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Anthropology's Disenchantment with the Cognitive Revolution
Topics in Cognitive Science 4 (2012) 354–361 Copyright Ó 2012 Cognitive Science Society, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 1756-8757 print / 1756-8765 online DOI: 10.1111/j.1756-8765.2012.01199.x Anthropology’s Disenchantment With the Cognitive Revolution1 Richard A. Shweder Department of Comparative Human Development, University of Chicago Received 25 June 2011; received in revised form 3 November 2011; accepted 28 November 2011 Abstract Beller, Bender, and Medin should be congratulated for their generous attempt at expressive aca- demic therapy for troubled interdisciplinary relationships. In this essay, I suggest that a negative answer to the central question (‘‘Should anthropology be part of cognitive science?’’) is not necessar- ily distressing, that in retrospect the breakup seems fairly predictable, and that disenchantment with the cognitive revolution is nothing new. Keywords: Cognitive revolution; Behaviorism; Anthropology; Jerome Bruner; Roy D’Andrade; Clifford Geertz; Roger Shepard Some of the leaders of the cognitive revolution of the late 1950s and 1960s began parting from the cause almost as soon as it triumphed. Jerome Bruner, for example, who always enjoyed writing essays for both the left hand and the right hand, turned to hermeneutics, the study of law, and the interpretation of narratives (see Bruner, 1979, 1990). Even in the early days of the rebellion Bruner was attentive to language pragmatics, which may be one reason he named his 1960s big tent interdisciplinary center at Harvard University the ‘‘Center for Cognitive Studies’’ and not the ‘‘Center for Cognitive Science.’’ Bruner had just as much interest in the humanistic writings of E. H. Gombrich, Nelson Goodman, and Clifford Ge- ertz as in the latest claims about basic ⁄fundamental⁄universal cognitive processes coming out of experimental labs situated in Cambridge, London, or Geneva. -
The Self: a Transpersonal Neuroanthropological Account
International Journal of Transpersonal Studies Volume 32 | Issue 1 Article 10 1-1-2013 The elS f: A Transpersonal Neuroanthropological Account Charles D. Laughlin Carleton University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.ciis.edu/ijts-transpersonalstudies Part of the Anthropology Commons, Philosophy Commons, Psychology Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Laughlin, C. D. (2013). Laughlin, C. D. (2013). The es lf: A transpersonal neuroanthropological account. International Journal of Transpersonal Studies, 32(1), 100–116.. International Journal of Transpersonal Studies, 32 (1). http://dx.doi.org/10.24972/ ijts.2013.32.1.100 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. This Special Topic Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals and Newsletters at Digital Commons @ CIIS. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Journal of Transpersonal Studies by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ CIIS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Self: A Transpersonal Neuroanthropological Account Charles D. Laughlin Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario, Canada The anthropology of the self has gained momentum recently and has produced a significant body of research relevant to interdisciplinary transpersonal studies. The notion of self has broadened from the narrow focus on cultural and linguistic labels for self-related terms, such as person, ego, identity, soul, and so forth, to a realization that the self is a vast system that mediates all the aspects of personality. This shift in emphasis has brought anthropological notions of the self into closer accord with what is known about how the brain mediates self-as-psyche. -
Ethnomusicology a Very Short Introduction
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY A VERY SHORT INTRODUCTION Thimoty Rice Sumário Chapter 1 – Defining ethnomusicology...........................................................................................4 Ethnos..........................................................................................................................................5 Mousikē.......................................................................................................................................5 Logos...........................................................................................................................................7 Chapter 2 A bit of history.................................................................................................................9 Ancient and medieval precursors................................................................................................9 Exploration and enlightenment.................................................................................................10 Nationalism, musical folklore, and ethnology..........................................................................10 Early ethnomusicology.............................................................................................................13 “Mature” ethnomusicology.......................................................................................................15 Chapter 3........................................................................................................................................17 Conducting -
Baumann on Davis, 'Deathpower: Buddhism's Ritual Imagination in Cambodia'
