Introduction Haunted by Jews: Re-Membering the Medieval English Other 1

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Introduction Haunted by Jews: Re-Membering the Medieval English Other 1. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 85–86. All endnotes include abbreviated citations. The complete entries of works cited in the endnotes can be found in the Bibliography. 2. I wish to thank Sarah Higley for bringing this “B.C.” cartoon to my attention. 3. Perri Hart, on behalf of Johnny Hart, explains that the cartoon’s “controversial nature and the unfavorable response we received when it initially ran” has led Johnny Hart Studios to take the “position where we aren’t allowing that strip to be reprinted.” Perri Hart, Email to Dr. Miriamne Krummel, January 12, 2004. After this cartoon was published, an uproar about the cartoon’s antisemitic gestures followed; as a result, some news- papers dropped the B.C. cartoon. 4. To interrogate the relationship between Christianity and Judaism, Johnny Hart fashions a seven-candle menorah or candelabra, which is undoubt- edly associated with Jewishness. This menorah, nonetheless, does not represent a Hanukkah menorah (or Hanukiah), which would have nine candles; rather, Hart’s depiction of a menorah indicates a candelabrum from before the destruction of the Second Temple. 5. Another Christian anti-Judaic incident occurred at the same time that this cartoon was published. In a fit of anger, Charlie Ward of the New York Knicks publically pronounced, “they had his blood on their hands” in obviously referencing the alleged Jewish involvement in Jesus’s crucifixion. For more on this subject, see Walz, “Anti-Semitism in Pro Sports.” At the same time, Chad Curtis of the New York Yankees expressed similar sentiments; Walz explains that both Curtis and Ward were asked to meet with rabbis. See also Niebuhr, “What’s Taught, Learned about Who Killed Christ.” Niebuhr takes a more historical view than Walz. See Simon, Verus Israel, 202–33, for a detailed history of Christian anti-Judaism. 6. Biddick also discusses the harmful impact of mapping Jews as potential Christians in her Typological Imaginary, 21–75. 164 NOTES

7. On the spectral nature of typology, see Kruger, Spectral Jew, 1–22. In “Postcolonial Chaucer” Tomasch reflects on an image of Joseph who is, like Abraham, “denoted” as a Jew when behaving wrong-mindedly and “undenoted” as a Jew when adhering to accepted Christian behavior (246, 248–52). 8. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 86; emphasis his. 9. Brooks and Collins, Hebrew Bible, 1. 10. Brooks and Collins, Hebrew Bible, 1. 11. Bale, Jew in Medieval Book, 25. 12. Kruger, Spectral Jew, 168. 13. Simon, Verus Israel, 208. The disputation at Barcelona between Moses ben Nachman (Nahmanides) and Pablo Christiani emblematizes mine and Simon’s point. See Nahmanides’s Vikuah (102–46) and Christiani’s report (147–50) in Maccoby’s Judaism on Trial. 14. Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 252. 15. In “Paper Jews” Biddick considers the “ontological absence of Jews” (594). See also Biddick, Typological Imaginary, 60–66; and Lampert [Lampert- Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 21–57. 16. Kruger elaborates upon the ideas about spectrality in Spectral Jew, xxx, 11. 17. Augustine, De Civitate Dei [The City of God], 20.4; translation Dods’. 18. Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 317–63, explains this point well. 19. This last point is indebted to Fradenburg, “ ‘Be not far from me,’ ” 41–54. See also Simon, Verus Israel, 207–11. 20. Fradenburg, “ ‘Be not far from me,” ’ 43. 21. On the testing of the sacramental wafer, see Rubin, Gentile Tales; on the issue of blood in matzoh, see Simon, Verus Israel, 221; Simon also provides a catalogue of horrible Jewish crimes imagined by Chrysostum (212–23). These crimes came to be viewed as real. 22. See Dundes, Blood Libel Legend, 358. Dundes explains that the terms blood libel and ritual murder “are used almost interchangeably but there are several scholars who have sought to distinguish between ritual murder and blood libel, arguing that ritual murder refers to a sacrificial murder in general whereas the blood libel entails specific use of the blood of the victim” (337). See also Rubin, Gentile Tales. 23. Just as Cain killed Abel, so Jews killed Jesus: see Ambrose, Cain and Abel: “haec figura synagogae et ecclesiae in istis duobus fratribus ante praecessit, Cain et Abel. per Cain parricidalis populus intellegitur Iudaeorum . . . per Abel autem intellegitur Christianus adhaerens deo (These two brothers, Cain and Abel, have furnished us with the prototype of the Synagogue and the Church. In Cain we perceive the parricidal people of the Jews. . . . By Abel we understand the Christian who cleaves to God) CSEL, 32.1, 341; translation Savage’s. 24. Rubin, Gentile Tales, 28. 25. On the notions of splitting and projecting in relationship to Jewishness, see Gabel, “The Meaning of the Holocaust,” 12–18. NOTES 165

