre- migration Post- housewife, receptionist, servant, Domestic 1947 work: migration Manchester Migration: Lymme1946, untilEducation: National 14 School Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; farmer upCo.Galway grew Born: 1927, Duff Reference: Bill 03/12 Interview: 13/ children three Marriage: 1975, Post- (labourer, industry site manager, 1967 work: Construction migration Migration: Manchester untilEducation: National 13 School Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; farmer upCo.Roscommon grew Born: 1951, 1944) PI/SA/3 Longford, (b. Doherty Reference: Joe 04/08 Interview: 27/ children four Marriage: 1969, Post- industry construction operative, work: Factory migration cutting work: Turf Pre- migration 1964 1962,Manchester Migration: Birmingham school vocational until National 14,then local School Education: Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; andthatcher farmer upCo.Longford grew Born: 1944, 1941) PI/SA/2 Sligo, (b. Daly Reference: Kate 03/12 Interview: 25/ dinner- lady executive) until 16. y (. ocmo, 1951) PI/SA/4 Roscommon, (b. y aly Interviews 227 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document al Quinn Paul Long Rosie Heaney Denis 228 r-mgain ok am aorr building labourer, work: Farm Pre- migration 1970 1962,London Migration: Manchester untilEducation: National 13 School Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; farmer upinGalway grew Born: 1938, 1938) PI/SA/8 Cork, (b. Long Reference: Rosie 02/ 09 Interview: 11/ 1960,twochildren, plusfour children asecond from Marriage: Post- server, food worker care servant, work: Domestic migration Pre- orderly, work: Hospital migration orderly for at the blind school 1954,Oldham1966 Migration: London Education: Girls convent until 14 orderly orderly for at at theParents: Mother, mental asylum, school upinCork City grew Born: 1938, 1927) PI/SA/7 Kerry, (b. Heaney Reference: Denis 03/10 Interview: 20/ children two Marriage: 1952, Post- work: Foundry,migration (labourer, construction subcontractor) cutting work: Turf Pre- migration inthe south- locations 1948,various Migration: London 1948– east untilEducation: National 14 School Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; farmer upCo.Kerry grew Born: 1927, 1935) PI/SA/6 Dublin, (b. Hagan Reference: Sean 02/09 Interview: 18/ children six Marriage: 1957, Pre- work: Turfmigration army roadworker, picking, beet Irish cutting, Post- 1956 Cotton construction mill(warehouse), Migration: Bolton work: migration untilEducation: National 12 School Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; labourer rural relationship blind; Father, family left 1993 1958,Manchester 1956,Stockport 1956, Leigh (labourer), night watchman Appendix Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document sample) B(wider sample interviews Project Walsh Aileen arca oe (. ocmo, 99, neve 1/1/20, PI/SB/16 15/10/2009, interview 1929), Roscommon, (b. Foley Patricia Galway, 02/ (b. Patrick O’Dowd 1941), interview 02/ 2010, PI/ SB/ 15 03/ Kerry, 1946), interview (b. Murtagh Donal 11/ 2015, PI/ SB/ 14 09/ 1940),interview Limerick, (b. O’Hare Rachel 06/ 2010, PI/ SB/ 13 07/ 1938),interview Leitrim, Maher(b. Maeve 06/ 2010, PI/ SB/ 12 04/ Sligo,1941),interview (b. McGovern Mary 03/ 2014, PI/ SB/ 11 07/ 1948),interview Roscommon, Patrick Kernan(b. 08/ 2014, PI/ SB/ 10 07/ 1950),interview Roscommon, Kernan(b. Joan 08/ 2014, PI/ SB/ 9 Michael Walsh 02/ Clare, 1946),interview (b. 09/ 2010, PI/ SB/ 8 14/ Mayo, 1939),interview (b. Mulvey Bridget 05/ 2014, PI/ SB/ 7 23/ Kerry,Anna Kelly 1941),interview (b. 07/ 2015, PI/ SB/ 6 25/ 1950),interview Dublin, (b. Rooney Joseph 07/ 2015, PI/ SB/ 5 12/ Sligo,1941),interview (b. Canavan Mary 02/ 2013, PI/ SB/ 4 04/ Terry 1938),interview Longford, (b. Langan 05/ PI/SB/1 2014, PI/ 02/2010, SB/ interview 3 1940), Kerry, Tony 22/ 1938),interview Cork, (b. McCabe (b. 03/ 2009, PI/ Devlin SB/ James 2 1929) PI/SA/10 Mayo, (b. Walsh Reference: Aileen 7/2012 Interview: 20/ children three Marriage: 1950, Post- waitress operative, work: Hotelmigration maid,factory work: Domestic Pre- migration 1945,Bradford 1949 