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Map 44 Latium-Campania Compiled by N
Map 44 Latium-Campania Compiled by N. Purcell, 1997 Introduction The landscape of central Italy has not been intrinsically stable. The steep slopes of the mountains have been deforested–several times in many cases–with consequent erosion; frane or avalanches remove large tracts of regolith, and doubly obliterate the archaeological record. In the valley-bottoms active streams have deposited and eroded successive layers of fill, sealing and destroying the evidence of settlement in many relatively favored niches. The more extensive lowlands have also seen substantial depositions of alluvial and colluvial material; the coasts have been exposed to erosion, aggradation and occasional tectonic deformation, or–spectacularly in the Bay of Naples– alternating collapse and re-elevation (“bradyseism”) at a staggeringly rapid pace. Earthquakes everywhere have accelerated the rate of change; vulcanicity in Campania has several times transformed substantial tracts of landscape beyond recognition–and reconstruction (thus no attempt is made here to re-create the contours of any of the sometimes very different forerunners of today’s Mt. Vesuvius). To this instability must be added the effect of intensive and continuous intervention by humanity. Episodes of depopulation in the Italian peninsula have arguably been neither prolonged nor pronounced within the timespan of the map and beyond. Even so, over the centuries the settlement pattern has been more than usually mutable, which has tended to obscure or damage the archaeological record. More archaeological evidence has emerged as modern urbanization spreads; but even more has been destroyed. What is available to the historical cartographer varies in quality from area to area in surprising ways. -
Coriolanus and Fortuna Muliebris Roger D. Woodard
Coriolanus and Fortuna Muliebris Roger D. Woodard Know, Rome, that all alone Marcius did fight Within Corioli gates: where he hath won, With fame, a name to Caius Marcius; these In honour follows Coriolanus. William Shakespeare, Coriolanus Act 2 1. Introduction In recent work, I have argued for a primitive Indo-European mythic tradition of what I have called the dysfunctional warrior – a warrior who, subsequent to combat, is rendered unable to function in the role of protector within his own society.1 The warrior’s dysfunctionality takes two forms: either he is unable after combat to relinquish his warrior rage and turns that rage against his own people; or the warrior isolates himself from society, removing himself to some distant place. In some descendent instantiations of the tradition the warrior shows both responses. The myth is characterized by a structural matrix which consists of the following six elements: (1) initial presentation of the crisis of the warrior; (2) movement across space to a distant locale; (3) confrontation between the warrior and an erotic feminine, typically a body of women who display themselves lewdly or offer themselves sexually to the warrior (figures of fecundity); (4) clairvoyant feminine who facilitates or mediates in this confrontation; (5) application of waters to the warrior; and (6) consequent establishment of societal order coupled often with an inaugural event. These structural features survive intact in most of the attested forms of the tradition, across the Indo-European cultures that provide us with the evidence, though with some structural adjustment at times. I have proposed that the surviving myths reflect a ritual structure of Proto-Indo-European date and that descendent ritual practices can also be identified. -
Giovanni De Matociis and the Codex Oratorianus of the De Uiris Illustribus Urbis Romae’, Exemplaria Classica: Journal of Classical Philology 24 (2017), Pp
1 [This is the peer-reviewed version of the following article: J.A. Stover, G. Woudhuysen, ‘Giovanni de Matociis and the Codex Oratorianus of the De uiris illustribus urbis Romae’, Exemplaria Classica: Journal of Classical Philology 24 (2017), pp. 125-148, I.S.S.N.: 2173-6839, which has been published in its final form at http://www.uhu.es/publicaciones/ojs/index.php/exemplaria/article/view/3211] Giovanni de Matociis and the Codex Oratorianus of the De uiris illustribus urbis Romae ABSTRACT: One of the most curious manuscripts of the De uiris illustribus is Biblioteca dei Girolamini, XL pil. VI, no. XIII. This manuscript has been thought either to go back to the early Veronese humanist Giovanni de Matociis, or to contain authentic ancient information. We demonstrate that the manuscript has nothing to do with Matoci, but is closely linked to Giacomo Filippo Foresti, a late-fifteenth-century historian. Its chief feature of interest is that it shares some readings with another branch of the tradition of the DVI, the Corpus Aurelianum, thus providing new evidence for the circulation of that text. RESUMEN: Uno de los manuscritos del De uiris illustribus (DVI) más curiosos es Nápoles, Biblioteca dei Girolamini, XL pil. VI, no. XIII. Entre los rasgos que se han asociado a este manuscrito se encuentran dos: que se remonta al temprano humanista veronés, Giovanni de Matociis, y que contiene información antigua auténtica. Demostramos que el manuscrito no tiene nada que ver con Matoci, sino que está estrechamente ligado a Giacomo Filippo Foresti, un historiador del fines del siglo XV. -