H-Buddhism Baumann on Davis, 'Deathpower: Buddhism's Ritual Imagination in Cambodia' Review published on Friday, July 19, 2019 Erik W. Davis. Deathpower: Buddhism's Ritual Imagination in Cambodia. New York: Columbia University Press, 2015. 320 pp. $60.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-231-16918-9. Reviewed by Benjamin Baumann (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin) Published on H-Buddhism (July, 2019) Commissioned by Thomas Borchert (University of Vermont) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=46394 Erik W. Davis’s book Deathpower: Buddhism’s Ritual Imagination in Cambodia is an important and brilliant study that seeks no less than “to represent a portion of the Cambodian religious imaginary through a study of rituals involved in the management of death and spirits” (pp. 8-9). Deathpower is a seminal contribution to the field of Mainland Southeast Asian religious studies as well as a superb ethnography of everyday religious life in contemporary Cambodia. Everyday religiosity and ritual practice in contemporary Cambodia are still under-researched, and the book, thus, fills an essential gap in the scholarly literature. However, the book contributes not only to an understanding of contemporary Khmer religion but also to the comparative study of funeral cultures in the region. The book’s greatest achievement is, therefore, the persuasiveness with which it locates death at the center of lay religiosity as well as Khmer imaginations of the social. Scholars and students interested in vernacular Buddhism, funerary practices, and everyday religiosity in Mainland Southeast Asia will benefit immensely from an in-depth reading of this far-reaching study. -
A Feminist Perspective on the Lack of Full Ordination for Burmese Buddhist Nuns Darbee Nicole Hagerty Florida International University, [email protected]
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-31-2016 A Feminist Perspective on the Lack of Full Ordination for Burmese Buddhist Nuns Darbee Nicole Hagerty Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC000289 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the Buddhist Studies Commons, Ethics in Religion Commons, and the History of Religions of Eastern Origins Commons Recommended Citation Hagerty, Darbee Nicole, "A Feminist Perspective on the Lack of Full Ordination for Burmese Buddhist Nuns" (2016). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2435. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2435 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida A FEMINIST PERSPECTIVE ON THE LACK OF FULL ORDINATION FOR BURMESE BUDDHIST NUNS A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in RELIGIOUS STUDIES by Darbee Hagerty 2016 To: Dean John F. Stack Steven J. Green School of International and Public Affairs This thesis, written by Darbee Hagerty, and entitled A Feminist Perspective on the Lack of Full Ordination for Burmese Buddhist Nuns, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this thesis and recommend that it be approved. ______________________________________________ Oren Baruch Stier _______________________________________________ Christine Gudorf _______________________________________________ Steven M. -
The Dissertation Committee for Richard Neill Hadder Certifies That This Is The
The Dissertation Committee for Richard Neill Hadder certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Apparitions of Difference: Essays on the Vocation of Reflexive Anthropology Committee: ______________________________ Kathleen Stewart, Supervisor ______________________________ Richard Flores ______________________________ Ward Keeler ______________________________ Elizabeth Keating ______________________________ James Wilce Apparitions of Difference: Essays on the Vocation of Reflexive Anthropology by Richard Neill Hadder, B.A., M.A.I.S., M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The University of Texas at Austin May 2007 Preface Dear Reader(s), Hi, how are you? It has been suggested to me that a few pages of prefatory remarks of the form “dear reader” would help “prepare the reader to be disoriented” in the essays I’ve written. I’m very happy to do so, insofar as corresponding with you in this way somewhat lessens the natural readerly tendency to demand—intentionally or not—that I correspond “to” you. This distinction might be the most important cord running through the essays, which all in some way discuss coping strategies for how to deal with irrevocable, incommunicable difference. The maps by which we tend to conceptualize “diverse” people in familiar or categorical terms are inadequate. Disorienting? Yes, insofar as the reader holds to a protocol that does want some of its categories to remain unquestionable. Common sense tells us that one has to stand on solid ground to swing a hammer effectively; whereas my project has turned out to have more in common with Derrida’s, in that one can’t write about what underwrites meaning without either violating one’s own thesis or else finding some other technique for swinging the hammer—or wielding the scalpel, or unwinding the threads of a fabrication, or any metaphor you choose, so long as it means fundamental anti-foundationalist critique. -
What Isn't Religion?*
