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Iraq's Democratisation: Communicating Women's Rights And COVER SHEET This is the author-version of article published as: Campbell, Perri (2006) Iraq’s democratisation: Communicating women’s rights and social change in cyberspace. In Proceedings Social Change in the 21st Century Conference 2006, Queensland University of Technology. Accessed from http://eprints.qut.edu.au Iraq’s democratisation: Communicating women’s rights and social change in cyberspace Perri Campbell Behavioural Studies School of Political and Social Inquiry Monash University Paper presented to the Social Change in the 21st Century Conference Centre for Social Change Research Queensland University of Technology 27th October 2006 Iraq’s democratisation: Communicating women’s rights and social change in cyberspace Perri Campbell Behavioural Studies School of Political and Social Inquiry Monash University Abstract In 2003 George W. Bush launched a military and political campaign to invade and democratise Iraq. After three trips to the polls during the three years of the United States’ occupation, the Iraqi people have democratically elected representatives to oversee the physical and political rebuilding of their country. Numerous problems associated with the democratisation process have fueled debate between politicians and academics. These views have been represented in mainstream media and in official discourse. Additional commentaries on democratisation in Iraq have been located in Cyberspace. These commentaries are known as “blogspots” and offer a rare insight into the everyday life of Iraqi people as they face not only political change but also the social chaos of occupation under a foreign invader. This paper will outline the research potential of data from “cyberspace” and the “blogosphere” as contributing to an understanding of the social ramifications of democratisation via invasion and war for the women of Iraq. I will present a preliminary analysis of the blog “Baghdad Burning” and propose that this blog provides data which has the potential to significantly contribute to our understanding of how the cultural and behavioral values and norms of Iraq are affected by the United States military and political presence. Specifically, I will discuss the implications of Iraq’s new democratic constitution for women’s rights. Keywords: “Baghdad Burning”; constitution; cyberspace; democratization; Iraq; religion; women’s rights. Contact Details: Perri Campbell 900 Dandenong Rd Caulfield East VIC 3145 Mobile: 0406 338 173 Email: [email protected] 1 Introduction The rights of women in the new constitution are quite murky… (Riverbend, Saturday September 17, 2005). Rights and freedoms have become minor concerns compared to the possibility of civil war, the reality of ethnic displacement and cleansing, and the daily certainty of bloodshed and death (Riverbend, Monday October 03, 2005). In 2003, there was general talk of a secular Iraq; today, that no longer seems to be an option (Riverbend, Sunday November 06, 2005). The September 11 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and other American landmarks created the conditions for an invasion of Iraq. George Bush’s military and political campaign in Iraq involved a democratisation program initiating the transition from the military dictatorship of Saddam Hussein to democracy. Under these new democratic conditions the Bush administration claimed that terrorist attacks would decrease. In 2006, three years after the U.S. lead invasion, Iraq is facing a lack of security and basic needs such as electricity (Riverbend Tuesday May 02: 2006). This environment has provoked discussion amongst the academic, journalistic and political population. Some of the most pertinent and detailed responses to the current social atmosphere in Iraq have come from Iraq’s population. Amal Salman, a fourteen-year old Iraqi girl poses the question: ‘where is democracy?’ (Shadid 2005: 338). She goes on to say, ‘I used to think that democracy was something that benefited the people. But what has democracy done?’ (Shadid 2005: 338). Many responses indicate that any expectation of increased freedom and equality for women under the banner of democracy, have not been realised. Women’s rights advocates are suggesting that women in Iraq may have enjoyed more freedom under the military dictatorship of Saddam Hussein than they do under the Bush administration’s emerging democracy – a democracy that empowers women to vote and little else (Moghadam 2005). The purpose of this paper is to discuss the rights of women under the present government of Iraq. Research into the availability of informants within Iraq has taken into consideration the restrictions war places on communication. Looking outside the boundaries of traditional research techniques has located