BAM 2013

This paper is from the BAM 2013 Conference Proceedings

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Governor Experiences of Emergent Processes of Strategic Development within English Free Schools

Track: Public Management and Governance

Phillip Mason University of Hertfordshire Business School

M322 – Hertfordshire Business School University of Hertfordshire Hatfield Hertfordshire AL10 9EU [email protected]

Governor Experiences of Emergent Processes of Strategic Development within English Free Schools

Governor Experiences of Emergent Processes of Strategic Development within English Free Schools

This developmental paper discusses on-going research into the experiences of governors of English Free Schools. English Free Schools are a new phenomenon and face new forms of regulation and accountability through the Department for Education and increased exposure to a broad range of stakeholders. The experience of working within these constraints entails distinctive challenges for those involved, offering the possibility to generate fresh insights into the emergent processes through which challenges are met. The paper explores the growing literature relating to Free Schools whilst noting its current focus is of relevance to policy-makers over community-based actors. In its early stages, the research offers a new perspective on the Free School debate, based on the perceptions of people involved in setting up and participating in the strategic development of specific Free Schools within identifiable communities. Implications for policy are discussed arising from the emerging challenges related to Free School governance.

Word Count - 2435 Governor Experiences of Emergent Processes of Strategic Development within English Free Schools

Background

English Free Schools are schools that have entered into a distinct funding agreement held directly with the Department for Education through which they are held accountable, independent from Local Education Authorities (NSN, 2011a). Currently there are 79 Free Schools operating in England (DfE, 2012). Whilst sharing features with Academy Schools they also differ from all state-funded schools (Academies Act, 2010; Education Act, 2011). They have greater autonomy over decisions including whether to hire teachers with Qualified Teacher Status and some aspects of assessment (NSN, 2011a). Free Schools can be set up by anyone providing certain requirements are met and a charitable trust is formed (NSN, 2011a). Parental demand to 50% enrolment of the first two years of operation must be demonstrated in the application (NSN, 2011b). The Free School application also requires a demonstration of understanding of, and plans to include, the local community and its needs and reflect this in the service it provides (NSN, 2011c & 2011d). Founding governors face new regulation challenges concerning admissions (NSN, 2011d). Free schools may also outsource functions to private companies, whilst retaining strategic oversight of the school’s direction (NSN, 2011e).

Free Schools can theoretically set up anywhere provided they demonstrate demand, even though sufficient school places might already exist (Gove, 2010). This potential for local competition for pupils via parental choice is the basis on which market forces are introduced to the sector (Coulson, 2001 & 2009).

The main focus of literature related to Free Schools concerns the relationship between education markets and academic achievement (e.g. Coulson, 2001 & 2009; Hoxby, 2003; Hicks, 2011). This also incorporates the debates concerning the social impacts of Free Schools, especially on deprived areas, and the issues behind private involvement in education provision (e.g. Ball, 2007; Dronkers et al, 2010, Blair, 1997; Bradley and Taylor, 2010; Molnar, 2001). These emphases are also evident in literature from schools originating in similar driving policy in other countries including Swedish and Danish Free Schools, as well as American Charter Schools (e.g. Rouse, 1998; Sandström and Bergström, 2005; Sahlgren, 2011; Hoxby and Rockoff, 2005).

Connolly and James (2011) acknowledge that agency must be considered in parallel with structure in diagnosing the successes and failures of governance arrangements. They (ibid.) further argue that a gap exists in our understanding of who parent representatives are and how they see themselves in relation to their perceived roles.

Conceptual Development

Without a specific guiding sector benchmark strategic development is subject to the influence of those individuals and policies involved in the schools. As such a conceptual understanding of each school’s realised strategy should recognise the role of emergence.

Within management studies the concept of emergence has been contributed to by a broad range of strategists, change theorists and complexity theorists, to explain the disparity between strategic aims and eventual outcomes (e.g. Mintzberg and Walters, 1985; Goldstein, 1999; Bamford, 2006; Lichtenstein and Plowman, 2009). Emergence is a macro-level phenomena arising from micro-level components (Goldstein, 1999). Realised strategy results Governor Experiences of Emergent Processes of Strategic Development within English Free Schools in part from the realised intentions of different actors engaging collectively; suggesting that what is realized may be perceived to have emerged more by some actors than others.

Complex Responsive Process theorists suggest that individuals’ interactions entail a process of communication, power relations and ‘interplay between people’s choices arising in acts of evaluation’ (Stacey & Griffin, 2005, pp. 3). Strategic development in Free Schools would thus be beyond the capacity for individual total control (Stacey, Griffin and Shaw, 2000). Change theorists also contend that management of emergence must take place amongst the many, rather than few (Bamford, 2006; Lichtenstein and Plowman, 2009; Plowman et al, 2007; Burnes, 2004 & 2009, pp. 370; Bamford and Forrester, 2003; Karp and Helgø, 2008). However, what is less evident from the literature is an understanding of emergence as an experiential phenomenon. Studies such as those done by Kickert (2010) and Rhodes et al (2011) go some way to identifying the acting bodies (and their vested interests) involved in emergent change processes in their respective contexts but focus on abstractions from the change process.

Literature on emergence in schools tends to focus either on emergence in the classroom (e.g. Fong, P. J. E., 2006; Doll, 1989) or starts with the premise that complexity and emergence offer a macro level explanatory paradigm, without ever making explicit the contributing components or reasoning (e.g. Byrne, 1998; Mennin, 2010; Davis, 2008).

Senge et al’s (2000) ‘School’s That Learn’ represents an important contribution to the understanding of school systems and emergence. Analysis by Davis and Sumara (2006, pp. 81) demonstrates a historical progression towards the idea that schools are subject to emergent forces; but goes further in suggesting that emergence incorporates the sociological, psychological and behavioural.

It is concluded that it would be inappropriate to consider the strategic development of Free Schools in England as an entirely stable and planned activity. Hence the forming of interview questions has taken into consideration the literature on emergence and in particular will consider whether the Free School governing role entails complex processes of interaction with numerous other stakeholders.

Methodology

This conceptual understanding, in recognising the role of governors, stakeholders and uncerta