What Isn’t Religion?* Kevin Schilbrack / Western Carolina University I. INTRODUCTION This article is motivated by the sense that the category of religion has be- come sprawling, overly inclusive, and unwieldy. This problem is partly be- cause the multiple definitions of religion in play today are so various and divergent, but it is also because some of those definitions are so capacious that the term “religion” loses its analytic usefulness. The study of religions will be helped, I judge, by a principled recommendation about what to exclude from the category. Because the promiscuity of what I will call “pure functional” definitions of religion is central to my case, it may be worth providing a sense of the frustration of those who oppose them. In an extremely influential paper written half a century ago, Melford Spiro complains that with “½pure func- tional definitions of religion ...it is virtually impossible to set any substan- tive boundary to religion and, thus, to distinguish it from other sociocultural phenomena. Social solidarity, anxiety reduction, confidence in unpredictable situations, and the like, are functions which may be served by any or all cul- tural phenomena—Communism and Catholicism, monotheism and monog- amy, images and imperialism—and unless religion is defined substantively, it would be impossible to delineate its boundaries.”1 More recently, Timo- thy Fitzgerald complains that, given a pure functional definition of reli- gion,“one finds in the published work of scholars working within religion de- partments the term ‘religion’ being used to refer to such diverse institutions as totems ...Christmas cakes, nature, the value of hierarchy, vegetarianism, witchcraft, veneration of the Emperor, the Rights of man, supernatural tech- nology possession, amulets, charms, the tea ceremony, ethics, ritual in gen- eral, The Imperial Rescript of Education, the motor show, salvation, Marx- ism, Maoism, Freudianism, marriage, gift exchange, and so on. -
The M Ission of Cultural Creation Lorraine V. Aragon
Review Essay T he M ission of C ultural C reation Lorraine V. Aragon Albert Schrauwers. Colonial "Reformation" in the Highlands of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, 1892-1995. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000. xiii + 279 pp. Albert Schrauwers's book on missionization in eastern Central Sulawesi neatly bounds its subject between the end of the nineteenth and the end of the twentieth centuries, two fin de siecle moments. His incisive portrayal of how Protestant missionaries brought sociopolitical transformation to the Lake Poso region during that one hundred years illuminates an interesting Indonesian case of religious rationalization. It also invites reflection on the transformation from early ethnographies written by missionary-scholars such as A. C. Kruyt, a key figure in this book, to late twentieth century postmodern versions of the genre such as Schrauwers provides. The colonialist endeavors of Kruyt are deciphered well in this book, even though the author, like most of us who work in Sulawesi, inevitably utilizes some of Kruyt's data to construct his own arguments. How then does contemporary ethnography honestly situate itself against the professional "ancestor" that it now upbraids? Schrauwers's answers to these questions define the scope of his investigations and descriptions. They also represent one of the prominent solutions to the "predicament of culture," which leads recent scholars to distrust the "ethnographic authority" claimed by the last century's authors.1 1 James Clifford, “On Ethnographic Authority," in The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature and Art (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), pp. 21-54. Indonesia 72 (October 2001) 190 Lorraine V. -
Anthropology in Conversation with an Islamic Tradition
Anthropology in conversation with an Islamic tradition: Emmanuel Levinas and the practice of critique Abstract As an alternative to approaching Islam as an object for anthropological analysis, this article develops the idea of an anthropologist participating in a conversation going along within an Islamic tradition. The idea of a conversation is developed through the ethical philosophy of Emmanuel Levinas and his ideal of knowing as a ethical relation with an infinite other. Levinas opposes a sterile and oppressive relation of ‘totality’ where the knowing self encompasses the other within concepts and thought that originate in the self, with a critical and creative relation of ‘infinity’ in which the alterity of the other is maintained and invites conversation that brings the self into question. The article discusses recent disciplinary discussions of how anthropology should engage with alterity that have been framed in terms of ontology and post- secular anthropology in the light of Levinas’s ideal of knowing as ethical and critical practice. How can, or perhaps more importantly how should, anthropology engage with Islam? I was first prompted to revisit this problem by a response in the question and answer session following a talk I gave at a university anthropology department in the US on the topic of Islam in Uzbekistan. The questioner, a Muslim, said that he had 1 been offended by my presentation. I had been talking about lived experience as a site for the development of moral selves. A person comes to an understanding of what it is to be a Muslim, I had argued, through rituals and practices that refer to Muslim histories and sacred texts, but also in the ongoing flow of experience, in marrying off their children successfully, helping a neighbour to build a house, participating fully in a sociality of neighbourhood and kinship, and perhaps more problematically for my questioner, in dream or waking interaction with spirits, often in the context of illness whether as a patient or a healer. -
INTRODUCTION: “Religion” Has an Inherent and Unchanging Meaning