26. For more on this subject, see Lipton, Images of Intolerance; and also Chapter One. 27. Biddick, “Genders, Bodies, Borders,” 392. 28. Bestul, Texts of the Passion, 72. 29. Biddick, “Genders, Bodies, Borders,” 409. 30. In “Mourning and Melancholia” (159–63), Freud writes of the complex relationship formed between the subject and the object of the subject’s affections. In cathexis, the subject cannot let go of the object. The ego negotiates a drama so that the object (that is actually irrevocably lost) can be imagined as possessed forever. 31. Chism, Alliterative Revivals, 267. Chism and I observe similar phenomena in different literary traditions. 32. With the words “Jewish toponymic,” I mean to indicate the combination of an English place with a Jewish name. One example of a Jewish toponymic is Meir ben Elijah of Norwich. A discussion of Meir of Norwich’s liturgical poetry and hybrid identity is a subject I take up in Chapter Two. 33. March 8, 1305, Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 316–17; Latin emphasis text’s. 34. November 20, 1314, Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 199. The memory of the presence of Sarra of London echoes another memory of an absent yet present Jew and, perhaps, typifies the way that forcibly expelled Jews occupy the imaginaries of the people who continue to occupy the land after the Jews’ legally imposed “exile.” I am reminded of the story of “Jud” Meyer and the city Oberammergau as discussed in Shapiro, Oberammergau, 142–46. Shapiro explains that attached to the memory of “Jud” Meyer’s name (“Jud”) was the fairly significant sense that there had been at one time a Jew living in Oberammergau (James Shapiro, Jewish Book Festival Talk, Jewish Community Center, Rochester, New York, Thursday, November 9, 2000). 35. My reading of the complex double gestures—conscious and unconscious—of these deeds is informed by the work of Bhabha; see his Location of Culture, 139–70. 36. April 18, 1319, Calendar of the Fine Rolls, Vol. II, 397. 37. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 168. 38. April 20, 1297, Calendar of the Close Rolls, Vol IV, 27; Latin emphasis text’s. 39. December 7, 1309, Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 201. 40. Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society, also conjectures that the link between the monarchy and the Jews likely perpetuated the persecution of the Jews (146–53). 41. Chaucer, “Prioress’s Tale.” Hereafter, all references to Chaucer’s work will be taken from the Riverside Chaucer and cited in the body of the text. Kelly, “Jews and Saracens,” suspects that Chaucer would have had reason to think about Jews as “impoverished” rather than wealthy (169). 42. See Roth, A History of the Jews in England, 6; Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 16. 166 NOTES

