City of Knowledge in Twentieth Century Iran

This book presents a cultural history­ of modern Iran from the point of view of Shiraz, a city famous for its poetry and its traditions of scholarship. Exploring the relationship among his­tory, poetry and pol­itics, the book ana­lyzes how Shiraz came to be defined as the country’s­ cultural capital, and explains how Iranians have used the concept of culture as a way of thinking about themselves, their past and their relationship with the rest of the world. Weaving together a theor­et­ical approach with extensive ethnographic research, the book suggests a model to integrate broad concerns with a nuanced ana­lysis of Iran’s cultural traditions and practices. The author’s interdisciplinary approach sheds light on how contempor­ ­ary Iranians relate to classical Persian poetry; on the relationship between expressive forms and the polit­ical imagination; and on the different ways teachers, professors, cultural managers, poets and scholars think and work. He de­scribes how his­tory and poetry are the two dominant modes to talk about the past, present and future of the town and demon­ ­strates that the question of knowledge­ is crucial to an understanding of the political­ and existential dimensions of life in Iran today. This book will be a major contri­ ­bu­tion to the current effort to move away from nationalist views of Iranian history­ and culture, and as such will be of great inter­est to scholars of cultural anthropology, his­tory, Middle Eastern studies and Iranian studies.

Setrag Manoukian is an Italian anthropologist and histor­ ­ian of modern Iran. He is an assistant professor at the Institute of Islamic Studies and the Department of Anthropology at McGill University in Montreal, Canada. Iranian Studies Edited by Homa Katouzian University of Oxford and Mohamad Tavakoli University of Toronto

Since 1967 the International Society for Iranian Studies (ISIS) has been a leading learned soci­ety for the advancement of new approaches in the study of Iranian soci­ety, his­tory, culture and liter­at­ure. The new ISIS Iranian Studies series published by Routledge will provide a venue for the pub­lication of ori­ginal and innov­at­ive schol­arly works in all areas of Iranian and Persianate Studies.

1 Journalism in Iran From mission to profession Hossein Shahidi

2 Sadeq Hedayat His work and his wondrous world Homa Katouzian

3 Iran in the 21st Century Politics, economics and confrontation Homa Katouzian and Hossein Shahidi

4 Media, Culture and Society in Iran Living with globalization and the Islamic State Mehdi Semati

5 Modern Persian Literature in Afghanistan Anomalous visions of history and form Wali Ahmadi

6 The Politics of Iranian Cinema Film and society in the Islamic Republic Saeed Zeydabadi-Nejad­

7 Continuity in Iranian Identity Resilience of a cultural heritage Fereshteh Davaran 8 New Perspectives on Safavid Iran Empire and society Edited by Colin P. Mitchell

9 Islamic Tolerance Amir Khusraw and pluralism Alyssa Gabbay

10 City of Knowledge in Twentieth Century Iran Shiraz, history and poetry Setrag Manoukian

11 Domestic Violence in Iran Women, marriage and Islam Zahra Tizro

City of Knowledge in Twentieth Century Iran Shiraz, history and poetry

Setrag Manoukian First published 2012 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Ave, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2012 Setrag Manoukian The right of Setrag Manoukian to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Manoukian, Setrag. City and knowledge in twentieth century Iran: Shiraz, history and poetry/Setrag Manoukian. p. cm. – (Iranian studies; v. 10) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Shiraz (Iran)–History–20th century. 2. Shiraz (Iran)–Social life and customs–20th century. 3. Shiraz (Iran)–Intellectual life. 4. City and town life–Iran–Shiraz–History–20th century. 5. Persian poetry–Iran–Shiraz. I. Title. DS325.S52M36 2011 955'.72–dc22 2011014004 ISBN: 978-0-415-78328-6 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-80249-6 (ebk) Typeset in Baskerville by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear Contents

List of figures viii Acknowledgments x A note on transliterations and permissions xii

Introduction: city of knowledge 1 1 The territory of Shiraz 11 2 Time, space and culture 42 3 Editing culture 62 4 Writing the history of Shiraz 107 5 Tensions in the city of knowledge 134 6 History and poetry 170 Conclusions 203