INTRODUCTION: “Religion” has an inherent and unchanging meaning; it has suggested the pursuit of the Holy Grail, an unending quest for a desirable something lying perpetually in the distance. A religion is an organized collection of beliefs, cultural systems, world views that relate humanity to an order of existence. Many religions have narrative, symbols and sacred histories that aim to explain the meaning of life, or the universe. From their beliefs about the cosmos and human nature, people may derive morality, ethics, religious laws or a preferred life style. Anthropologists have commonly called religion a “cultural universe”, one of the many things, including marriage, incest prohibitions, the family, and the social organization, found everywhere in the world. No society ever observed has failed to display something readily identifiable to scholars as religion. Magic is the use of rituals, symbols, actions, gestures and language that are believed to exploit supernatural forces. The belief in and the practice of magic has been present since the earliest human cultures and continues to have an important spiritual, religious and medicinal role in many cultures today. 1. DEFINITION OF RELIGION: According to the philologists Max Muller, “the root of the English word “religion”, the Latin “religo”, was originally used to mean only reverence for God or the Gods, carefully pondering of divine things, piety” The typical dictionary definition of religion refers to a “belief in, or the worship of , a God or Gods” or the “Service and worship of God or the supernatural.” Edward Burnett Tylor defined religion as “the belief in spiritual being”. The anthropologist Clifford Greetz defined religion as a “ system of symbol which acts to establish powerful pervasive, and long lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing, these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic”. -
The Religion of the Poor: Escape Or Creative Force? PUB DATE [76) NOTE 29P
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 134 663 OD 016 730 AUTHOR Lefever, Harry G. TITLE The Religion of the Poor: Escape or Creative Force? PUB DATE [76) NOTE 29p. EDRS PRICE MF-$0.83 HO-$2.06 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Church Role; Cultural Factors; *Low Income Groups; Minority Groups; *Religion; *Religious Factors; Social Environment; Social Organizations; *Social Status; Social Values ABSTRACT This study presents an alternative explanation. of low-income religious behavior other than as a compensation for the conditions of lower-class life, of as an escape from those conditions. The argument is made that the religion of the poor contributes in significant and positive ways to the processes of identity formation and to the development and maintenance of cultural values and, norms. The immediate social environmént of the religious service provides a context in which identities are dynamically and dramatically conferred, developed and reinforced. With regard to the larger social environment, the religion of the poor offers a challenge to the hierarchical structure of the general status system and offers an understanding of tragedy and suffering that is frequently lacking in the sensibilities of the religious nonpoor. , (Author) THE RELIGION OF THE POOR: ESCAPE OR CREATIVE FORCE? Harry G. Lefever Department of Sociology Spelman College Atlanta, Ga. 30314 THE RF.LIG,ION OF THE POOR: ESCAPE OR CREATIVE FORCE? ' Abstract This study presents an alternative explanation of low-income' religious behavior other than As a compensation for the conditions of lower-class life, or as an escape from those conditions. The argument is made that the religion of the poor contributes in significant and positive ways to the processes of identity formation and to the development and maintenance of cultural values and norms. -
Cognitive Ethnolinguistics from Lublin and Cultural Linguistics in the English-Speaking Context∗
Ethnolinguistics 30 Lublin 2019 I. Articles DOI: 10.17951/et.2018.30.231 Adam G ł a z ORCID: 0000-0002-6143-3542 (UMCS, Lublin, Poland) Cognitive ethnolinguistics from Lublin and cultural linguistics in the English-speaking context∗ Abstract. Basic sources of inspiration in the emergence of Lublin cognitive ethnolinguistics (LCE) include: research on the language of folklore (directly inspired by Maria Renata Mayenowa, and indirectly by Roman Jakobson and Piotr Bogatyryev), Russian ethnolinguistics (Nikita Tolstoy) and semiotics (Vyacheslav Ivanov and Vladimir Toporov), 18th- and 19th-c. German thought (Johann Herder, Wilhelm von Humboldt), the idea of linguistic relativity (Franz Boas, Edward Sapir, Benjamin Whorf), plus a major role that has been played by the work of Bronislaw Malinowski and, especially, Anna Wierzbicka. Inspirations from cognitive linguistics have enriched Lublin ethnolinguistics with the cognitive dimension. After several decades of its existence, LCE functions alongside models of cultural linguistics as it is practised by authors writing in English, especially with an approach known as Cultural Linguistics (capitalised), associated with the names of Farzad Sharifian or Gary Palmer. It is also instructive to consider, in this context, specific issues and challenges that LCE must face, as has been pointed out by Western scholars (not necessarily working under the rubric of Cultural Linguistics). Two such problems are discussed here: the role of translation in the reconstruction of linguistic worldview (raised by James Underhill) and the notion of linguistic worldview as such, as it is understood in LCE and Cultural Linguistics. Key words: Lublin cognitive ethnolinguistics; cultural linguistics in English; Cultural Linguistics; linguistic worldview; translation and reconstruction of linguistic worldview ∗ The article appeared in Polish as “Lubelska etnolingwistyka kognitywna a anglo- języczna lingwistyka kulturowa.