1947,Manchester Migration: Doncaster untilEducation: National 14 School Parents: Mother, Father, housewife; farmer upinMayo grew Born: 1927, 1938) PI/ SA/ 9 Galway, (b. Quinn Reference: Paul 05/13 Interview: 27/ children three Marriage: 1975, industry work: Construction Post- migration Interviews 229 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Birmingham City Archives Archives City Birmingham Archive Archdiocesan Birmingham London Archive in oftheIrish Britain, Manchester Centre, Resource Relations Iqbal Race Ahmed Ullah collections Archival bibliography Select Irish Community Collection Collection Community Irish Th Banner Papers Williams Movement Out Troops An Teach Housing Irish Association Women’s Irish London Centre Centre Irish London Health andHomes Irish Leeds Magazine in Irish Studies Britain Associations County Irish inBritain Chaplaincy Irish CommunityGreater CouncilandIrish London Service Brent Advisory Irish Forum Community Irish Birmingham Papers UK the in Irish eatre Collection

230 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ofKent, Canterbury University Archive, Cartoon British Hull History Centre Centre History Hull Archives Diocesan Dublin Liverpool Archive, MacLua Breandan BCA/ ‘Sure an’ Lee, 03673, Joseph it’s himself …’, BCA/ MC1019, M. Cummings, ‘Begorrah – can’t Englishliving have youfearful Th Irish Post BCA/ foreigners’, ‘Bloody 16161, JAK, BCA/ 19885, Paul Rigby, are fi they ‘Isthat the freedom BCA/ ‘I’m to suspicious…’, get MW2935,Emmwood, beginning BCA/ 22866, Paul Rigby, howmany …’ times knew ‘I wonderifthey BCA/ ‘’S’alright22116, Mac, nomore grilling – chaps, we’re justgoingto let oftheRecords National Liberties Councilfor Civil Papers McQuaid C/103 Nra Mnbig, ‘Th Mansbridge, Norman 14063, BCA/ ‘Th BCA/ Lancaster, me 1299, Osbert ‘Sure, ann immigrant, andhowcould Oibe Smith, George 12530, BCA/ BCA/ the bearing here’ll be pubs ‘Sure andthe local Langton, 12466, David BCA/ Franklin, you’re ‘Sure,18222, Stanley andI hope o’ nottinking saying no BCA/ ‘With ourluckthis20971, JAK, oneprobably isJack Lynch ! ’, BCA/ infavour measures’, ofsterner upallthose ‘Stand MW2785, Emmwood, BCA/ the IRA out, get Army ‘Ifonlythe will British 21955, Cummings, BCA/ 21346, Paul Rigby, ‘Shure, an’ it’s the British showing timewestarted BCA/ BCA/ (nocaption), 24072, B. Cookson are smiling’, eyes Irish Gibbard,‘When 03673, Les e Bell with us…’, July 1972 you de- instead’, bombs yourown fuse February 1972 not possessing a British passport’, aBritish not possessing breathanalyser’, Paddy…’, ofit, brunt m’darlin’,to us, Standard Mail Daily March 1971 will undertake the new political shape ofIreland’, shape political the new undertake will are wereally ofpeople what sort ! ’, December 1972 December ac 1973 March Collection Collection Collection Collection , 20August 1971 Sunday Express , 10August 1971 Daily Mirror Evening Standard Sunday Mirror 1961 , 16November , 2May 1967 at’s the fi e crooked pillar’, ecrooked 1967 , 19December Daily Express Sun Evening Standard Evening News 1967 , 10December 1971 , 1November Daily Mail Daily we’verst break hadsince the Evening News Select bibliography Select 1968 , 26February , 4March 1972 , 9March 1973 Punch ghting usfor?’, , 26August 1969 Sunday Express 1968 , 16October , 26June 1963 Guardian Daily Mail Daily Evening Sun Sun 231 , 18 , , 12 , , 9 , , 6 , , 5 , Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document odn erpltn Archives Metropolitan London 232 apel, P P . , Campbell H. öll, B andmemoirs diaries Autobiographies, Manchester Archives, Diocesan Salford Dublin ofIreland, National Archives Kew Archives, National Offi Record County Manchester Greater , . D , y e l o F , . G , n a g i r r e K B. Keaney , B. J. , Keane J. Healy , J. Healy , hln, J J. Phelan , J. , O’Donoghue S. Ciaráin, Ó G. , O’Brian , . R , s t r e b o R R. Power , M. A. , Mangan P. MacGill, J. , McGahern D. MacAmhlaigh, M. Lally , Marshall Papers Papers Marshall Taoiseach the of Department Offi Home Collection Bomb Manchester Collection Unit Policy Strategic London uln, 1991). , ( Dublin 2011 ). , ( London odn, 1971). , ( London Select bibliography