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Country Guide South Africa
Human Rights and Business Country Guide South Africa March 2015 Table of Contents How to Use this Guide .................................................................................. 3 Background & Context ................................................................................. 7 Rights Holders at Risk ........................................................................... 15 Rights Holders at Risk in the Workplace ..................................................... 15 Rights Holders at Risk in the Community ................................................... 25 Labour Standards ................................................................................. 35 Child Labour ............................................................................................... 35 Forced Labour ............................................................................................ 39 Occupational Health & Safety .................................................................... 42 Trade Unions .............................................................................................. 49 Working Conditions .................................................................................... 56 Community Impacts ............................................................................. 64 Environment ............................................................................................... 64 Land & Property ......................................................................................... 72 Revenue Transparency -
Zapiro : Tooning the Odds
12 Zapiro : Tooning The Odds Jonathan Shapiro, or Zapiro, is the editorial cartoonist for The Sowetan, the Mail & Guardian and the Sunday Times, and his work is a richly inventive daily commentary on the rocky evolution of South African democracy. Zapiro’s platforms in the the country’s two largest mass-market English-language newspapers, along with one of the most influential weeklies, give him influential access to a large share of the national reading public. He occupies this potent cultural stage with a dual voice: one that combines a persistent satirical assault on the seats of national and global power with an unambiguous commitment to the fundamentally optimistic “nation-building” narrative within South African political culture. Jeremy Cronin asserts that Zapiro "is developing a national lexicon, a visual, verbal and moral vocabulary that enables us to talk to each other, about each other."2 It might also be said that the lexicon he develops allows him to write a persistent dialogue between two intersecting tones within his own journalistic voice; that his cartoons collectively dramatise the tension between national cohesion and tangible progress on the one hand, and on the other hand the recurring danger of damage to the mutable and vulnerable social contract that underpins South African democracy. This chapter will outline Zapiro’s political and creative development, before identifying his major formal devices and discussing his treatment of some persistent themes in cartoons produced over the last two years. Lines of attack: Zapiro’s early work Zapiro’s current political outlook germinated during the State of Emergency years in the mid- eighties: he returned from military service with a fervent opposition to the apartheid state, became an organiser for the End Conscription Campaign, and turned his pen to struggle pamphlets. -
News Covering in the Online Press Media During the ANC Elective Conference of December 2017 Tigere Paidamoyo Muringa 212556107
News covering in the online press media during the ANC elective conference of December 2017 Tigere Paidamoyo Muringa 212556107 A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the academic requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) at Centre for Communication, Media and Society in the School of Applied Human Sciences, College of Humanities, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban. Supervisor: Professor Donal McCracken 2019 As the candidate's supervisor, I agree with the submission of this thesis. …………………………………………… Professor Donal McCracken i Declaration - plagiarism I, ……………………………………….………………………., declare that 1. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original research. 2. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other university. 3. This thesis does not contain other persons' data, pictures, graphs or other information unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other persons. 4. This thesis does not contain other persons' writing unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other researchers. Where other written sources have been quoted, then: a. Their words have been re-written, but the general information attributed to them has been referenced b. Where their exact words have been used, then their writing has been placed in italics and inside quotation marks and referenced. 5. This thesis does not contain text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet, unless specifically acknowledged, and the source being detailed in the thesis and the References sections. Signed ……………………………………………………………………………… ii Acknowledgements I am greatly indebted to the discipline of CCMS at Howard College, UKZN, led by Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli. It was the discipline’s commitment to academic research and academic excellence that attracted me to pursue this degree at CCMS (a choice that I don’t regret). -