Clarissimi Viri Joshua Roberts
Clarissimi Viri Joshua Roberts Livy’s histories of Horatius Cocles and Gnaeus Marcius Coriolanus The University of Georgia Department of Classics Summer Institute June, 2015 Forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit. 1 Tibi, Domine, qui me potentem facit. Maximas gratias fidelissimae uxori carissimisque liberis, qui semper efficiunt me laetum domum redire. Thank you to my Latin teachers: Mrs. Counts, Mr. Spearman, and Ms. Brown for introducing me to Latin. Mr. Philip W. Rohleder, who was the very embodiment of what my career has become. Uncle Phil, I cannot thank you enough for your friendship and your excellent example. I am still trying to be like you. Dr. Evelyn Tharpe, Dr. Ron Bohrer, and Dr. Josh Davies at the University of Tenneessee at Chattanooga. Dr. Bohrer, you showed me how to be merciful as a teacher. My professors in the University of Georgia Summer Institute faculty: Dr. Christine Albright, Dr. Naomi Norman, Dr. Robert Harris, Dr. John Nicholson, and Dr. Charles Platter. I am a better teacher because of you. Special thanks to Dr. Platter and Dr. Nicholson for serving as the committee for my final teaching project. JLSR MMXV 2 Contents Care Lector, .................................................................................................................................................. 4 Livy’s Preface to Ab urbe condita ................................................................................................................ 8 Horatius at the Bridge, II.10 ...................................................................................................................... -
SYNOPSIS Coriolanus Is a Tragedy Set in Ancient Rome, Where a Struggle
SYNOPSIS Coriolanus is a tragedy set in ancient Rome, where a struggle for power is being waged between plebeians and patricians. The citizens, suffering from shortage of food, rebel against Caius Marcius, a brilliant general and a rigorous upholderof the virtues and values of his class. Marcius, filled by hs mother Volumnia with such pride that he cannot compromise hs aristrocatic principals, hates the common people, and they inturn hate him. Despite his opposition to the plebeians' demands, the senate allows five tribunes to represent them, including Junius Brutus and Sicinius Velutus, demagogues who despise Marcius. His fiiend Menenius Agrippa, who is popular with the plebeians, tries to mdate between him and the people, but his efforts are cut short by news of impending war: the Volscians, neighboring people led by Tullus Aufidius, plan to march on Rome. Marcius and the other generals go to stop the Volscians. At the Battle of Corioli, Marcius' bravery inspires his troops, and they defeat the enemy. Disdaining both praise and spoils, he is given the honoured title "Coriolanus." On his return to Rome, the senate nominates him as a candidate for consul. To win this ofice, Coriolanus reluctantly follows the custom that the candidate must display his wounds and gain the crowd's support in a public ceremony, and he wins scattered approval. Later, however, Sicinius and Brutus, representing the common people, refuse to endorse his appointment and persuade the mob not to vote for hlm. His friends persuade him that he should try to mollify the citizens, but goaded by the tribunes, he loses hs temper, publicly denounces the people, and is banished. -
L'immagine Degli Equi Nelle Fonti Letterarie
L’IMMAGINE DEGLI EQUI NELLE FONTI LETTERARIE Premessa «I resti materiali e la tradizione scritta costituiscono i fondamenti su cui si ri- costruisce la storia del passato. Senza le parole della tradizione, la storia è come un paesaggio muto. Ma senza i resti materiali essa è come un’eco di cose raccontate e riportate, non viste, per le quali manca il sapore della esperienza diretta. Le me- morie si trasmettono di bocca in bocca, di libro in libro, attraverso le generazioni, soggette a tutte le usure del tempo, a tutte le alterazioni dei narratori; appaiono deformate dalle dimenticanze, dagli errori, dalle aggiunte di fantasia, dalle inter- pretazioni soggettive dei contemporanei e dei posteri. Viceversa l’oggetto antico - se giunge fino a noi e per quanto esso è conservato - costituisce una verità certa, intatta: una testimonianza allo stato puro. In questo senso l’archeologia offre un punto di vantaggio sulla letteratura storica» (Μ. Pallottino, Che cos'è l’archeologia, Firenze 1963, p. 15). Queste parole di Massimo Pallottino ben servono ad introdurre il valore ed i limiti di un lavoro di raccolta ed interpretazione delle fonti letterarie sugli Equi, un popolo che nelle narrazioni della storiografia antica sembra confondersi con le numerose genti di stirpe italica con le quali i Romani dovettero confrontarsi per alcuni secoli prima di imporre il proprio dominio sulla nostra penisola. Sono infatti le importanti scoperte archeologiche succedutesi negli ultimi ven- t’anni nel territorio attribuito dalla tradizione agli Equi (in primo luogo le necro- poli di Riofreddo, Scurcola Marsicana, Borgorose e Cartore), ad avere posto in particolare evidenza la necessità di ricercare nelle fonti letterarie un ausilio per l’interpretazione dei dati materiali emersi dagli scavi. -