Notes 206 Bibliography 234 Index 252 Figures

1.1 Page from Fursat Shîrâzî (1896: 479) 17 1.2 Image 17 (Persepolis) in Fursat (1896: between 136 and 137) 18 1.3 Frontispiece of Kânûn-i Dânish (1954) 29 1.4 Photograph of Persepolis’ stairway in Bassîrî (1959: 2) 33 1.5 Calligraphy of ‘Alî in the shape of a ship, Noah’s ark. in Bassîrî (1959: 4) 33 2.1 Iskilits, Shiraz, 2001 43 2.2 Restored pavilion of the University of Shiraz 43 3.1 Column in Valî ‘Asr Square, 1996 63 3.2 Column in Valî ‘Asr Square, 2001 63 3.3 Ten rial currency with Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s face “edited” 66 3.4 Abandoned entrance to one of the buildings of the University of Shiraz School of Medicine, Karîm Khân Zand Boulevard, 1996 67 3.5 Ruins of the Central Post Office building, located behind the Arg Karîm Khân, in the background the wall of one of the administrative buildings from the time of Karîm Khan, Shiraz, 2001 69 3.6 Underpass in Karîm Khân Zand Boulevard near Shahrdârî Square, Shiraz, 2001 69 3.7 Demolition in the old neigh­bor­hoods; in the background, the dome of Shâh Çirâgh, Shiraz, 1996 70 3.8 The Shah and the Queen at the inauguration of the Mausoleum of the poet Sa‘dî, 1952 76 3.9 Inscription about the construction of the 1952 mausoleum of the poet Sa‘dî, with upper portion missing, Shiraz 2001 77 3.10 Dedication page from the first edition of Afsar (1974) 86 3.11 Dedication page from the second edition of the same book (Afsar 1995) 86 3.12 ‘Alî Asghar Hikmat “edited” into a photo­graph of a group gathered at the tomb of the poet Hâfiz (Imâmî 1990: 195) 89 Figures ix 3.13 Building of the Office of the Ministry of Culture, Shiraz, 2001 94 4.1 Map of the area of Shiraz discussed with the teacher 110 4.2 Cycling club, Shiraz, 1950s 143 4.3 Celebration for the Barâdarân party, Vakil Mosque, Shiraz, 1950s 145 4.4 Diagram for a proposed Islamic Teachers’ Association, Shiraz, 1980 149 Acknowledgments

I began learning about Iran and Shiraz during my university education in Italy, my home coun­try. This linguistic and textual encounter turned into an ethnographic one in 1989 when I traveled to Iran for a six-month­ stay. I visited Shiraz almost every summer during the 1990s and spent eight­een months there between June 1996 and Decem­ber 1997. I thank the Doc- toral Program in Anthropology and History, the Rackham School of Graduate Studies and the International Institute, all at the University of Michigan, as well as the American­ Institute of Iranian Studies, for funding this segment of the research. I returned to Shiraz during the summers of 2001 and 2003, thanks to a grant from Italy’s CNR and research founds from the Università di Milano-­Bicocca. I thank McGill University for offer- ing me a start-up­ grant to complete research and writing. The follow­ ing­ pages are the result of my encounters with people in Shiraz who welcomed me with immense generosity. It is not pos­sible to name all of them here. I thank ‘Alî Rizâ Anûshirvânî, Mr. Çamankhâh, Kurûsh Kamâlî-Sarvistânî, ‘Abd al-­Rasul Khayrandîsh, Qâsim Kâkâ’î, Mr. Nizâmzâda, Mansûr Rastigâr and Jamshîd Sidâqatkîsh. The staff of the Encyclopedia of Fars has been very sup­portive. ‘Alî Asghar Sayfî has offered me his time, advice and immense know­ledge about Shiraz: the book could not have been written without his help. I am grateful to the late ‘Alî Akbar Nûrîzâda who accepted me in his bookstore even if I was so different from his regu­lar visitors. I wish to express my gratitude to the late Âyatullâh Majd al-dîn­ Mahallâtî who so kindly talked to me about his father, to his son Amîr Mahallâtî for facilitating visits to his seminary and Muhammad Barakat for his advice and help in consulting the library. Hâshim Sidqâmîz is a true friend and the best intellectual interlocutor one could find. We discussed, agreed and disagreed. Many of the central ideas of the book developed from these exchanges and Hâshim’s infinite suggestions. At the University of Michigan, Brinkley Messick, Sally Humphreys, Val- entine E. Daniel and Juan Cole were a tremend­ ­ous source of inspiration and support.