A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. -
Blurred Lines
BLURRED LINES: HOW SOUTH AFRICA’S INVESTIGATIVE JOURNALISM HAS CHANGED WITH A NEW DEMOCRACY AND EVOLVING COMMUNICATION TOOLS Zoe Schaver The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill School of Media and Journalism Advised by: __________________________ Chris Roush __________________________ Paul O’Connor __________________________ Jock Lauterer BLURRED LINES 1 ABSTRACT South Africa’s developing democracy, along with globalization and advances in technology, have created a confusing and chaotic environment for the country’s journalists. This research paper provides an overview of the history of the South African press, particularly the “alternative” press, since the early 1900s until 1994, when democracy came to South Africa. Through an in-depth analysis of the African National Congress’s relationship with the press, the commercialization of the press and new developments in technology and news accessibility over the past two decades, the paper goes on to argue that while journalists have been distracted by heated debates within the media and the government about press freedom, and while South African media companies have aggressively cut costs and focused on urban areas, the South African press has lost touch with ordinary South Africans — especially historically disadvantaged South Africans, who are still struggling and who most need representation in news coverage. BLURRED LINES 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter I: Introduction A. Background and Purpose B. Research Questions and Methodology C. Definitions Chapter II: Review of Literature A. History of the Alternative Press in South Africa B. Censorship of the Alternative Press under Apartheid Chapter III: Media-State Relations Post-1994 Chapter IV: Profits, the Press, and the Public Chapter V: Discussion and Conclusion BLURRED LINES 3 CHAPTER I: Introduction A. -
Take 286 Starts at 14:05
UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY THURSDAY, 29 NOVEMBER 2018 Page: 1 THURSDAY, 29 NOVEMBER 2018 ____ PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ____ The House met at 14:02. The House Chairperson Ms M G Boroto took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation. DEBATE ON 16 DAYS OF ACTIVISM OF NO VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND CHILDREN: #HEARMETOO – A WOMAN OF FORTITUDE The MINISTER OF SMALL BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT: Hon Chairperson, hon Members of Parliament, representatives of Civil Society and Women’s Movements, ladies and gentlemen, I stand here before you to talk about one of the most and highly emotive issues in South Africa and the world. This scourge knows no colour, knows no religion, knows no race, knows no class and knows no political UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY THURSDAY, 29 NOVEMBER 2018 Page: 2 affiliations. It ravages communities and families across class and the colour line. It is a societal challenge which requires a societal responses. IsiZulu: Ngicela nje ukuthi namhlanje ngingahlushwa uma ngikhuluma ngento ebuhlungu kakhulu kubantu baseNingizimu Afrika. Ngikhuluma ngento engakhethi ukuthi ungubani, unjani, unemali engakanani nokuthi ungubani emphakathini. English: Let us just for a moment put ourselves in the shoes of those who suffer in the hands of abusers. Let us even if it is for a minute feel their pain and trauma. As we do that, let us call upon for those who believe on our almighty and those who believe on ancestors to get into the hearts and minds of these heartless abusers so that they can understand and feel the suffering and the pain that they caused to their victims. -
Commission of Inquiry Into State Capture Held At