weblogs commenting on the war in Iraq. Using the data available from ‘cyberspace’ and the ‘blogosphere’ including ‘blogspots’, I will present a preliminary analysis of an Iraqi woman’s perceptions of the democratic process in Iraq. I propose that the blog ‘Baghdad Burning’ written by a female living in Iraq, provides data which has the potential to significantly contribute to our understanding of how the cultural and behavioral values and norms of Iraqis are affected by the United States military and political presence. In this paper I will specifically focus upon the current challenge to women’s rights presented by the new Iraqi constitution and fundamentalist Islamist groups. Initially, I will summarise the historical and contemporary circumstances that have impacted upon decisions to ‘democratise’ Iraq taking into consideration the historical role of women in Islamic texts and Iraqi society. Life for women in the ‘new-Iraq’ will be outlined and compared to the social experience of women under the military dictatorship of Saddam Hussein. The growing phenomenon of ‘blogging’ as a new rhetorical space and alternative source of information to mainstream media and official government discourse will then be addressed, along with methodological problems that may be encountered. I will discuss how investigating responses encountered in cyberspace informs analysis of the unfolding role of women in Iraqi society today, with reference to Riverbend’s weblog ‘Baghdad Burning’. Abdela (2005), Efrati (2005), Human Rights Watch (2006), Moghadam (2005) and Riverbend argue that the present 2 challenge to women’s rights comes from four interrelated sources: the role of religious politicians in the new Iraqi government; the lack of women’s inclusion in political processes; the incorporation of Shari’ah into the previously secular laws of Iraq’s constitution; and the rise of fundamental religious groups across Iraq. I will discuss each of these areas, commenting upon how the officiating of women’s rights and female participation has been sidelined in political processes due to social chaos in Iraq. I will then discuss the incorporation of Shari’ah law in the new constitution, the rise of fundamentalism and the impact these forces may have for the future of Iraqi women. Iraqi Women throughout History In order to understand the conditions, in which the role of women has developed in Iraq, various historical events that have affected the political and social development of the region must be outlined. Iraq’s complex culture is a product of a history that is variously marked by paganism, Islam, the Ottoman Empire and European colonialism (Shadid 2005: 10). The creation of ‘Iraq’ in 1914 disregarded settled territories and fundamentally drew lines through pre-existing territories inhabited by local peoples of different culture and ethnicity. This creation of geographical boundaries and countries such as Iraq and Iran has created intense border conflicts (Lewis 1995: 76). The role of geographical boundaries and disputes is further complicated by the numerous religious sects and ethnic groups in Iraq. Three main groups prevail in Iraq: Shia, Sunni and Kurds; the most numerous being the Shiite Muslims concentrated in the underdeveloped South of Iraq. Divisions were created between Sunni and Shia Muslims in 680 when the Shia Imam al-Husayn (from the blood line of the Prophet Muhammad) was assassinated under orders from the Caliph YazƯd (Kennedy, 2004: 3). This historical event cemented the Shia Muslims belief that those in positions of power should be direct descendents of the Prophet Muhammad. In comparison the Sunni believe that positions of power should be held by those with the greatest degree of religious expertise and knowledge (Nasr in Sharma et al, 1993: 434). Religious belief and ethnic grouping potently interacts with everyday life, determining ideas of gender, ethnicity, social structures and organisational hierarchies from households to tribes to political affiliation (Geddes 2004: 48). Traditionally, social custom and household structure in Iraq has been patriarchal, marriage oriented and based upon the specifically male interpretations of Islam. For example, that women have dangerous sexual power that must be contained (Hourani 1999: 442). As such women’s legal status in many Muslim countries was limited and determined by Islamic law and family status. Women were not permitted to work in the formal economy or socialise in the public sphere. This social order was based on the belief of the superior power and rights of men (Hanouri 1999: 122). Goodwin (1994: 30) and Moghadam (2003) both argue that the inequality suffered by women is ironic considering that the seventh century founder of Islam, Mohammad, was among the world’s greatest reformers on behalf
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