Select Irish Journal No One Shouted Stop No One ! Th Th Th Memoirs ofaMayo Immigrant We Follow theRoads Apple ontheTreetop eGrass Arena ree ree Villages Don’t Hang About Children End oftheDead ce Papers Papers ce Self- Portrait Self- Out of Our Minds ofOur Out Th Another Country: Growing Up in ’50sIrelandAnother Country: Growing Tunnel Tigers e Classic Slum: Salford Life Salford oftheCentury in theFirst Quarter Slum: eClassic Farewell Emigrant’s toMayo: An Memoirs ofIreland and Scotland Memoir Me and Mine: A Warm- MemoirHearted ofaLondonIrish Family In aStrange Land An Irish Navvy: Th vntn I 1957). , IL (Evanston, odn, 2005). , (London aefr 2003). Waterford ( , ok, 1969). , (Cork odn, 1988). , (London esy iy N 2000). , NJ City, Jersey ( xod, 1985). (Oxford , efs 1994). , (Belfast odn, 1949). , (London uln, 1980). , (Dublin e Death ofan Irish Town eDeath odn, 1958). , (London e Diary ofan Exile eDiary dnug 94, 1999). 1914, (Edinburgh , brenhr 2006). , (Aberdeenshire ce, ce, Manchester odn, 1964). , (London uln, 1998). , (Dublin cil, 1968). (Achill ,

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Newspapers and periodicals periodicals and Newspapers . Association Irish Birmingham projects history Commemorative andcommunity Cvnr Iih oit Society . Irish Coventry Carl. Chinn, Project Ethnic Communities OralHistory . . Ultan Cowley , . Ultan Cowley , aca Mk . Mike. , Garcia Ltn rs Frm. Forum . Irish Luton Claff and Alan , Keegan Iih n rti . Britain in Irish Foundation . Arts Irish . Gerry , Harrison egn Aa n Claff and Alan , Keegan Alan. , Keegan . Project Now Elders Irish Guardian Th Evening Magazine Standard Evening Standard Evening News Evening Herald Opinion Dublin News Donegal DailyMirror Mail Daily DailyExpress News Construction Connacht Tribune Rex Christus Blackfriars Th rdcin, 2017. Productions, ucrik C. efr 2011). Wexford , Co. ( Duncormick, 2010). Wexford , Irish Remini Irish com. el, 2005. Kelly, Leeds 2004). , ( London 2015). , ( Dublin e Furrow e Bell , dir. Patricia Doherty, 2017 .

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Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Travers , P. ‘ “ Th “ ‘ P. Travers , 244 Hall , Richard Reginald Music 1870– , ‘Irish andDance inLondon, Socio- 1970: A thesis Unpublished gln . W . Ugolini , , “Th “ ‘ . W , r e t s b e W Waters , C. ‘ “ andNation ofRace in Midst: Discourses Dark Strangers”inOur avn, J J. Walvin , Immigration British the into Experience Italian the Weaving ‘ W. Ugolini , atr, B ‘Wiees n Daprc rsns:Nto, edr n Cas’ ’, Class and Gender Irishness: Nation, Diasporic and Whiteness ‘ B. Walter , B. Walter , ht . . H. J. Whyte , Th ‘ . R M., J. , Werly t , h g i e W ht . . o Mc Dsrmnto Ws Th Was Discrimination Much ‘How H. J. Whyte , il . eiqec, aclnt ad iiesi i Egad 90 90’ 1950–1970’, England in Citizenship and Masculinity ‘Delinquency, A. Wills , , . W . L , d o o W Wills , ’,C. Manchester Interwar ‘ in Feminist WorkWomen, City andthe Family: Recent Domesticity inIrish the and Selfhoods ‘Religious . C Wildman , , . C , s l l i W Winter , J. ‘ Th ‘ J. Winter , . C , s l l i W . C , s l l i W Cultural History (DPhil thesis, University of Sussex, University ofSussex, (DPhilCultural thesis, History 1994 ). 4: (ed.), O’Sullivan P. in 71 ’, rti, 97 93’ 1947–1963’, Britain, 1984). , ( Harmondsworth World War Two of Ethnic and Migration Studies Hoff C. Britain , Craig-Norton J. in Narrative ’, odn, 21 , 117–127. 2018), , ( London 93) 345–358. ( 1973), 1948–1968’, Immigration, and uln, 1980). , ( Dublin and Present History Interdisciplinary Research Studies’ Historical Contemporary , Cultural Studies ’, 1–36. (eds), 1983), O’Connell( Manchester , J. and Gallagher T. in 1921– 68?’, odn, 2018 ). , ( London 2015). , ( Cambridge 2008 ). , ( London Irish Women and Irish Migration Select bibliography Select Th Outsiders Inside: Whiteness, Place and Irish Women Place Inside: Whiteness, Outsiders : : at Neutral Island: A History ofIreland during World atNeutral History theSecond Island: A War 3 My 21 , 103–123. 