5. Hogg, Emotion and Greekness
Histos Supplement ( ) – EMOTION AND GREEKNESS IN DIONYSIUS OF HALICARNASSUS’ ACCOUNT OF THE EXILE OF CORIOLANUS * Dan Hogg Abstract : Dionysius’ account of Coriolanus’ exile is rarely treated on its own terms, normally being deprecated as inferior to Livy or Plutarch’s version of the same. On the contrary, Dionysius’ account is a powerful illustration of his method in combining Roman source-material with Greek literary heritage. In particular, Dionysius uses epic and technical elements of stage language to draw out the psychological tensions at play in the story. This account, therefore, not only helps us get closer to Dionysius’ vision of Romanness, as Greek-inflected and distinct from Livy’s; it also problematises tough, Roman masculinity, suggesting that Dionysius is a more subtle observer of Rome than is usually imagined. Keywords: Coriolanus, family, mother, Livy, tragic history, Dionysius of Halicarnassus his paper considers Dionysius’ narration of Coriolanus’ encounter with his mother ( .@–), Twith especial regard to Dionysius’ presentation of their emotional relationship, and the ways in which this * I would like to thank all those who commented on versions at various stages, starting with Chris Pelling, who supervised the DPhil of which a version of this formed a part; Katherine Clarke and Stephen Oakley, who examined the DPhil; Julietta Steinhauer; the audience in Lampeter; the editors and anonymous reviewer of Histos ; and Alexander Meeus, for organising the conference where this was presented, and then performing his role as editor so generously. All references to Dionysius are to the Antiquitates Romanae , unless otherwise noted. Dan Hogg relationship drives the plot of Dionysius’ story. -
1608 the TRAGEDY of CORIOLANUS William Shakespeare
1608 THE TRAGEDY OF CORIOLANUS William Shakespeare Shakespeare, William (1564-1616) - English dramatist and poet widely regarded as the greatest and most influential writer in all of world literature. The richness of Shakespeare’s genius transcends time; his keen observation and psychological insight are, to this day, without rival. Coriolanus (1608) - The tragedy of Coriolanus, a Roman patrician, who is persuaded to seek election to the consulship and then driven from the city. Table Of Contents ACT I. 2 ACT II. 13 ACT III. 28 ACT IV. 35 ACT V. 44 DRAMATIS PERSONAE CAIUS MARCIUS, afterwards CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS Generals against the Volscians TITUS LARTIUS COMINIUS MENENIUS AGRIPPA, friend to Coriolanus Tribunes of the People SICINIUS VELUTUS JUNIUS BRUTUS YOUNG MARCIUS, son to Coriolanus A ROMAN HERALD NICANOR, a Roman TULLUS AUFIDIUS, General of the Volscians LIEUTENANT, to Aufidius CONSPIRATORS, With Aufidius ADRIAN,a Volscian A CITIZEN of Antium TWO VOLSCIAN GUARDS VOLUMNIA,mother to Coriolanus VIRGILIA, wife to Coriolanus VALERIA, friend to Virgilia GENTLEWOMAN attending on Virgilia Roman and Volscian Senators, Patricians, Aediles, Lictors, Soldiers, Citizens, Messengers, Servants to Aufidius, and other Attendants SCENE: Rome and the neighbourhood; Corioli and the neighbourhood; Antium ACT I. SCENE I. Rome. A street Enter a company of mutinous citizens, with staves, clubs, and other weapons FIRST CITIZEN Before we proceed any further, hear me speak. ALL Speak, speak. FIRST CITIZEN YOU are all resolv’d rather to die than to famish? ALL Resolv’d, resolv’d. FIRST CITIZEN First, you know Caius Marcius is chief enemy to the people. ALL We know’t, we know’t. -
Livy 1.58 When a Few Days Had Gone By, Sextus Tarquinius, Without Letting Collatinus Know, Took a Single Attendant and Went to Collatia
The Foundations of Rome from Kingship to Republic 753-440 BC Key sources: Source Period Aims and agenda Key problems Views on Rome Dionysius Lived Wrote the Dionysius’ history Overall, (of Halicarnassus*) 60 BC- ‘Roman History’ has a huge scope, so Dionysius 7 BC from Rome’s he had to collect makes the mythical evidence second point that beginnings to the hand from earlier Romans first Punic War texts. derive from (264 BC). Greek Dionysius’ Greek origins and Emphasises the background shapes benefit positive qualities the way he presents form Greek of Roman the Romans. virtues. conquerors and traced their Dionysius embraces ancestors back to Roman origin myths Greeks. into his history, such *Halicarnassus is as Romulus and modern day Bodrum, His work and Remus. Turkey. The same place Livy’s are our only that the historian continuous Herodotus was from. ancient histories of Rome. Livy Lived Livy’s writings Livy is heavily critical In sum, Livy 59 BC- contain of Rome’s enemies manipulates AD 17 elementary because of his myth when mistakes on Roman bias. writing military matters, about indicating that he Rome’s probably never Like Dionysius, Livy’s early kings, served in history includes to glorify the Roman army. mythological Roman elements on the ancestry. Chronological but founding of Rome, narrative style which are based on that is highly Greek myths e.g. descriptive. Aeneas as the Roman founder. Livy’s history emphasizes the Only 35 of Livy’s 142 great triumphs of books survive. Rome because he was writing under the reign of Augustus. 2 Time line of the Roman Kings: Legendary (753-616 BC) and Etruscan (616-509 BC) Portrait Name Lifespan Reign Succession c.772 BC 753 BC Proclaimed himself king after Romulus to to murdering his brother, Remus. -