­ Continuing dialogues with them have kept guiding my think- ing. I thank Marty Baker, Laurent Dubois, Paul Eiss, Elisabeth Ferry, Jim Herron, Nadim Hussein, Oren Kosanski, Joseph Parvis, Penelope Papalias, Acknowledgments xi David Pedersen, Steven Pierce and Lucine Taminian, for ­discussing with me parts of the manuscript and engaging in open-­ended conversations. Probing chats with Anupama Rao have been among the rewards of this endeavor. During fieldwork and the initial writing pro­cess, Mandana Limbert engaged with every aspect of this work and con­trib­uted to shaping my thoughts and sentences. I thank Nicholas Dirks for welcoming me as a Sawyer Fellow at Colum- bia University in 2002 and Hamid Dabashi for his perceptive comments on my talk. At the MIT Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture, Nasser Rabat and Heghnar Watenpaugh guided me in reflecting on architectural his­tory. I thank Jocelyne Dakhlia for imaginative conversations and for inviting me to her seminar at the EHSS in Paris, the perfect place to present the project.­ At the Università di Firenze and Università di Milano-­ Bicocca, far-reaching­ dialogs on anthropological issues with Alice Bellag- amba, Ugo Fabietti, Roberto Malighetti, Claudia Mattalucci, Leonardo Piasere and Mauro Van Aken solidified and expanded my approach. Dis- cussions about the pub­lic sphere with Armando Salvatore have also been precious occasions to think about Italian intellectual forms of life and their dislocations. At the Institute of Islamic Studies at McGill, I have the fortune to engage in daily exchanges with Malek Abisaab, Rula Abisaab, Michelle Hartman, Laila Parsons, Jamil Ragep and Robert Wisnovsky. I thank them for welcom- ing and constantly sup­porting an Italian ethnographer, and sharing with him so many insights about the study of intellectual practices. In the Depart- ment of Anthropology, conversations with Andre Costopoulos, Nicole Couture, Eduardo Kohn, John Galaty, Ron Niezen, Kristin Norget, Tobias Rees, Lisa Stevenson and Ismael Vaccaro pushed me to elaborate on my vision of anthropology. I spent pleasant hours around Montreal discussing the city of know­ledge with Wilson Jacob, Michelle Hartman, Andrew Ivaska and Najat Rahman, who all provided comments and critiques on chapters in the most sup­porting manner. With her know­ledge, sensibility and smile Homa Hoodfar renewed my aware­ness of the complexity of Iranian soci­ety. Endless conversations with Farbod Honarpisheh about “our” city refined my approach; his textual and internet research has been amazing. Steven Caton, Arang Keshavarzian, Naveeda Khan and Afshin Matin-­Asghari, and most of all, Michael Gilsenan read and offered seminal comments on all or part of the manuscript. Carin McCormack invaluably helped in editing por- tions of the manuscript. I thank Hussam Ahmed, Katrin Dinkel, Katoyun Haqiqi, Kianoosh Hashemzadeh and Shirin Radjavi who assisted me at dif- ferent stages of the production pro­cess. I am grateful to Mohamad Tavakoli-­ Targhi and Homa Katouzian for welcoming the book in their series. I owe my overall understanding of the culture of Iran to the late Hamid Reza Baharloo and the late Herman Vahramian. There could not have been two more different intellectual styles, and yet, in their incommensurabil­ity, they were both part of what I call the city of knowledge. A note on transliteration and permissions