2011), (May 38 oesadSrnes An Immigrant ofPost- History and Strangers: Lovers War Britain Patriots: National Identity 1940– inPatriots: National Britain 2000 Th Experiencing War in Experiencing the‘Enemy Experience Scottish as Other’: Italian asg oBian Immigration and Politics History in British Passage toBritain: Histories and Historiographies. Essays in Honour Essays ofColin Holmes and Historiographies. Histories e Generation ofMemory: Refl eGeneration eBs r evn: Emigration and Post- Are Leaving: e Best War Irish Culture A Union toBuild: Th ere Was Nothing for MeTh 17 (20 , 157–185. (2005), 187 Church in and Modern State 1923– Ireland, 1979 e Irish inManchester, eIrish 1832– 49 ’, ere’ll Always be an England”: Representations ofColonialWars anEngland”: Representations ere’ll be Always acetr, 2011). (Manchester , Cultural Studies Journal Studies ofBritish Th eIrish World Wide: History, Identity Heritage, 1:0 (20 , 363–397. (2007), 1:0 e Story ofUCATT eStory Journal of British Studies Journal ofBritish 3 01) 1295–1312. (2011), 37:9 1 01) 33–57. (2001), 15:1 Archives and Social Studies: A Journal of Archives Studies: A and Social odn n NwYr 95) 146–167. 1995), New York , and (London ere”: Irish Female ere”: Irish 1922– Emigration, a n . uhe (d) (eds), Kushner T. and man Boom” in onthe “Memory ections ere underthe Unionist Regime, 3 97) 207–238. (1997), 36:2 Irish Historical Studies Irish Historical odn, 1979). , (London Contemporary Irish Studies Contemporary 4 01) 557–584. (2001), 40:4 odn, 2002). , (London odn, 2001). , (London , 2nd edn edn 2nd , Migrant Journal Urban Urban 18:71 vol. , Past Past

Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document eogn 2 , 3 , 3 , 4 , 9 , 206, 198, 144, 139, 130, 121, belonging Bell, Th Bell, 197 truth autobiographical 28 20, remembering autobiographical 25–26 audience 27 18, 10, 5–6, 24, assimilation 10 racism anti-Irish 141 136, hostility anti-Irish 7 legacies cultural war, Anglo-Irish 189 7, Treaty Anglo-Irish confl Anglo-Irish 50–55, the emigrant, ambitious 221 1905 Act, Aliens 138 96, alienation 5 H. D. Akenson, 151 97, 38, 18, 15, agency ffl a 166–167 159, 85, manuals advice 42 41, procedures administrative diffi adjustment, 211 Gerry Adams, 12–13 10, groups activist 8 accommodation 107 91, 61–62, abandonment Note Index et oit, h 121–122 the society, uent omnte o 162 of communities : page numbers in numbers : page 212 e 0 5 , 9 4

ut o 157 of culty c , 116 8, ict italic refer to fi 51 , 60 0 6 , gures. 245 aeoia dsgain 9–10 designations categorical 29 histories case 118 Centre Irish Camden 56 Bernard Butler, 205, 203, 197, 8– 9 , 7, Britishness 35 misrule British on dependence Irish markets, British 15 , 6–7, 1, relations British–Irish 15 antagonism British–Irish 6–7 4, identity British 220 –221 vote Brexit 201–202 Rory Brady, 111 P. Bourdieu, 163 Bolton 40 38–39, Heinrich Böll, 94 P. A. Fr Boland, 172 scandal Casey Bishop 12 10–11, Angie Birtill, 197 the Six, Birmingham 154, 136, 133, 99–100, Birmingham icrie ahlcs and Catholicism discursive 221–222 9 3 223 26–27, 156 152–168 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document olno, . 107 D. Collinson, 18– 19 remembering collective 180 152, abuse clerical 48–49 of representations life, city 3 dual rights, citizenship Rex Christus 56 Workers Christian 172 Brothers Christian 119 Club Irish Chorlton 77 Iain Chambers, 78 Mary Chamberlain, 41 migration chain 106 1951 census, 94–95, 9, networks welfare Catholic 94 Bureau Welfare Catholic 85 Society Truth Catholic 57 organisations Catholic cultural Catholic-nationalist 85 journals Catholic 40 the family, Catholic 83–84 culture Catholic 118 85, Church Catholic 246 unn aant 177–181 against turning 170–171 poverty of stigmatisation 180 172–173, scandals sanctifi 171 170, of roles infl restraining 182 imperatives regulatory 179, 173, 155, 151–152, power 57–58 departure to opposition settlement virtuous of model 172–173, of critique liberationist 153 problem lapsation infl 166 149–150, of importance 153 149, from away falling 170–171 control 183 autonomy 171–173 62–63, authority 178 control patriarchal of agent as 151 agency 100 38 hegemony 181–182 167–168 179 ec 179 uence Index ain f oet 173–174 poverty of cation 3 8 ec 150 uence