43. The Latin text is taken from Stow, Alienated Minority, 273–74; translations are mine. 44. December 12, 1318, Calendar of the Patent Rolls, Vol. III., 254. 45. The entry immediately follows the previously cited roll. 46. Such types of interrogations and interpolations no doubt blossomed into the film A Knight’s Tale. 47. Stacey mentions the specific date of the Expulsion in “Parliamentary Negotiation,” 92–93. 48. See Shapiro, Shakespeare and the Jews, 43–55. 49. The Middle English Dictionary (MED) defines “nacioun” as “1. (a) A nation, people; a race of people; a political country, nationality; 2. the Biblical ‘nations,’ Gentiles; heathen peoples; and 3. (a) A class or group of people; the human race, mankind; (b) progeny, offspring, children; descendants, a generation; (c) family, birth; social class.” The sense of exclusion is evident in the separation created by “class” and “race.” 50. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 140. 51. See, especially, Heng’s closing introductory remarks about the urgency of “return[ing] to the past anew” (15). Heng thinks, specifically, of post-9/11 world in Empire of Magic, 13–15. As Cohen, “Introduction: Midcolonial,” reminds us, viewing the Middle Ages through a critical lens enables a fruitful “transnational alliance and mutual transformation” (5). 52. See Cohen, “Introduction: Midcolonial,” 4–6. 53. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 11. 54. Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 17. 55. Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 214, 227–228. 56. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 12–36. 57. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 36. I refer to Mandeville’s compilation as The Book as does Higgins; see his Writing East, vii–ix. 58. Gabel, “The Meaning of the Holocaust,” 14. It is necessary for me to say a word about inviting Holocaust studies into a discussion about the genocide of the High Middle Ages. In referring to one specific historic event of the twentieth century—namely, the Holocaust or Shoah—Gabel’s work is instructive and informs my reading of cultural erasure in the High Middle Ages in that notions connected to and born because of our studies of the Shoah can inform the ways that we scrutinize the past. In Communities of Violence, Nirenberg has instructively warned critics against implying a Jewish lachrymose history or fashioning “a teleology leading, more or less explicitly, to the Holocaust” (4–5). Nirenberg’s fair warning leads me to note that I am not suggesting two millennia of a lachrymose history; rather, I arrange these two periods, when Jewish identities were jeopardized, so that one resonates with the other. See also Carolyn Dinshaw’s Getting Medieval. 59. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, 237. 60. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, 241. 61. On the problems of fractured territories, see Bhabha, Location of Culture, 86–87. NOTES 167

62. Jews needed to remain attentive to all issues related to protection, developing such necessary territorial appendages as courts, a soldiership, and civil laws. See Parkes, The Jew in the Medieval Community, 260. 63. The word “Jewry” speaks of the medieval ghettoization of the Jews. 64. Fuss, “Inside/Out,” 3; emphasis hers. I deploy Fuss’s notions to suggest the analogy: Jewishness is to homosexual identities as Christianness is to heterosexual ones; Jewishness is the internal lack that Christianness needs “to contain and defuse.” 65. See Cohen’s discussion about medieval, English identity in “The Flow of Blood in Medieval Norwich.” 66. The topic of the phobogenic Other is discussed by Fanon in Black Skin, White Masks, 141–209. 67. þe Play of þe Conversyon of Ser Jonathas þe Jewe by Myracle of þe Blyssed Sacrament refers to the Trinity College, Dublin F.4.20 manuscript title of the Croxton Play of the Sacrament. See Nisse, Defining Acts, 181n.3. 68. The subject of the representation of the Jew and the use of these terms, Christian anti-Judaism, antisemitism, allosemitism, and philosemitism, is too vast to be listed exhaustively here. For those interested in further reading, of particular note are Bauman, “Allosemitism: Premodern, Modern, Postmodern,” 143–56; Jones, “ ‘The Place of the Jews’: Anti- Judaism and Theatricality in Medieval Culture,” 327–57; Katz, Philo- Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England; Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism; Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society; and Narin van Court, “Socially Marginal, Culturally Central,” 293–326. 69. I am invoking Moore’s Formation of a Persecuting Society here. Chapter Five provides a fuller discussion of Hoccleve’s psychic break.

1 Categories of Race: “Judæis Notris Angliæ” and the 1275 Statute of Jewry 1. “Judæis nostris Angliæ” is taken from one of Edward I’s edicts, composed at the time of the 1290 Expulsion. This document—Pat.18.E.I.m.14—is recorded in Tovey’s Anglia Judaica, 241. 2. Both Augustine and Ambrose reason that the Old (read: Jews) have been replaced by the New (read: Christians): see Ambrose, De Cain et Abel [Cain and Abel]; and Augustine, De Civitate Dei [The City of God], 20: 4. On Paul, see Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 21–57. On medieval antisemitism in general, see Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 301–10. 3. Some of these images are also discussed by Camille, The Gothic Idol; Lipton, Images of Intolerance; Mellinkoff, Outcasts, 2 vols.; and Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews. For lack of a better way of distinguishing between the Christians who persecuted the Jews and the Jews who were subjected to that persecution, I use the blanket terms “Christians” and “Jews” although I do not intend to imply universal behavior attributable 168 NOTES