I transliter­ ­ate Persian words and sentences fol­low­ing a simplified version of the International Journal for Middle Eastern Studies transliteration sys­tem, except for names like Reza Shah, Pahlavi, Khomeini, Khamenei, or names of places like Shiraz and Tehran which I have rendered in their commonly used English forms. I have used diacritics only for indicating the dif­fer­ ence between short and long vowels. Dates are expressed in ce with Iranian solar dates in parentheses. When the year is followed by an “H” it indicates a Hijri year. I thank Palgrave Macmillan for granting permis­ ­sion to reprint the photo­graphs on pages 68 and 71 and text from pages 73 to 77 from Manoukian, S. (2005). “Power, Religion and the Effects of Publicness in Twentieth Century Shiraz” in M. Levine and A. Salvatore (eds) Religion, Social Practice, and Contested Hegemonies: Reconstructing the Public Sphere in Muslim Majority Societies, Palgrave, New York, 57–83. Introduction City of knowledge

When President Obama addressed the people and gov­ern­ment of Iran on March 20th, 2009 he invited them to a “new beginning” in mutual rela­ tions by framing his polit­ical pro­posi­tion with ref­er­ences to the his­tory and culture of Iran. Obama’s carefully crafted speech reached its rhet­ orical climax when he quoted the verse “the children­ of Adam are limbs to each other, created of one essence” by the twelfth century poet Sa‘dî, one of the most revered figures from Shiraz, a city in Iran known through the centuries as the Abode of Knowledge. Why are Iranians so invested in their culture, his­tory and, most of all, in their poetry that the US administration believed an appeal to these could make a signific­ ­ant dif­fer­ence? What is the relationship between his­tory, poetry and politics­ in Iran? How is it that the city of Shiraz is at the center of this constellation? Obama’s invitation was quickly superseded by the events of June 2009 when people took to the streets all over Iran to protest what they considered­ the unfair election of President Ahmadinejad to a second term. These questions how­ever have remained rel­ev­ant and offer an im­port­ant vantage point to understand contempor­ ­ary Iran, up to recent events. City of Knowledge addresses these questions by offering a genealogical eth­nography­ of his­tory and poetry in con­tempor­ary Iran. It argues that a study of the workings of knowledge­ in Iran is essential for understanding how Iranians relate to each other, to their country­ and to the world. While most of the current discussions about Iran center on either religion or nuclear strategy,­ this book dem­on­strates that the question of know­ledge is crucial to an understanding of the polit­ical and existential dimensions of life in Iran today.1 City of Knowledge’s his­tor­ical and ethnographic perspect­ ­ive privileges the ana­lysis of pro­cesses of know­ledge formation without taking indi­viduals and categor­ ­ies for granted. Researching the question of know­ledge, in Iran or elsewhere, one risks approaching know­ledge as a collection of texts, images and objects separated from the pro­cess of their production. As a con­sequence, one loses sight of the his­tor­ical conjunctures in which such know­ledge has been produced. When this happens, the his­tory of 2 Introduction: city of knowledge Iran turns into a collection of unrelated facts. Or, conversely, one turns know­ledge into an ab­stract human faculty and cannot account for the spe­ cificity of the cat­egor­ies at play, nor examine the ways in which subjects of know­ledge are themselves constituted out of contingences.2 In this case, trans­forma­tions are explained by identi­fying a stable and transhis­tor­ical “Iranian” character. Michel Foucault confronted this problem­ throughout his writings. He argued that the study of know­ledge should proceed through a series of “dislocations” to avoid positing a subject (Iran in our case) as self-­ contained and self-­explanatory. First, working to uncouple the study of know­ledge from the question of the subject, he oriented his analysis­ to the his­tor­ical study of concrete domains of know­ledge (savoirs). Second, he combined the his­tor­ical study of domains of know­ledge with an ana­lysis of their relationships with what he called “techniques of power,” the hetero­ geneous network of practices and discourses that or­gan­ize social life. Third, towards the end of his life, he linked the ana­lysis of domains of know­ledge and techniques of power to the study of the self, returning full circle to the question of subject formation – albeit from a different per­ spect­ive (Foucault 2008: 5–7, 41–42). City of Knowledge poses the question of know­ledge through this three­ fold dislocation. The book attends to the ways in which forms of know­ ledge, his­tory and poetry, in par­ticu­lar, have been constitutive of modern Iran. It combines this analysis­ with a discussion of the techniques of power that have operated at the intersection of these forms of know­ledge, what could be called the arts of gov­ern­ment of the Pahlavi mon­archy first and the Islamic Repub­lic sub­sequently. Finally it draws connections between the disjunction and interrelation of these two aspects with the pro­cess of self-­formation, by interrogating the ways in which Iranians have been fash­ ioning themselves in relation to the domains of history­ and poetry and the techniques of power that sustained them. The book pursues the ana­lysis of forms of know­ledge, techniques of power and pro­cesses of subject formation through a his­tor­ical and ethno­ graphic investigation. The scope of the research is genealogical. I am inter­ested in reflecting retrospectively on how certain people, books and events became rel­ev­ant in the formation of Shiraz as city of knowledge.