COMMISSION OF INQUIRY INTO STATE CAPTURE HELD AT PARKTOWN, JOHANNESBURG 10 10 SEPTEMBER 2019 DAY 160 20 10 SEPTEMBER 2019 – DAY 160 PROCEEDINGS COMMENCE ON 10 SEPTEMBER 2019 CHAIRPERSON: Good morning Ms Norman, good morning everybody. ADV THANDI NORMAN: Good morning Mr Chairperson. CHAIRPERSON: Yes are we ready? ADV THANDI NORMAN: Yes we are ready thank you Chair. CHAIRPERSON: Yes let us start. ADV THANDI NORMAN: Thank you Chair. Before you we have placed Exhibit CC31 for this witness. We are going to ask for a short adjournment after the testimony of this witness to put the relevant files 10 for the next witness Chair. CHAIRPERSON: Okay that is fine. ADV THANDI NORMAN: Thank you, yes thank you. Chair we are ready to lead the evidence of Mr Van Vuuren. May he be sworn in? His evidence continues from the DTT project as stated before the Chair by Ms Mokhobo and also Doctor Mothibi on Friday thank you. CHAIRPERSON: Yes okay. ADV THANDI NORMAN: Yes thank you. CHAIRPERSON: Please administer the oath or affirmation? REGISTRAR: Please state your full names for the record? 20 MR ANTON LOURENS JANSEN VAN VUUREN: Anton Lourens Janse Van Vuuren. REGISTRAR: Do you have any objection to taking the prescribed oath? MR ANTON LOURENS JANSEN VAN VUUREN: No. REGISTRAR: Do you consider the oath to be binding on your conscience? Page 2 of 174 10 SEPTEMBER 2019 – DAY 160 MR ANTON LOURENS JANSEN VAN VUUREN: Yes. REGISTRAR: Do you swear that the evidence you will give will be the truth; the whole truth and nothing but the truth, if so please raise your right hand and say, so help me God. -
Unrevised Hansard Mini-Plenary National
UNREVISED HANSARD MINI-PLENARY NATIONAL ASSEMBLY THURSDAY, 27 FEBRUARY 2020 Page: 1 THURSDAY, 27 FEBRUARY 2020 ____ PROCEEDINGS OF THE MINI-PLENARY – NATIONAL ASSEMBLY CHAMBER ____ Members of the mini-plenary met in the Chamber of the National Assembly at 14:01. The Deputy Speaker, as the Chairperson, took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation. TRANSFORMING SOCIETY AND UNITING THE COUNTY BY CULTIVATING A SHARED RECOMMITMENT TO CONSTITUTIONAL VALUES THAT PROMOTE NATION-BUILDING, STRENGTHEN SOCIAL COHESION AND IMPROVE THE QUALITY OF LIFE FOR ALL SOUTH AFRICANS (Subject for Discussion) Dr N P NKABANE: Deputy Speaker, hon members in the House, guests and the broader society, in particular, those segments in our communities that are watching this debate today, we UNREVISED HANSARD MINI-PLENARY NATIONAL ASSEMBLY THURSDAY, 27 FEBRUARY 2020 Page: 2 wish to reaffirm our commitment to the ANC’s manifesto for the 2019 general elections which is “Let’s grow South Africa together”. It is our responsibility as the ANC-led government to reprogram the subconscious mind by providing it with consistent messaging that aligns with the progressive programme that we seek to achieve. Nelson Mandela once said: “fools multiply when wise men are silent.” The President of the Republic of South Africa, His Excellency Mr Cyril Ramaphosa reiterated that and I quote: “the freedom we enjoy today was achieved through struggle, determination and great sacrifice”. He further reiterated that and I quote: “despite the challenges and setbacks, we won our freedom by working together and never giving up.” House Chairperson, it is well known that the postapartheid state of constitutional democracy was faced with a broad spectrum of political, socioeconomic and human rights issues aimed at challenging the status core of the state that was more of a racially exclusive capitalist that benefited my people on the left; where black people who constituted the majority were excluded from the social, political and economic realms of the dominant society. -
South Africa's Anti-Corruption Bodies
Protecting the public or politically compromised? South Africa’s anti-corruption bodies Judith February The National Prosecuting Authority and the Public Protector were intended to operate in the interests of the law and good governance but have they, in fact, fulfilled this role? This report examines how the two institutions have operated in the country’s politically charged environment. With South Africa’s president given the authority to appoint key personnel, and with a political drive to do so, the two bodies have at times become embroiled in political intrigues and have been beholden to political interests. SOUTHERN AFRICA REPORT 31 | OCTOBER 2019 Key findings Historically, the National Prosecuting Authority The Public Protector’s office has fared (NPA) has had a tumultuous existence. somewhat better overall but its success The impulse to submit such an institution to ultimately depends on the calibre of the political control is strong. individual at its head. Its design – particularly the appointment Overall, the knock-on effect of process – makes this possible but might not in compromised political independence is itself have been a fatal flaw. that it is felt not only in the relationship between these institutions and outside Various presidents have seen the NPA and Public Protector as subordinate to forces, but within the institutions themselves and, as a result, have chosen themselves. leaders that they believe they could control to The Public Protector is currently the detriment of the institution. experiencing a crisis of public confidence. The selection of people with strong and This is because various courts, including visible political alignments made the danger of the Constitutional Court have found that politically inspired action almost inevitable. -
Dr Abu Baker ‘Hurley’ Asvat
