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2017 ANNUAL REPORT 2017 Annual Report Table of Contents the Michael J
Roadmaps for Progress 2017 ANNUAL REPORT 2017 Annual Report Table of Contents The Michael J. Fox Foundation is dedicated to finding a cure for 2 A Note from Michael Parkinson’s disease through an 4 Annual Letter from the CEO and the Co-Founder aggressively funded research agenda 6 Roadmaps for Progress and to ensuring the development of 8 2017 in Photos improved therapies for those living 10 2017 Donor Listing 16 Legacy Circle with Parkinson’s today. 18 Industry Partners 26 Corporate Gifts 32 Tributees 36 Recurring Gifts 39 Team Fox 40 Team Fox Lifetime MVPs 46 The MJFF Signature Series 47 Team Fox in Photos 48 Financial Highlights 54 Credits 55 Boards and Councils Milestone Markers Throughout the book, look for stories of some of the dedicated Michael J. Fox Foundation community members whose generosity and collaboration are moving us forward. 1 The Michael J. Fox Foundation 2017 Annual Report “What matters most isn’t getting diagnosed with Parkinson’s, it’s A Note from what you do next. Michael J. Fox The choices we make after we’re diagnosed Dear Friend, can open doors to One of the great gifts of my life is that I've been in a position to take my experience with Parkinson's and combine it with the perspectives and expertise of others to accelerate possibilities you’d improved treatments and a cure. never imagine.’’ In 2017, thanks to your generosity and fierce belief in our shared mission, we moved closer to this goal than ever before. For helping us put breakthroughs within reach — thank you. -
Martha L. Minow
Martha L. Minow 1525 Massachusetts Avenue Griswold 407, Harvard Law School Cambridge, MA 02138 (617) 495-4276 [email protected] Current Academic Appointments: 300th Anniversary University Professor, Harvard University Harvard University Distinguished Service Professor Faculty, Harvard Graduate School of Education Faculty Associate, Carr Center for Human Rights, Harvard Kennedy School of Government Current Activities: Advantage Testing Foundation, Vice-Chair and Trustee American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Access to Justice Project American Bar Association Center for Innovation, Advisory Council American Law Institute, Member Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society, Harvard University, Director Campaign Legal Center, Board of Trustees Carnegie Corporation, Board of Trustees Committee to Visit the Harvard Business School, Harvard University Board of Overseers Facing History and Ourselves, Board of Scholars Harvard Data Science Review, Associate Editor Initiative on Harvard and the Legacy of Slavery Law, Violence, and Meaning Series, Univ. of Michigan Press, Co-Editor MacArthur Foundation, Director MIT Media Lab, Advisory Council MIT Schwarzman College of Computing, Co-Chair, External Advisory Council National Academy of Sciences' Committee on Science, Technology, and Law Profiles in Courage Award Selection Committee, JFK Library, Chair Russell Sage Foundation, Trustee Skadden Fellowship Foundation, Selection Trustee Susan Crown Exchange Foundation, Trustee WGBH Board of Trustees, Trustee Education: Yale Law School, J.D. 1979 Articles and Book Review Editor, Yale Law Journal, 1978-1979 Editor, Yale Law Journal, 1977-1978 Harvard Graduate School of Education, Ed.M. 1976 University of Michigan, A.B. 1975 Phi Beta Kappa, Magna Cum Laude James B. Angell Scholar, Branstrom Prize New Trier East High School, Winnetka, Illinois, 1968-1972 Honors and Fellowships: Leo Baeck Medal, Nov. -
Dead Precedents Riley T
Notre Dame Law Review Online Volume 93 | Issue 1 Article 1 8-2017 Dead Precedents Riley T. Svikhart Notre Dame Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr_online Part of the Jurisprudence Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation 93 Notre Dame L. Rev. Online 1 (2018) This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Law Review at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review Online by an authorized editor of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ESSAY DEAD PRECEDENTS Riley T. Svikhart* INTRODUCTION Shaun McCutcheon’s was the “next big campaign finance case to go before the Supreme Court.”1 When the Alabama GOP warned the conservative businessman that his 2010 federal campaign contributions might soon exceed a congressionally imposed limit, he decided to “take a stand.”2 Together, McCutcheon and the Republican National Committee (RNC)—which “wish[ed] to receive the contributions that McCutcheon and similarly situated individuals would like to make” in the absence of such aggregate contribution limits3—challenged the responsible statutory regime4 on First Amendment grounds and attracted national attention en route to a victory before the Supreme Court.5 But while McCutcheon and the RNC prevailed in their case, they failed in another noteworthy regard—Chief Justice Roberts’s controlling opinion declined their request to squarely overrule a relevant portion of the landmark campaign © 2017 Riley T. Svikhart. Individuals and nonprofit institutions may reproduce and distribute copies of this Essay in any format, at or below cost, for educational purposes, so long as each copy identifies the author, provides a citation to the Notre Dame Law Review Online, and includes this provision and copyright notice. -