­ For this reason I privilege mater­ial that appears em­blem­atic in this regard, foregrounding singular books and people rather than aiming at present­ ing an overview of the whole.3 The book is also, and foremost, an anthro­ pological inquiry that considers­ the making of cultural categor­ ­ies, his­tory among them. While deploying history­ as a tool for dislocating the self-­ containment of something called Iran or know­ledge, the book turns these questions into a reflection on the egory cat­ of his­tory itself and its formation.4 Introduction: city of knowledge 3 Shiraz, province of the twentieth century Foucault’s three conceptual dislocations adopted in the book cor­res­pond to a geographical displacement. Most work on con­tempor­ary Iran focuses on the capital Tehran, usually con­sidered representative of the whole coun­try.5 This focus is justified by the relev­ance the capital has in polit­ical and sociological terms. However, the after-­effect of this concentration on Tehran is an ana­lyt­ical posture that posits either the state and/or the nation as the starting points of the ana­lysis, obliterating the multiplicity of convergences and divergences from which both these constituencies emerge. In order to make this multiplicity rel­ev­ant, the book examines the question of know­ledge in Iran from the point of view of Shiraz, the Iranian “city of know­ledge” par excellence, today heralded as the cradle of the culture of Iran. Shiraz is located in the south of Iran and counts today a popula­ ­tion of about a million and a half. The lands sur­round­ing the plain of Shiraz were founda­tional for the two major dynasties of pre-­Islamic Iran, the Achaeme­ nids (550–330 bce) and the Sassanids (206–651 ce). Ever since, Shiraz and its region, known as Fars, have been in­teg­ral to histories of Iran. A saying of the prophet Muhammad describes­ the people of Fars as seekers of know­ledge who would reach the stars to find what they are looking for.6 Moreover, the region of Fars – Persia in its Greek translation – came to signify for Europe the whole of the Iranian plateau, its people and culture as well as one of its major languages, Farsi.7 Since its foundation­ in the eighth century ce, Shiraz was known as a cultural center, as the birthplace of revered poets, mystics, sci­ent­ists and scholars. The verses of the Shirazi poets Sa‘dî and Hâfiz are often quoted today to express what is believed to be the existential core of the Iranian people. Fabled among Iranians and orientalists alike, Shiraz represents every­thing that is supposed to stand for the great Iranian civilization that Obama evoked in his speech and Irani­ ans the world over are proud of.8 Today, the centrality of Shiraz in the imagination of Iranians and for­ eigners stands in contrast to its rel­at­ive mar­ginality as a provincial city, eco­ nomically­ and politically­ depend­ ­ent on Tehran. This apparent contra­dic­tion provides a unique “provincial” viewpoint on con­tempor­ary Iran. Representing neither a national per­spect­ive from the capital Tehran, nor a purely local view from a self-­contained city, City of Knowledge pro­ poses the viewpoint of Shiraz as a “province” to highlight how local, national and global dimensions are mutually constituted.9 This ori­ginal vantage point enables reflections on some of the key questions that concern contempor­ ­ary Iran: the pol­itics of the Islamic Repub­lic and the des­tiny of the revolu­tion; the urban ex­plo­sion and its existential and cul­ tural effects; and the relationship with the West and the world at large. A provincial per­spect­ive con­siders these issues by keeping in mind the relev­ ance of the nation, while not positing it as their endpoint. 4 Introduction: city of knowledge The book is both an engagement with, and an extension­ of, recent works in anthropology and his­tory that are questioning the manner in which the study of Iran’s pol­itics, his­tory and know­ledge are normally reduced to discussions of polit­ical Islam (e.g., Grigor 2004; Najmabadi 2005; Schayegh 2009; Tavakoli-­Targhi 2001; Varzi 2006). Though these recent inter­ven­tions have paid attention to the contingent genealogies of Iranian modernity, they have also taken the relationship between Iranian nationalism and Euro­pean modernity as constitutive. By taking a “provin­ cial” viewpoint and analyzing the mater­ial and ideational circumstances sur­round­ing specific forms of know­ledge, my book shows how the nation and Europe are only two among several interjecting domains in the making of modern Iran.10 The per­spect­ive on Shiraz shows how the field of “culture” (farhang) came to occupy an equally if not more signi­fic­ant place in the pro­cess of subject formation. Intersecting but not coinciding with either nationalism or the conflicted relationship with Europe, “culture” became one of the pri­mary venues for self-­identification in twen­ tieth century Iran. As I will discuss in relation to Shiraz, culture became the conceptual ground upon which Iranians de­veloped different or even oppos­ite views of the nation, Islam and the very idea of themselves.