Dr Abu Baker ‘Hurley’ Asvat This article was published on South African History Online South African History online (SAHO) is a non-partisan people’s history institution. It was established in June 2000 as a non-profit Section 21 organisation, to address the biased way in which South Africa’s history and heritage, as well as the history and heritage of Africa is represented in educational and cultural institutions. Abstract The article is a biography of Dr Abu Baker ‘Hurley’ Asvat, better known as the people’s doctor, from his childhood in Vrededorp to his medical study and political activism as part of a Pan Africanist Congress (PAC)-aligned students group. More importantly the article brings to light the significant role the peoples’ doctor played in non-racial cricket and his emergence as a vital figure in Sowto’s life and politics. Key words: Dr Abu Baker ‘Hurley’ Asvat, Azania People’s Organization, Black Consciousness (BC), medical activism, non-racialism The ‘People’s Doctor’ ‘He struggled to liberate society from oppression. He gave his life so that others may have a better life. He was a true patriot as a man of unity in the struggle against apartheid. His sacrifices were not in vain as his principles, beliefs and action touched many communities and helped to restore the dignity of destitute people’ (Prayer for Dr. Asvat, 2010). Childhood and Schooling On 23 February 1943, Abu Baker Asvat was born in Vrededorp(Fietas), South Africa.He spent his youth in Fietas, playing football and cricket on the playing grounds near his house. -
12-Politcsweb-Going-Off-The-Rails
http://www.politicsweb.co.za/documents/going-off-the-rails--irr Going off the rails - IRR John Kane-Berman - IRR | 02 November 2016 John Kane-Berman on the slide towards the lawless South African state GOING OFF THE RAILS: THE SLIDE TOWARDS THE LAWLESS SOUTH AFRICAN STATE SETTING THE SCENE South Africa is widely recognised as a lawless country. It is also a country run by a government which has itself become increasingly lawless. This is so despite all the commitments to legality set out in the Constitution. Not only is the post–apartheid South Africa founded upon the principle of legality, but courts whose independence is guaranteed are vested with the power to ensure that these principles are upheld. Prosecuting authorities are enjoined to exercise their functions “without fear, favour, or prejudice”. The same duty is laid upon other institutions established by the Constitution, among them the public protector and the auditor general. Everyone is endowed with the right to “equal protection and benefit of the law”. We are all also entitled to “administrative action that is lawful, reasonable, and procedurally fair”. Unlike the old South Africa – no doubt because of it – the new Rechtsstaat was one where the rule of law would be supreme, power would be limited, and the courts would have the final say. This edifice, and these ideals, are under threat. Lawlessness on the part of the state and those who run it is on the increase. The culprits run from the president down to clerks of the court, from directors general to immigration officials, from municipal managers to prison warders, from police generals to police constables, from cabinet ministers to petty bureaucrats. -
Strengthening Constitutional Democracy: Progress and Challenges of the South African Human Rights Commission and Public Protector
NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 60 Issue 1 Twenty Years of South African Constitutionalism: Constitutional Rights, Article 7 Judicial Independence and the Transition to Democracy January 2016 Strengthening Constitutional Democracy: Progress and Challenges of the South African Human Rights Commission and Public Protector TSELISO THIPANYANE Chief Executive Officer at the Safer South Africa Foundation Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation TSELISO THIPANYANE, Strengthening Constitutional Democracy: Progress and Challenges of the South African Human Rights Commission and Public Protector, 60 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. (2015-2016). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 Tseliso Thipanyane Strengthening Constitutional Democracy: Progress and Challenges of the South African Human Rights Commission and Public Protector 60 N.Y.L. Sch. L. Rev. 125 (2015–2016) ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Tseliso Thipanyane is the Chief Executive Officer at the Safer South Africa Foundation; an independent consultant on human rights, democracy, and good governance; former adjunct Lecturer-in-Law at Columbia Law School; and former Chief Executive Officer of the South African Human Rights Commission. www.nylslawreview.com 125 STRENGTHENING CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 60 | 2015/16 Human rights and fundamental freedoms are the birthright of all human beings; their protection and promotion is the first responsibility of Governments.1 I.