The Roles of Sonia Sotomayor in Criminal Justice Cases * Christopher E
THE ROLES OF SONIA SOTOMAYOR IN CRIMINAL JUSTICE CASES * CHRISTOPHER E. SMITH AND KSENIA PETLAKH I. INTRODUCTION The unexpected death of Justice Antonin Scalia in February 20161 reminded Americans about the uncertain consequences of changes in the composition of the Supreme Court of the United States.2 It also serves as a reminder that this is an appropriate moment to assess aspects of the last major period of change for the Supreme Court when President Obama appointed, in quick succession, Justices Sonia Sotomayor in 20093 and Elena Kagan in 2010.4 Although it can be difficult to assess new justices’ decision-making trends soon after their arrival at the high court,5 they may begin to define themselves and their impact after only a few years.6 Copyright © 2017, Christopher Smith and Ksenia Petlakh. * Christopher E. Smith is a Professor of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University. A.B., Harvard University, 1980; M.Sc., University of Bristol (U.K.); J.D., University of Tennessee, 1984; Ph.D., University of Connecticut, 1988. Ksenia Petlakh is a Doctoral student in Criminal Justice, Michigan State University. B.A., University of Michigan- Dearborn, 2012. 1 Adam Liptak, Antonin Scalia, Justice on the Supreme Court, Dies at 79, N.Y. TIMES (Feb. 13, 2016), http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/14/us/antonin-scalia-death.html [https:// perma.cc/77BQ-TFEQ]. 2 Adam Liptak, Supreme Court Appointment Could Reshape American Life, N.Y. TIMES (Feb. 18, 2016), http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/19/us/politics/scalias-death-offers-best- chance-in-a-generation-to-reshape-supreme-court.html [http://perma.cc/F9QB-4UC5]; see also Edward Felsenthal, How the Court Can Reset After Scalia, TIME (Feb. -
Marking 200 Years of Legal Education: Traditions of Change, Reasoned Debate, and Finding Differences and Commonalities
MARKING 200 YEARS OF LEGAL EDUCATION: TRADITIONS OF CHANGE, REASONED DEBATE, AND FINDING DIFFERENCES AND COMMONALITIES Martha Minow∗ What is the significance of legal education? “Plato tells us that, of all kinds of knowledge, the knowledge of good laws may do most for the learner. A deep study of the science of law, he adds, may do more than all other writing to give soundness to our judgment and stability to the state.”1 So explained Dean Roscoe Pound of Harvard Law School in 1923,2 and his words resonate nearly a century later. But missing are three other possibilities regarding the value of legal education: To assess, critique, and improve laws and legal institutions; To train those who pursue careers based on legal training, which may mean work as lawyers and judges; leaders of businesses, civic institutions, and political bodies; legal academics; or entre- preneurs, writers, and social critics; and To advance the practice in and study of reasoned arguments used to express and resolve disputes, to identify commonalities and dif- ferences, to build institutions of governance within and between communities, and to model alternatives to violence in the inevi- table differences that people, groups, and nations see and feel with one another. The bicentennial of Harvard Law School prompts this brief explo- ration of the past, present, and future of legal education and scholarship, with what I hope readers will not begrudge is a special focus on one particular law school in Cambridge, Massachusetts. ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– ∗ Carter Professor of General Jurisprudence; until July 1, 2017, Morgan and Helen Chu Dean and Professor, Harvard Law School. -
Roots of Anger3 Notes
The Real Explanation for the Tax Rebellion and the Size of Government H. William Batt, Ph.D., February 16, 2011 The antipathy toward taxes, and by extension toward government itself, has its roots, I believe, in a distortion of economic theory that took place a century ago. Prior to that time, there was a tacit, if not explicit, understanding that the wealth and bounty that grew from common effort along with the gifts of nature should be the source of finance recaptured by society and used to pay for public services. Since surplus economic productivity is jointly produced, it was the proper source of taxation. Only government can appropriately provide these services since they are in today's language "public goods." On the other hand, wealth that was created by the people's own brains and brawn was rightfully theirs and theirs alone. Taxing people's labor, or the products thereof, was not only wrong but was tantamount to theft.1 Today the resentment people feel about taxes on their hard-earned money has reached a point close to delegitimizing the income tax and government itself. Estimates of actual tax cheating are put at about 15 percent, but fully half the population believes that it would be okay to cheat if one wouldn’t be caught.2 It has taken over a century for this all to explode. But taking the long view of tax history one could argue that this is not only understandable but also inevitable. Had economic arrangements been done as they were in earlier times there would likely be far less such resistance to taxation and perhaps even a sense of social duty to pay one’s share of taxes. -