City of knowledge The term dâr al-‘ilm, Abode of Knowledge, was used in the early centuries after the hijra to describe­ a library and a place of learning.11 The epithet was also used to refer to cities renowned as centers of learning, Shiraz among them. According to the Shirazi scholar Sadr al-dîn Mahallâtî (Kânûn-i Dânish 1954), the city acquired the title dâr al-‘ilm in 1665 (1066 H), when the Safavid Shah ‘Abbâs II issued a docu­ment officially conferring the title to Shiraz in recog­ ­ni­tion of the large number of schol­ ars and schools in the city. Here, the term ‘ilm refers to several intercon­ nected domains of scholarship centered around but not limited to theo­logy and jurisprudence. The term also refers to the social relationship embedded in the institutions for higher learning (madrasas) and in the scholars (‘ulamâ’) who frequented them. Whether, as Mahallâtî argued, dâr al-‘ilm referred exclusively to the ‘ulamâ’ of Shiraz or included other forms of know­ledge, in the nine­teenth and twentieth centuries the term dâr al-‘ilm was often used more broadly to indicate the disposition of Shiraz and its inhabitants towards know­ledge. In these writings Shiraz is the city embodying know­ledge as a quality of people and things, reflected in its generations of grammarians, theo­lo­gians, philo­sophers, mystics and poets, and nurtured by its equally famous pleasant gardens and climate.12 City of Knowledge appropriates the epithet dâr al-‘ilm to con­sider the making of Shiraz as an emblem of the culture of Iran. Although inspired by traditional etymologies and epithets, the book is not concerned with their origins or authenticity and uses the title as a descriptive construct to Introduction: city of knowledge 5 examine the production of know­ledge in and about Shiraz and the con­ ditions that enabled it in the twentieth century. The book examines three intertwined pro­cesses. First, the book inquires into forms of know­ledge, notably his­tory and poetry and their production in Shiraz.13 By analyzing texts, authors and contexts,­ the book de­scribes the modalities through which these forms are constituted and ana­lyzes their truth claims, whether sci­ent­ific, national and/or existential. It argues that history­ and poetry contrib­ ­uted to giving shape to the notion of an Iranian “culture” (farhang) that worked as a ground for subject formation. Second, the book shows how these forms of know­ledge intertwine with a diverse set of social practices in and around Shiraz. My aim is to discuss how his­tor­ical and liter­ ­ary writings relate to the process­ of urban trans­ forma­tion, to the changing organ­iza­tion of the state and to a series of practices such as social gath­er­ings and bookstore conversations. Only by con­sidering these practices in their variety is it pos­sible to show the extent to which they all interrelate in the making of Shiraz as city of know­ledge. However, rather than offering a generic overview of this vast set, I ana­lyze in detail a limited number of examples to explain the changing “tech­ niques of power” at play. I show how the vision of Shiraz as a city of culture came to be linked with the new organ­iza­tion of the Pahlavi state and its forms of domination through a diverse set of initiatives from city planning to scholarship on Achaemenids; how this vision was shared by people with oppos­ite polit­ical views; how it was “reversed” after the revolu­tion and infused with new ideas that made it even more resilient, up to the present. By linking the production of know­ledge to techniques of power, without drawing a mechanical­ connection between the two, I aim at discussing the “arts of gov­ern­ment” of twentieth century Iran and the relev­ance of culture, history­ and poetry in par­ticu­lar, for their implementation. Third, the book discusses how these practices are also processes­ of self-­ formation, ways in which norm­ative ideas about how one should be in relation to oneself and to others are implemented and contested, and how in the course of the twentieth century both his­tory and poetry have become rel­at­ively autonom­ ­ous ethical fields that sanction­ the propriety of certain behaviors and thoughts. I reflect on how history­ and poetry in Iran set norms for considering­ what is right and what is wrong, what is true and what is false. While connected to religious and polit­ical ideas, these norms are seen as auto­nom­ous from either and acquire resilience because of this perceived inde­pend­ence. Poetry in par­ticu­lar, falling on both sides of the religious/secular divide and invoked for the most diverse visions of the nation and beyond, appears as a par­ticu­larly effect­ive “tech­no­logy of the self,” which provides a ground for different kinds of claims. Poetry is con­sidered as the discourse that sustains and gives expression to human exist­ence. Sa‘dî’s verses imme­diately fol­low­ing the one quoted by Obama con­tinue: “When the calamity of time affects one limb/ the other limbs 6 Introduction: city of knowledge cannot remain at rest. If you have no sympathy­ for the trouble of others/ You are unworthy to be called human” (Sa‘dî 1928: 19, modified). The versatility and power of this poetry make it amen­able to appropria­ tions such as the one by Obama or those by Iranians of opposite­ concerns. Whether poetry will actu­ally be the premise for a new beginning or just an isolated episode is not for this book to say. What City of Knowledge dem­on­ strates is the force of this poetic discourse and practice and more broadly that of knowledge­ as a key element in the articulation of power and, there­ fore, in pro­cesses of self-­formation among Iranians. As the verses by Sa‘dî quoted by Obama highlight, far from being a simple refer­ ­ence to a nationalized Iranian culture, the Shiraz viewpoint is a malleable trajectory that carries with it a differently in­ter­pretable ethos, a relation between self, other and the world that can be redeployed to sustain different polit­ical and existential projects.