ogn Tm a 0 71 70, Pat Tim Coogan, 41 details contextual 153 88, consumerism 105–144 workers construction News Construction 53–54, industry construction 113 Party Conservative 49 Helena Concannon, 204, 168, 124, 28, 23, 20, composure 14 activism community Act, Immigrants Commonwealth 15 the Commonwealth, Commission to Inquire into Child 51–52 Emigration on Commission 17 Equality Racial for Commission 189 188, 3, immigrants’ ‘coloured ok rcs 113–114 process work 134 122, 112, wages 111–112 lifestyle transient 127–128 networks social 128– 125–128, the man, self-made 117–118 reputation 128–133 126–128, progression 122 113, piece-work 109 motivation 129 115–121, and masculinity 110 109, 105–106 , crisis labour infi Irish 139 138, injuries 121–128 idealised 107 homelessness 126–128 advancement economic 106–107 function discourse 164 133–138, conditions 142–144 mythology collective 120–121 111, casualism 133–134 123–124, aspirations 135–136 anxieties 121 Englishmen of absence 128–133 126– 128, Manchester 124–125 in success Irish fi Irish 3 147n.62 133, 122 120–121, 112–113, 224 221 190, 188, 1962 172 Abuse m 122–123 rms tain 105–106 ltration 123 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Discrimination and theIrish Discrimination 204, 197, 153, 11, 10, 5, discrimination 155–156 the migrant, deviant 56–57 Eamon Valera, de 65 deprivation 44 depersonalisation departure 5 denationalisation 39 Ireland demographic 83 70, Enda Delaney, 221 deindustrialisation 57 degradation 137 135–136, splitting defensive 137 24, 23, Graham Dawson, 90 82–85, venues dance and dancing 213 208–212, Kate Daly, 37 the Dáil, 150 83, adjustment of cultures 24 emotion and culture, 37 transfer cultural 20–21 of production myth, cultural 7 legacies cultural 190 forgetting cultural 37 degeneration cultural 27, 23, 20–21, the circuit, cultural 7 bias cultural 70 awkwardness cultural 223 accommodation cultural 183 174–181, 89–92, Clare Cullen, 149 Robert Fr Culhane, 94 crime 174–175 163, 92, 90–91, 88, courtship Examiner Cork 176 93, 89, 62, Cork oet, o 13 18 , 138–141, 133–138, Joe Doherty, disidentifi 149–168 Catholicism discursive enns f 70–72 of meanings justifi 69 62, 40, 39, impact emotional to opposition Church Catholic Community in Britain in Community 215 214, 57–58 36–37 21 22 , 24 29 , 213 204–209, 201–202, ain 65–70 cation ain 131 cation 176–177 1 197 11, Dublin Opinion Dublin 44 Dublin 169 3 84, 4 drinking y r w o d 107 Phillip Donnellan, 79–81 service domestic xotto 40 exportation 138, 136–137, 107, exploitation 3 in continuities experiences, of reconstruction experience, 35–38 myths exit 56 myths exile 107 71, 70, 44–45, exile 140 136–137, exclusion 220 4–6, turn ethnic mobilisation ethnic and ethnicity encounters early with English people, 132–133 27, Englishness 48, opportunities employment 24 culture and emotion, 48 loss emotional confl emotional 44 of rupturing bonds, emotional 224 150, adaption emotional 37 the problem, emigration 70–71 subjectivities emigrant 36 numbers emigrant 44 regulations embarkation 170 129–130, 5, education for1947 Economic Survey 61–62, 59–60, compulsion economic 50–56, betterment 7 economic 5 r D 112 Ealing . v e R , g i r u D 70 Laoghaire Dun ff u D oe 8 7 , 8 – 1 , 176–177 80–81, 78, 48, women , il 0 5 5 5 5 , 60, 59, 55–56, 50–55, Bill y, 205–206 214–215 144 17, 10–14, 0 8 50–55 165–166 163, 126–128 183 180, 168–171, 138–139, 134, 128–133, 125–128, c 6 – 9 , 71–72 68–69, ict , 9 4 51

105 Index 51 , , 247 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ra Bian Britain Great 55, 48, 46, 40–45, Brenda Grady, 160 158–159, Gorton 85 the emigrant’, girl ‘good 192 17, Agreement Friday Good 58 of betrayal God, 26 Glasgow 27 11, Paul Gilroy, 57 37, Patrick Giles, 11–12 Ivan Gibbons, 34n.65 the public, general 84 83, Mary Olive Garrigan, 39 idealised Ireland, Gaelic Furrow, Th 154 109 , 100, 88, freedom 207 107, forgetting 200–201 Michael Forde, 117 revival music folk 137 106, Donal Foley, 123 Paul Fletcher, 108 78, P. , Fitzgerald fi fi 179 178, 76–101, 45, femininity 63–64 virtue feminine 87–92, opportunity feminine of fantasy independence, feminine 141 13, Societies Irish of Federation 156 settlement family-centred 182 91–92, 85–86, 42, family 149 preserving faith, 248 aca puec 92 prudence nancial 115, ghting eosrcin 99 reconstruction 109–110 , 105, recovery economic 121–122 growth economic 149 population Catholic eul nwegs n 88–89 and knowledges sexual ‘Fields ofAthenry, 93–99 Th of models competing 174 86, Catholic 92 88, assertive 152–168 and selfhoods religious 142 92 78–87, 44–45 99–100 100 Index e 149 115