Introduction
NOTES Introduction 1. Robert Kagan to George Packer. Cited in Packer’s The Assassin’s Gate: America In Iraq (Faber and Faber, London, 2006): 38. 2. Stefan Halper and Jonathan Clarke, America Alone: The Neoconservatives and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004): 9. 3. Critiques of the war on terror and its origins include Gary Dorrien, Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana (Routledge, New York and London, 2004); Francis Fukuyama, After the Neocons: America At the Crossroads (Profile Books, London, 2006); Ira Chernus, Monsters to Destroy: The Neoconservative War on Terror and Sin (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, CO and London, 2006); and Jacob Heilbrunn, They Knew They Were Right: The Rise of the Neocons (Doubleday, New York, 2008). 4. A report of the PNAC, Rebuilding America’s Defenses: Strategy, Forces and Resources for a New Century, September 2000: 76. URL: http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf (15 January 2009). 5. On the first generation on Cold War neoconservatives, which has been covered far more extensively than the second, see Gary Dorrien, The Neoconservative Mind: Politics, Culture and the War of Ideology (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1993); Peter Steinfels, The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America’s Politics (Simon and Schuster, New York, 1979); Murray Friedman, The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy (Cambridge University Press, New York, 2005); Murray Friedman ed. Commentary in American Life (Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 2005); Mark Gerson, The Neoconservative Vision: From the Cold War to the Culture Wars (Madison Books, Lanham MD; New York; Oxford, 1997); and Maria Ryan, “Neoconservative Intellectuals and the Limitations of Governing: The Reagan Administration and the Demise of the Cold War,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. -
Intentional Disregard: Trump's Authoritarianism During the COVID
INTENTIONAL DISREGARD Trump’s Authoritarianism During the COVID-19 Pandemic August 2020 This report is dedicated to those who have suffered and lost their lives to the COVID-19 virus and to their loved ones. Acknowledgments This report was co-authored by Sylvia Albert, Keshia Morris Desir, Yosef Getachew, Liz Iacobucci, Beth Rotman, Paul S. Ryan and Becky Timmons. The authors thank the 1.5 million Common Cause supporters whose small-dollar donations fund more than 70% of our annual budget for our nonpartisan work strengthening the people’s voice in our democracy. Thank you to the Common Cause National Governing Board for its leadership and support. We also thank Karen Hobert Flynn for guidance and editing, Aaron Scherb for assistance with content, Melissa Brown Levine for copy editing, Kerstin Vogdes Diehn for design, and Scott Blaine Swenson for editing and strategic communications support. This report is complete as of August 5, 2020. ©2020 Common Cause. Printed in-house. CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................ 3 President Trump’s ad-lib pandemic response has undermined government institutions and failed to provide states with critically needed medical supplies. .............5 Divider in Chief: Trump’s Politicization of the Pandemic .................................... 9 Trump has amplified special interest-funded “liberate” protests and other “reopen” efforts, directly contradicting public health guidance. ...................9 Trump and his enablers in the Senate have failed to appropriate adequate funds to safely run this year’s elections. .........................................11 President Trump has attacked voting by mail—the safest, most secure way to cast ballots during the pandemic—for purely personal, partisan advantage. ..............12 The Trump administration has failed to safeguard the health of detained and incarcerated individuals. -
CCAR Journal the Reform Jewish Quarterly
CCAR Journal The Reform Jewish Quarterly Halachah and Reform Judaism Contents FROM THE EDITOR At the Gates — ohrgJc: The Redemption of Halachah . 1 A. Brian Stoller, Guest Editor ARTICLES HALACHIC THEORY What Do We Mean When We Say, “We Are Not Halachic”? . 9 Leon A. Morris Halachah in Reform Theology from Leo Baeck to Eugene B . Borowitz: Authority, Autonomy, and Covenantal Commandments . 17 Rachel Sabath Beit-Halachmi The CCAR Responsa Committee: A History . 40 Joan S. Friedman Reform Halachah and the Claim of Authority: From Theory to Practice and Back Again . 54 Mark Washofsky Is a Reform Shulchan Aruch Possible? . 74 Alona Lisitsa An Evolving Israeli Reform Judaism: The Roles of Halachah and Civil Religion as Seen in the Writings of the Israel Movement for Progressive Judaism . 92 David Ellenson and Michael Rosen Aggadic Judaism . 113 Edwin Goldberg Spring 2020 i CONTENTS Talmudic Aggadah: Illustrations, Warnings, and Counterarguments to Halachah . 120 Amy Scheinerman Halachah for Hedgehogs: Legal Interpretivism and Reform Philosophy of Halachah . 140 Benjamin C. M. Gurin The Halachic Canon as Literature: Reading for Jewish Ideas and Values . 155 Alyssa M. Gray APPLIED HALACHAH Communal Halachic Decision-Making . 174 Erica Asch Growing More Than Vegetables: A Case Study in the Use of CCAR Responsa in Planting the Tri-Faith Community Garden . 186 Deana Sussman Berezin Yoga as a Jewish Worship Practice: Chukat Hagoyim or Spiritual Innovation? . 200 Liz P. G. Hirsch and Yael Rapport Nursing in Shul: A Halachically Informed Perspective . 208 Michal Loving Can We Say Mourner’s Kaddish in Cases of Miscarriage, Stillbirth, and Nefel? . 215 Jeremy R. -