to both groups. On the subject of race, see Kruger, “The Bodies of Jews,” 301–23; Little, “The Jews in Christian Europe,” 289–93; and the special volume of Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies edited by Thomas Hahn. 4. Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews, 242. Camille, Mirror in Parchment, writes that manuscript pictorials create, rather than imitate, reality (47); see also Lipton, Images of Intolerance, who finds that “anti-Jewish topoi” in the “lay sermon became one of the dominant modes of Christian discourse, remaining the primary point of contact between the clergy and the ‘people’ ” (141). 5. On the ways that phobias can drive reality, see Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 141–80. 6. Hahn, “The Difference the Middle Ages Makes,” 3. Not all the contribu- tors to this volume arrive at the same conclusions as Hahn: for alternative views see Bartlett, “Medieval and Modern Concepts of Race and Ethnicity,” 39–56; and Jordan, “Why ‘Race’?” 165–73. 7. Chazan, “Anti-Semitism,” 341. Langmuir, “Jews and the Archives,” points out that the medieval Jews were easily made into a “perfect screen on which might be projected the dissatisfactions, the anxieties, the hostility, and the repressed fantasies of the delights and powers of evil brewed by all the tensions of a rapidly developing and increasingly institutional- ized society” (192). See also Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews. 8. On the legalization and institution of not only the Jewish badge but also Jewish dress, see Hood, Aquinas and the Jews. I use the word “ghetto” instructively, realizing that its appearance in 1516 is marked by the creation of a Jewish ghetto in Venice (OED). Despite the historical meaning of “ghetto,” the living conditions Edward I imagines are indicative of the same impulse to ghettoize, to segregate, the Jews. 9. See Simon, Verus Israel, especially 135–78. 10. Heng speaks of the intricacies of a “panopticonic gaze witnessed in a series of ever-changing statutes, provisions, and obsessions that met at the locus of Jewish identity” (147) in “The Romance of England.” 11. With the word “essentialism,” I refer to questions that mean to particu- larize what is essentially a Jew. In using the word, “nonessentialism,” I indicate the alternative way of reasoning through what creates identity, and I think of points that wonder why the thought of a Jew needs to be essentially anything when the essential things are external and not char- acteristic of that person. My thoughts are informed by the work of Judith Butler. See her Gender Trouble and the introduction to Bodies That Matter. 12. My remarks are informed by the writings of Biddick, Typological Imaginary, 21–44; Heng, Empire of Magic, 63–113; and Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 214. 13. Aquinas’s letter to the Duchess appears in Aquinas: Selected Political Writings, 84–95. All material quoted from this letter will refer to this edition; citations will appear in the body of the text. All translations are my own unless otherwise noted with quotation marks around the English NOTES 169