Mystical Rome V 2.0- July Release Morra Universal Cinematic Game System Contents Chapter Eight: Genre: Mystical Rome
Mystical Rome V 2.0- July Release Morra Universal Cinematic Game System Contents Chapter Eight: Genre: Mystical Rome ................................................................ 4 Mystical Rome Credits .................................................................................... 5 Target Audience ............................................................................................ 5 Rating and Descriptors: R ............................................................................... 5 Mystical Rome Inspiration ............................................................................... 6 Mystical Rome Budget .................................................................................... 7 Mystical Rome Archetypes ............................................................................... 7 Artisan .................................................................................................... 7 Barbarian ................................................................................................. 9 Bureaucrat ..............................................................................................10 Clergy ....................................................................................................11 Criminal ..................................................................................................12 Druid ......................................................................................................13 Gladiator .................................................................................................14 -
Cornelia: on Making One's Name As Mater Gracchorum
“Cornelia: on making one’s name as mater Gracchorum” 1 “Cornelia: on making one’s name as mater Gracchorum” June 2012 Version Matthew B. Roller Johns Hopkins University © Matthew B. Roller, [email protected] Not for citation without author’s permission “Cornelia: on making one’s name as mater Gracchorum” 2 Cornelia: on making one’s name as mater Gracchorum I. Introduction In his Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus, Plutarch discusses the motivations that may have spurred Tiberius Gracchus to propose his agrarian law immediately upon entering office as Tribune of the Plebs in 133 BCE. Tiberius may have been incited by Diophanes the rhetorician and Blossius the philosopher, who were his friends and teachers (§8.6); or by rivalry with another ambitious aristocrat called Spurius Postumius (§8.8); or by his own observation of the condition of the Tuscan countryside (§8.9); or by the direct urging of the people themselves (§8.10). Plutarch also reports (§8.7) that some writers say that his mother Cornelia spurred him on, by constantly reproaching her sons that the Romans still addressed her as the mother-in-law of Scipio (Aemilianus), and not yet as the mother of the Gracchi.1 In a perceptive discussion of this passage, Burckhardt and Von Ungern- Sternberg observe that it is premature for Tiberius’s mother to demand great things of her elder son. Any contemporary aristocrat would have lodged hopes for making a great name not in the lowly tribunate, but in the higher magistracies, above all the consulship with its accompanying military commands.2 Tiberius, about 30 years old in 133, was at 1 Plut. -
The Roman Cultural Memory of the Conquest of Latium
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 The Roman Cultural Memory of the Conquest of Latium Elizabeth Grace Palazzolo University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation Palazzolo, Elizabeth Grace, "The Roman Cultural Memory of the Conquest of Latium" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 1929. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1929 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1929 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Roman Cultural Memory of the Conquest of Latium Abstract In this dissertation, I examine the Roman cultural memory of the conquest of Latium and Rome’s earliest expansion through case studies of three Latin cities—Tusculum, Tibur, and Praeneste. Each of these cities underwent the transition from independent civic entity to community of Roman citizens on a different timeline than the majority of Latium: though most Latin cities came under Roman control after being defeated in the Roman-Latin Wars around 338 BCE, Tusculum had already been incorporated as the first municipium cum suffragio after 381 BCE, while Tibur and Praeneste seem to have remained independent allied cities until 90 BCE. I reconstruct the Roman cultural memory of these cities and how it changed over time, incorporating a variety of textual and material sources including literary references, inscriptions, iconography alluding to each city, and monuments or significant sites. I demonstrate that the memory of Tusculum, Tibur, and Praeneste as formerly independent, non-Roman communities persisted through the Late Republic and into the Empire, even as they became completely politically integrated with Rome.