e’ (ballard) (ballard) e’ dniy 2 , 8 2 – 2 225 221–222, 48, 26, identity 116–118 hypermasculinity 13 strikes hunger 107 Enda Hughes, 158–159, 153–154, 110, 81, 2, housing 122 113, 112, house-building 5 P. M. Hornsby-Smith, 175 91, homesickness 122 home-ownership 159 homemaking 138 107, 10–11, homelessness 138–141 70, the homeland, 108 26, 4, 3, 1, historiography 19 of status knowledge, 12 historical 6, 5, 4, J. Mary Hickman, 152 John Hickey, 107 J. Hearn, 119–120, 109–112, Denis Heaney, 52 John Healy, 108 Liam Harte, 160 Alana Harris, 16 Stuart Hall, 117 Richard Hall, 181–182, 171, 163–168, Sean Hagan, 121 111, habitus 71–72 69, 55–56, guilt 197 the Four, Guildford 38 Nancy Green, efracs f 214 of performances 71 national 223 minority 212–215, 204, 27, 16 , 14, 4–6, Irish 4–6 turn ethnic 37 emigrant 16 cultural confl 27 collective 4 Catholic 6–7 4 , British 223–224 164 132 130, 128, 127, 126, 123–124, 121, 212–213 209, 207, 203, 201, 197–199, 195–196, 183, c 0 , 214 201, ict Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document tnrny 111–112 itinerancy 157–158 107, 100, 96, isolation Irish Times suff Irish 189 188, 7, the Question, Irish Irish Post 213, 209, 201, 193, 189 , 7–8, Irishness 39–40 ideology nationalist Irish 117 music Irish 130, 124, 121 , of myth muscle, Irish Group Representation in Britain Irish 223–224 27, 16, 14, identity Irish 9 of boundaries ethnicity, Irish 141 Care Community Irish 87 Emigration on Commission Irish 9 clubs Irish 154 associations Irish Ireland 222 215, 6–17, 5–6, invisibility 40–48 relations intrafamilial 29–30 25–26, interviews 23 reconstruction interpretative 97–98 3, inter-marriage 14 4, integration 129 insecurity 172 Schools Industrial 36 modernisation industrial 52 mobilisation industrial 112 individualism 62–70 impoverishment 94 immorality 8 immigration 222 history identity 100–101, 14, construction identity ehnig 212–215 rethinking 204 narrative militant 4–6 turn ethnic 71 discourses crisis national 138–141 of idealisation disidentifi 6 colonialism British 14 of categories racialised 224 of narratives public 215 140 132, 206 203–204, 13, 10, 224–225 222, rn, yh f 13 of myth ering, 0 1 , 1 , 15 16 , 171 155 –156, 118, 13, 10, 9 106 49, ain ih 131 with cation a Lu Bedn 10 Brendan Lau, Mac 172 Ronan McGreevy, caen Jh, John, McGahern, 150 122, 116, Donall MacAmhlaigh, 1 8 – 9 7 m m y 100 L 86–87, 69, of sense Loss, 93–99 62–70, Rosie Long, 100 86, 83, loneliness 83 Centre Rest London 10, Centre Women’s Irish London 9 Association Counties Irish London 99–100 89–92, 67, 10 –11, London 153–154 lodging-houses 22 modernity liquid 55 liberation 94–95 84, Mary of Legion 205 Richard Leese, 59–61, 53–55, 38–48, leave-taking 128–133 learning 110 controls landing 108 78, B. Lambkin, 6 Sharon Lambert, Margaret, Lally, 79–80 scheme recruitment labour 113 Party Labour 80 movement labour 142 110, 111, 105–106, market labour 110 109, 105–106, crisis labour 221 Tom Kushner, 82–83 Alan Kidd, JohnB., Keane, 199 Roy Jenkins, 16–17 Richard Jenkins, 105 A. J. Jackson, et n 93–98 End West signifi 67–68 inconsistencies narrative justifi 60 struggle internal 68–69 impact emotional 10–11 65–70 Immigrant 124–125 88–89, ain 65–70 cation at tes n 71 and others cant 151 Th Memoirs ofaMayo e Contractors Th e Barracks Index 76 – 77 7 7 – 6 7