The Supreme Court of the United States
The Supreme Court of the United States Hearings and Reports on the Successful and Unsuccessful Nominations Now Includes the Kavanaugh and Preliminary Barrett Volumes! This online set contains all existing Senate documents for 1916 to date, as a result of the hearings and subsequent hearings on Supreme Court nominations� Included in the volumes are hearings never before made public! The series began with three volumes devoted to the controversial confirmation of Louis Brandeis, the first nominee subject to public hearings. The most recent complete volumes cover Justice Kavanaugh. After two years, the Judiciary Committee had finally released Kavanaugh’s nomination hearings, so we’ve been able to complete the online volumes� The material generated by Kavanaugh’s nomination was so voluminous that it takes up 8 volumes� The definitive documentary history of the nominations and confirmation process, this ongoing series covers both successful and unsuccessful nominations� As a measure of its importance, it is now consulted by staff of the Senate Judiciary Committee as nominees are considered� Check your holdings and complete your print set! Volume 27 (1 volume) 2021 Amy Coney Barrett �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 26 (8 volumes) - 2021 Brett Kavanaugh ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 25 (2 books) - 2018 Neil M� Gorsuch ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������$380�00 -
Rethinking the Boundaries of the Sixth Amendment Right to Choice of Counsel
RETHINKING THE BOUNDARIES OF THE SIXTH AMENDMENT RIGHT TO CHOICE OF COUNSEL I. INTRODUCTION Criminal defense is personal business. For this reason, the Consti- tution’s ample procedural protections for criminal defendants are writ- ten not just to provide a fair trial, but also to put the defendant in con- trol of his own defense. Courts and commentators alike have rec- ognized that the constitutional vision of liberty requires not only protection for the accused, but also the right of the accused to speak and act for himself.1 The Sixth Amendment also reflects the common understanding that the assistance of counsel can be crucial — even necessary — to effective defense,2 but its language and structure nev- ertheless make clear that the rights and their exercise belong to the de- fendant himself, not his lawyer.3 The right to the assistance of counsel has many facets, but its most ancient and fundamental element is the defendant’s right to counsel of his own choosing. Indeed, the Supreme Court has identified choice of counsel as “the root meaning of the constitutional guarantee.”4 Yet ac- tual choice-of-counsel doctrine gives the state broad authority to inter- fere with the exercise of this right. For example, a defendant may not choose an advocate whose representation creates a potential conflict of interest for the defendant, even if the defendant knowingly and intelli- gently waives any objection to the potential conflict,5 and a defendant has no right to be represented by an advocate who is not a current member of a state bar association.6 The remedy for a choice-of- ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– 1 See, e.g., Faretta v. -
In the United States District Court for the Southern District of ______
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF _________ Attorney General of the State of ______ , on Behalf of the Citizens of the State of _____ Plaintiffs, Case No.: v. DONALD J. TRUMP Defendant. INTRODUCTION 1. This is a civil action for damages under the laws of the United State, common and general law, and international law for among other grounds, criminal negligence, wrongful death, gross negligence and willful misconduct, fraudulent concealment, dereliction of duty, crimes against humanity, treason and declaratory relief. 2. This action arises from Trump’s conduct prior to, during, and following the Covid-19 pandemic that swept through the country in 2020 and 2021. This lawsuit is based on Defendant Trump’s intentional, reckless, and/or negligent acts which caused inter alia: (a.) The deaths of 25,190 [insert name of state, county or municipality]; (b.) The infection of 419,642 [insert name of state, county or municipality] citizens; (c.) Life-long debilitating health conditions for tens of thousands; (d.) Loss of parents, grandparents, husbands and wives, sons and daughters, brothers and sisters; (e) Economic losses and hardship for millions; and (f) Loss of property, including businesses, colleges and hospitals, JURISDICTION AND VENUE 3. Jurisdiction of this matter is founded upon diversity of citizenship under 28 U.S.C. § 1332 and pendent and concurrent state jurisdiction. 4. This Court has jurisdiction over this class action: under 28 U.S.C. § 1332, because the matter in controversy exceeds $75,000, exclusive of interest and costs, and because there is complete diversity of parties; under 28 U.S.C.