Outline of the book Chapter 1 focuses on the construction of Shiraz as a city of knowledge­ in the twentieth century. It opens with an analysis­ of a book on the history­ and geo­graphy of Shiraz and the region of Fars written at the end of the nine­teenth century. I show how a new configuration of the ancient past became a novel terrain on which an auto­nom­ous subject was to exercise reason, a pro­cess linked to the reorgan­iza­tion of the state under the Pahl­ avis in the fol­low­ing decades. Shiraz was constituted as a province and an object of know­ledge: new avenues and administrative buildings were erected and its liter­ ­ate arts were celeb­ ­rated as expressions of Iran’s ancient civilization. The chapter details the trans­forma­tions of this field of know­ ledge and its articulation as a prescriptive ground named “culture” (farhang) up to the end of the Pahlavi period, when institutions such as the Pahlavi university and events such as the Festival of the Arts were sup­ posed to locate Shiraz at the center of the monarchy’s­ vision of a secular, modernized and “cultured” Iran. Chapter 2 examines the spatio-­temporal reconfiguration of the city in relation to the revolu­tion of 1979. It ana­lyzes space, time and culture in terms of the reversal of the mon­archic order, a per­vasive­ trope in the Islamic Repub­lic. The revolu­tion brought with it a con­tinu­ous incitement to turn the order of things upside down. The pri­mary quality of the new order invaded every realm and demanded a constant inter­ven­tion into things, from the issues of the day to people and books. These acts of reversal asserted new beginnings but inev­it­ably recalled the past if only to deny it. By con­sidering how this “technique of power” has affected every­thing from buildings to the production of know­ledge, the chapter de­scribes how the afterlife of the revolution­ is depend­ ent­ on its continu­ ous­ reassertion. Chapter 3 focuses on the production of know­ledge in con­tempor­ary Shiraz. It concentrates on what I term editing, a set of diverse practices that Introduction: city of knowledge 7 characterize the production of pub­lic know­ledge. These practices rework words, images and objects from the past to make them conform to what is acceptable­ in the Islamic Republic­ in ways that make evident­ a process­ of superimposition. This, in turn, effects a revelation of the experiential “reality” underneath: a domain of depth, secrecy and truth that lies beneath the public­ surface. While, as many have noted, there is no par­ticular­ coher­ ence or uniformity in the key practices of governance in the Islamic Repub­ lic, I demon­ strate­ how editing reinforces the bifurcation between surface and depth, pub­lic and secret, lies and truth which many scholars and journ­ alists­ take as the political­ and existential mark of collect­ ive­ and individual­ life in Iran. Detailing the editing practices of several pub­lic and private insti­ tutions in Shiraz as they reframe the past of the city and its cultural her­it­age, this chapter brings into focus par­ticularities­ of the art of governing embed­ ded in editing and the entailments of making things public. Chapters 4 and 5 move from pub­lic streets to a private library. This change of location cor­res­ponds to an al­tern­ative genea­logy of Shiraz as city of know­ledge. In these chapters, I recount the conversations between a retired high school teacher and myself on the cultural his­tory of Shiraz. The teacher has a rich library of books and documents­ on Shiraz and is himself part of the his­tory I am researching. Born and raised in Shiraz, he has been an active particip­ ­ant in political­ events since the 1950s and has a crit­ical and discerning eye on his city and Iran. He embodies the idea of Shiraz as city of know­ledge. Our collaborative endeavor is to set the his­tor­ ical record straight: to amend the super­fi­ciality of avail­able nar­rat­ives on Shiraz and account for its richness and complexity. For the teacher this implies celeb­rat­ing the com­mun­ity of people that he sees central to Shiraz as city of knowledge.­ For the ethnographer it is a chance to consider­ know­ ledge in the making. The outcome is a fragmented account that chal­ lenges some of the presuppositions of its pub­lic version while reinforcing the idea of Shiraz as city of knowledge. Chapter 4 introduces the discussions between the teacher and myself in the form of a conceptual and mater­ial cartography of the city. This mapping pro­cess also delineates the contours of our relationship: the area that brought us together but also delimited our exchange. We talk about a set of buildings representing different engagements with know­ledge: the school (madrasa), the shrine (imâmzâda), the mys­tical brotherhood’s­ lodge (khâniqâh). Evoking people and places we also outline several approaches to know­ledge and the social relationships that they entail. These relation­ ships are not unique to Shiraz, but the teacher makes them specific by pointing out a distinctive Shirazi “line of conduct” (khatt): scholars, mystics and devotees in their different, sometimes oppos­ite, approaches, share a com­mitment­ for the city and Islam that translates into a social concern for equity and the growth of knowledge. Chapter 5 con­tinues the account of the conversations between the teacher and myself focusing on three ‘ulamâ’ that the teacher con­sidered 8 Introduction: city of knowledge exemplary representatives of the culture of Shiraz. The teacher is commit­ ted to offer a balanced account of the activ­ ­ities of the three scholars. This implies adjusting the his­tor­ical record so that it can speak the truth. However, this truth is itself embroiled in our relationship and in the car­ tography we have delineated. While existentially and polit­ically more grounded than its pub­lic counterpart, the fragmented his­tory of Shiraz as city of know­ledge that the teacher and I set out to outline brought to the fore the past and present ten­sions that underline it and exhibited a differ­ ent but no less resilient form of editing. Chapter 6 goes back to the streets of Shiraz to reflect on the ways in which the different forms of know­ledge discussed up to this point in the book are constitutive of an existential ground of recog­ ­ni­tion. Previous chapters analyzed­ forms of know­ledge in relations to techniques of power by con­sidering their pub­lic genea­logy, and by interrogating ethnographi­ cally the ten­sions in their making. In this final chapter my pri­mary concern is to reflect on the relationships between forms of know­ledge and pro­cesses of subject formation. Using both his­tory and eth­no­graphy, I con­sider the different ways in which discourses of history­ and poetry circulate among professional histor­­ ians and people who frequent local bookstores and poetry gath­er­ings. I show that his­tory and poetry are ex­peri­enced as having differential truth-­value in evoking Shiraz as city of know­ledge and thus provide different articulations of the conjuncture of know­ledge, power and self-­formation. As opposed to his­tory, perceived as split between unsatis­fact­ory avail­able nar­rat­ives and a desired “complete” his­tory that would tell things as they were, poetry is felt to deliver a more resonant re­cog­ni­tion of the past. Unbound by the mandate to tell things as they were and incorporating its own practices of editing, poetry is perceived as working through allusions and innuendos to speak the unspeakable and thus make public­ what cannot otherwise­ be revealed in the face of censorship. This makes poetry the ground for existential re­cog­ni­tion and the hege­monic formation of Shiraz as city of know­ledge. Uniquely iden­ tified with Shiraz and valorized on the field of culture, poetry comes to stand for Iran and, more than either nation or religion, is its ideological­ kernel.