249 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document AnnaMay,Mangan, Manchester Guardian Manchester Evening Times Manchester Evening News 86, 81–83, 59, 53–54, Manchester 172 Asylums Magdalene 100 99, Bryan McMahon, 250 ae rsn hne srks 13 strikes hunger Prison, Maze 179–180 174, 122, materialism 204, 169, 167, 60 , 59, 40, masculinity 142 self-fashioning masculine 88 Henry Bishop Marshall, 160 literature guidance marriage 85 , 47–48, life married and marriage Centre, Heritage Cheetham Irish 126–128, industry construction 83–84 culture Catholic 192–212, 1996 bombing, ok n h ln ad 111 and land the on work 136 stereotypes 125–128, the man, self-made machismo 115 –121, Irish 129 114, 107, and employment 106 of domestication 115–121, and workers construction 160 Catholic 7 5 o t t a e r h t 158–161, and selfhoods religious 87 moment redemptive a as 174–177, with dissatisfaction of understandings Catholic 97 bad 85–86 to attitudes il 194 Hill 128–133 212–214 168–169 158, 140, 136, 133, 99–100, 128–133 129 205 163–168 178–179 159–160 182 156, 184 181, Index vrus 19 135 129, virtues 115 Me and Mine

189 200 192 utcluaim 1 , 1 – 4 , 215 13– 14, 10, multiculturalism 87 mourning 189 7, Mo Moulton, 56, 50–55, 46, 42–43, 15, motivation 182 174, motherhood 94 Frank Mort, 166–167 restraint moral 84 regulation moral 57 debasement moral 166 154–155, 83–84, dangers moral 59 of devaluation work, modern of crystallisation sensibility, modern 5 status minority 222–223 history minority 110 Labour of Ministry 56 35, Kerby Miller, of politics reception, migrant 72n.6 72n.2, 3, numbers migrant 220 Mary Midgely, 200 attack pub Middleton Men Th ofArlington House, 223–224 42, memory neiblt 23 unreliability 179 uchronic 19–23 of theory 18 subaltern 20 and selfhood 209–210 reshaping 181–184 and selfhoods religious 20–21 public 167, 92, 27, 25, 19–22, production 23–25 account Kleinian 20 reconstruction interpretative 214 of function 143 of evolution 196–197 composite 215 28, communal 18–19 remembering collective 141–144 28, 21, collective 20, remembering autobiographical 6 , 169 165, 163, 89–90, 87, 79, 70, 59–60, 7 3 188–190, 138 (documentary) 8 , 223 180, 28 191

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Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document vrrwig 42 overcrowding 4 2, status outcast 39 Fintan O’Toole, 215 othering 101 29, 28, 17–26, history oral 14 history oppression Girlsto Letter to‘Open about Irish 98–99 Oldham 79 38, Sean O’Faolain, 119 John O’Dowd, 113–114 John O’Donoghue, 3–4 mobility occupation, self-determination and obligation, 118 nurses 183–184 138–141, 107, 89, nostalgia 36 William Norton, 35–38 myths exit Ireland, Northern 150 148n.95, 148n.95 Northampton 137, 136, 11, signs Irish’ ‘no 118 NHS 13– 14 mythology nationalist 67 numbers Insurance National 35 imaginaries national 71 Ireland discourse, crisis national 11 belonging national 24–25 reconciliation narrative narration 220 28, 27–28, myths 6 racism multicultural eoey prahs 18 – 19 approaches recovery 23 production narrative 19–20 inter-subjectivity narrative 21 ecology narrative 19–25 and memory 25 –26 interviews 19 mediation discursive 18–19 contribution 44 consciousness of stream 41–42 mode relational 142–144 of meaning 181 of importance 35–38 exit 56 exile mgae A’ Gria) 83 (Garrigan) An’ Emigrate, 38–55 eiist 152 religiosity 200 Michael Reilly, 86 84, discourse regulatory 165 regret 78–87 women redemption, 41 schemes recruitment 18 history recovery 221 220, 197, 5, racism 98 tensions racial 10 8, purity racial 5 relations race 58–62 Paul Quinn, 97 purity 20–21 memory public 153 housing public 11 Army Republican Irish Provisional 95–96 prostitution 110 discourse producerist 180 172 –173, 156, 152, priests 13, 1974 Act, Terrorism of Prevention 89–92 experiences pre-marriage 84 sex pre-marital 45 powerlessness 154 Richard Power, 170 62–70, poverty 4–5 discourse post-war 36–37 crisis post-war 8 immigrants post-colonial 179 29, Alessandro Portelli, 106 male Irish-born population, Th Memory Popular 20 Group Memory Popular 48 8, culture popular 168–169 Pioneers 122 113, piece-work 92 91, 64–65, development personal 160 commemoration personal 56 35, 8 Patrick 7 Pearse, y h c 56–57 r patriotism a i r t a p acetr ob 19 192–212, 1996 bomb, Manchester campaign bombing 212–214 203–204 197, 224–225 oy 1 223, 1, eory 194 Index , 196–197 , 251 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document ef te 2 , 8 37 28, 25, the self, 5 2, segregation 97 secularisation 52 migrants seasonal 19 Joan Scott, 106 Scotland 220 Raphael Samuel, 188–189 sameness 2 Salford 77 6, Louise Ryan, 58–60 45–47, 40–41, life rural 58–60 belonging rural 116 Rugby 192 Leonard Rose, 2 Robert Roberts, 4 2–3, perspective revisionist 175–177 migration return 99 52, returnees 65 of sense responsibility, 150 118–119, 13, respectability 117–118 reputation oftheIrish Poor ontheState Report onIrish Workers Report in London 149–184 selfhoods religious 97–98 leakage religious of renunciation authority, religious fi authority religious 252 eeto o 4 – 1 , 4 – 0 , 55–56, 49 – 50, 40–41, of rejection 55 50–53, 45–47, of limitations Church the against turning 183 168–181, reworking 183 of privatisation 149 faith preserving 181–184 and memory 163–168 158–161, and marriage 152–168 and family 166 and circumstances economic and Catholicism discursive 168–171 contestation 162 belonging of communities 152–168 and belonging 7 7 , 8 – 6 , 2 , 5 , 165–166 156, 126, 85–86, 79, 57, 142 177–181 149–168 152 Index ue 62–63 gures 5 8 tga o dsrin 55–72 desertion of stigma, 57 – 58 L. R. Fr Stevenson, 142 136, 106 , 2 9, stereotypes s u t a t s 4–5 the state, 153 142, living of standards 95 spectatorship 6 Sean Sorohan, 19 Margaret 62 Somers, Paul de Vincent St of Society 15 transformation societal 149 83, Catholic workers, social 155 problematisation social 150 127–128, networks social 121–122, 88, 3–4, 2, mobility social 82 47, life social 155 socialisation 169–170 expectations social diff social 221 cohesion social 10–11 Jim Smellie, 97 88, sin signifi 97–98 Leonard Fr Sheil, 192 Derek Shaw, 171 96, 71–72, 62–70, shame 88–89 knowledges sexual 95 danger sexual 94 crimes sexual 95 94, industry sex 168 self-reconstruction 125–128, the man, self-made 20 16–17, 15, 4, selfhood self-fulfi 91 self-expression 173 88, self-development obligation and self-determination, 108 101, self-construction 55 self-authorship edrd 152 gendered 223–224 turn ethnic 62–70 of images opposing 44 of loss 182 of models Catholic 3 , 152–153 130, 147n.62 140, 128–133, 38–55 at tes rls f 165 of roles others, cant mn 65 lment rnito 131–132 erentiation Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document itmsto 9 , 0 , 210 201, 197, victimisation 45 victimhood 126–127 capitalists venture 55 values 112 reconstruction urban 123–124 America of States United 81 unfairness 221 Wendy Ugolini, Tuam Herald 190 22, 12–13, 11, 6, the Troubles, 41 restrictions travel 48–49 15, networks transnational 22 communication transnational 49–50 of narrative transition, 114 Towcester 222 John Tosh, Th Th 192–212, terrorism 117 114–115, M. J. A. Sykes, 212, 209, 206–207, 184, suspicion Summerfi 143–144 change subjective 24 subject-formation 18 memory subaltern 18 17, Laura Ann Stoler, mo, lsar 1 , 8 34n.65, 18, 17, Alistair omson, 220 Paul ompson, hthl bm, 93 1973 bomb, Whitehall 212–215 rethinking 198 murders political ffi o 200 attack pub Middleton 192–212, 1996 bomb, Manchester confl identity 214–215 199 –200, discourse British 136 hostility anti-Irish il ersnain o 193 of representations cial 212–214 101 77–78, 1 , 215 213, l, en 5 101 25, Penny eld, 9 4 c ad 22 214 202, and ict 194

194 on Crsin okr 84 Workers Christian Young 221 xenophobia affl class, working 118–119 ethic work women 71 Clair Wills, 93–94 wideboys 8–9 whitewashing 215 16, 6, whiteness 18 homogeneity white 200 Henry West, 155 153, welfarism 188 State Welfare 156–163 , 55, 45–48, Aileen Walsh, 164–165 79–81 Wales 134, 122, 112, 88, 81, wages Catholic model settlement, virtuous ae 81 wages 78 48, 46–47, 40, of status 88 mobility social 49 40–41, life rural of rejection 78–87 redemption 83 pitfalls potential 99–100 87–92, opportunities 160 obligations maternal 76–101 liminality representations historiographical 100 81, 79, freedom 38–48 leave-taking of experience 77 empowerment 78, 48, opportunities employment 93–98 facing dangers 42–43 aspirations 77 7 7 176–177 80–81, 183 181–182, 178, 177, 171, 168, 167–168 of et 106 uent Index 253 Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document Review copy © Copyright protected it is illegal to copy or distribute this document