Editing Shiraz A concern with the inclusions and exclusions that shape the production of know­ledge runs through the book. In the ana­lysis of editing in Chapter 3, in my conversations with the teacher in Chapters 4 and 5, as well as in the examination of the differ­ ­ences between history­ and poetry in Chapter 6, I attend to the ways in which forms of know­ledge articulate in relation to a dia­lec­tic between what is exhibited and what is omitted, what is made pub­lic and what is made secret. This dia­lec­tic is in many ways central to the process­ of know­ledge pro­ duction itself. Forms of know­ledge both impinge on and are configured in Introduction: city of knowledge 9 relation to the movement between making pub­lic and making secret. Technologies of power articulate at the juncture of this select­ive pro­cess in a variety of ways (Stoler 2009; Taussig 1999; Trouillot 1995). Processes of subject formation are intrinsically connected to the dia­lec­tic between pub­lic and private, between exteriority and interiority (Arendt 1958; Foucault 1997). However, in relation to Iran, the dialec­ ­tic between exhibiting and secreting has been pro­jected into a para­digmatic bifurcation that is deployed as an in­ter­pretative matrix to make sense of the coun­try and its people as a whole. It is a bifurcation that posits two parallel dimensions of social reality and links them ana­logic­ally: surface/depth, outside/inside, lie/truth. It uses these ana­lo­gical parallels to compose a social pathology of Iran as either a schizophrenic coun­try or as an idiosyncratic culture that cultivates contradic­ ­tions and is addicted to lying. One of the tasks of the present book is to take distance from this bifur­ cation while recognizing its productivity. Simply dismissing it would not account for the ways in which it operates in forms of knowledge,­ tech­ niques of power and processes­ of subject formation in Iran and elsewhere. City of Knowledge aims to undo this bifurcation by a twofold move. On the one hand, the book investigates the construction of this bifurcation in pub­lic forms, private conversations and discursive genres and ana­lyzes its making as contingent. On the other hand, by strategically­ foregrounding the expressive possib­il­ities that editing and other forms of elusion offer, the book invites to reflect on the entailments of the pro­cess of knowing itself. From this per­spect­ive poetry exhibits a par­ticu­lar potency, by defer­ ring closed referentiality and making language itself “inoperative” (Agamben 2009a). The dia­lec­tic between making pub­lic and folding into silence is at work in the book itself. Given its scope and aim, City of Knowledge focuses on par­ ticu­lar events and people that I have selected among many as exemplary of the making of Shiraz as city of knowledge.­ I have chosen people and events as encapsulating aspects of the relationship between forms of know­ ledge, techniques of power and pro­cesses of subject formation. The book is not meant to be a comprehensive his­tory of Shiraz. The book does not engage sufficiently two of the major erasures in twentieth century configurations of Shiraz as city ofledge, know­ namely the histories of so-­called minor­it­ies and more specifically Jews and Bahâ’î. In Shiraz there has been for centuries a large Jewish commun­ ­ity that parti­ cip­ated in different ways in the life of the city while also being persecuted (Loeb 1977). Since the revolution­ of 1979 there has been an increased migration of Jews from Iran and Jews have suffered discrimination in par­ ticu­lar in relation to accusations of spying. In Shiraz thirteen­ Jews were arrested in 2000 and sentenced to several years in prison. The commun­ ­ity is how­ever still active and it is sometimes the object of media reports and TV docu­mentaries that de­scribe its delicate equilibrium between an 10 Introduction: city of knowledge attachment to Iran as homeland and the fis­sure between Iran and Israel. Though some of the brochures and booklets produced by the cultural institutions in the city mention synagogues, the con­tri­bu­tion of the Jewish com­mun­ity to the life of the city is mostly ignored in the official articula­ tions of the city of knowledge­ and often in the altern­ ­ative opposi­tional ver­ sions as well. My focus, my competence and the con­ditions of my fieldwork did not allow me to learn more about the commun­ ­ity and its participa­ ­tion in the construction of Shiraz as city of knowledge.­ As a token of a territory that remains mostly unexplored,­ one should quote at least the poems of Mawlana Shahîn Shîrâzî, a four­teenth century poet who composed several epic poems in Judeo-­Persian (Persian written in Hebrew script) in the style of Firdawsî’s Shâhnâma.14 Even more silenced are Bahâ’î who, unlike Jews, are not recog­nized as a religious minor­ity by the Islamic Repub­lic. Shiraz was the birthplace and residence of the Bâb, a young Shirazi merchant who in 1844 declared pub­ licly that he was the announcer of a new prophet. He quickly gained a con­ sider­able follow­ ­ing, was arrested and eventually ex­ecuted, while many of his followers were killed. One of his followers eventually became the pro­ ponent of the new Bahâ’î faith. During the twentieth century in Shiraz as elsewhere in Iran, Bahâ’î suffered persecution. During the revolutionary­ movement of 1979 their houses were looted. Soon after the revolu­tion their center was taken over. The house of the Bâb that had already been attacked several times in previous decades was demolished. Bahâ’î were arrested and ex­ecuted (Roohizadegan [1993] 2001). Arrests con­tinue to this day. This his­tory is silenced in accounts of a city of know­ledge, or turned into a series of par­ticu­larly virulent accusations against the Bahâ’î, used in polit­ical speeches to channel emotions and anger. Numerous studies have underlined how Bâbî and Bahâ’î are in differ­ ent ways constitutive of the present of Iran, or, as some put it, of “Iranian modernity.”15 Their con­tinued violent repression constructed them as something foreign. They have been the other against which and through which tra­ject­ories of nationalism and Islamism came to constitute them­ selves. I will make refer­ ­ence to the Bâbî and Bahâ’î in Chapter 5 during my account of my exchanges with the teacher, but the book does not investigate in enough detail their place in a city of knowledge. Making all these events public­ and studying them in more depth will reconfigure the city of know­ledge but it will not relinquish the question of editing. Making things pub­lic will instead make editing even more rel­ev­ ant, as debates and questions about rewriting his­tory have shown. Rather, the fact that, notwithstanding these persecutions, Jews, Bahâ’î as well as other people who have been mostly ousted by the present configurations of knowledge,­ at least in their more pub­lic forms, are living in Shiraz and actively participating in the life of the city is to me an indica­ ­tion that there exist future unknown possibil­ ­ities and that “making things public”­ does not always corres­ ­pond to a redemption of past injustice. Bibliography

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