translation and taken from Dawson’s translation, which will be cited in the body of the text. The Duchess of Brabant, also Marguerite of France and the daughter of Louis IX, seeks Aquinas’s advice about the treatment of the Jews in the kingdom she rules with her husband. See Weisheipl, O.P., Friar Thomas D’Aquino, 398. On matters regarding this letter, see Hood, Aquinas and the Jews, 101–05. 14. The irony here must be noted: Aquinas uses texts that are originally Jewish Scriptures—namely, the Tanakh (Torah, Kethuv’im [Prophets], Nevi’im [Writings]—to argue against the humane treatment of the Jews. 15. The text of the Statute of Jewry is taken from the 1810 Statutes of the Realm, 221–221a. Hereafter, all references to the Statute both in translation and in Anglo-French will be taken from the Statutes of the Realm and will be cited according to paragraph number. Following the practice of Parkes, The Jew in the Medieval Community, 394–96, and continued by Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 291–93, I am using the facing page translation of the Statutum de Judeismo [Statute of Jewry] found in the 1810 Statutes of the Realm. In the body of my text, I cite the Statute according to the paragraph number. In the notes I cite the Anglo-French passages: “ceo per prendre [terres] a ferme ne lur dorra for quinz anz de cet hure en avaunt” (¶9). 16. The Anglo-French text reads, “Por ceo ke le Rey ad veu ke moutz de maus e deseritizons des prodes houmes de sa trere sunt avenu pro les usures des Jeus e unt feit ca en arere, e ke mult de pecchez en sunt suitz ja seit ceo ke luy ou ces auncestres eient eu gaegnt pru de la gyuerie tot tens ca en arere, ne pre kaumt en le honur de deu e pre le commun pru del people ke le Rey ad ordine e establi ke nul geu desoremes ne preste ren a usure ne sour trere ne sur rente ne sour autre chose” (¶1). 17. “Prodes” can also be translated to signify “proud” and “noble,” in speaking of the nobility who were more than likely in debt to Jewish usurers. My thanks to Denise Despres who, in a private correspondence, reminded me of an alternative meaning of “prodes.” 18. On the subject of Christian usurers, see Jenkinson, “William Cade, a Financier of the Twelfth Century”; and Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 117–22. The king had supported Jewish usurers more than Christian usurers for religious reasons. See Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 140; and Roth, A History of the Jews, 57. 19. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 10. 20. On this issue, see Parkes, The Jew in the Medieval Community, 269–382. 21. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 140–66. 22. See Roth, A History of the Jews, 72. 23. Hood, Aquinas and the Jews, 104. 24. Stacey, “Parliamentary Negotiation,” 81, 89. 25. Stacey, “Parliamentary Negotiation,” 80–82. 26. Edward I’s decree follows the 1215 Lateran Council decision that all Jews wear badges, presumably marking Jewish Otherness. 170 NOTES

27. See Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 214, 195–228; Kerby-Fulton, Iconography and the Professional Reader, 13. 28. The Anglo-French text reads as follows: “e ke checun Geu pus kil avra passee set anz, porte enseine en son soverain garnement cest assavet en fourme de deus tables joyntes de feutre iaune de la longure de sis pouceris e de la laur de treis poutz. E ke checun pus kil aura passe duzze anz paie tres deners pre an de [taillage] au Rey [ky serf il est] a la Pasche e ceo seit entendu ausi ben de femme com de houme” (¶5). 29. See Marcus, Rituals of Childhood, 53–69. It is, I think, no coincidence that the wearing of the badge coincides with the “Jewish initiation ritual” (Marcus, 1–2), common to Ashkenazic, northern Europeans, Jews. This part of the Statute also speaks of the recognition that Jewish girls reached the age of majority at twelve (Marcus, 13–17). 30. An image not reproduced here from the King’s Remembrancer Rolls (E. 159/42, m. 5), like “Moises” (figure 7), particularizes the link between usury and Jewishness with the simultaneous appearance of the 1275 Statute’s Ten Commandments badge and a coin. This doodle forges a connection between Mosaic law and usury. Where “Moises” (figure 7) brands the Jewish name with the Jewish badge, the other image from the Remembrancer Rolls reduces Jewish identity to two identifying characteristics: the badge and the coin. Rokeah, “Drawings of Jewish Interest,” 55–62, also discusses these doodles. 31. Rokeah, “Drawings of Jewish Interest,” 57, notes that the names used in the deed adjacent to the Jewish badge sketches are Isaac de Warewyk and Samuel de Lo(h)un. 32. Figure 5 is also studied by Bale, The Jew in the Medieval Book, 3–6; Camille in his The Gothic Idol, 182–85; and Tomasch in her “Judecca, Dante’s Satan, and the Dis-Placed Jew,” 251. 33. The festival celebrated by the devil, if in fact he blows a ram’s horn, is Rosh ha-Shanah or the Jewish New Year. This moment could also be a possible reference to Joshua and the collapsing of the walls of Jericho. 34. For a discussion of the Jews’ and the devil’s names and their occupations and deaths, see Lipman, Jews of Medieval Norwich, frontispiece, 106–08; and Adler, The Jews of Medieval England, who mainly discusses Avegaye’s portrayal (20, 20n.2). 35. The Church encouraged a most complicated and divided attitude toward the Jews with the abusive practice of “protection and condemnation” (Hood, Aquinas and the Jews, 30). 36. Jews, recorded as “Judeis,” were neither men nor citizens whereas Christians are listed as “hominibus” or “civibus”; see Stacey, Receipt and Issue Rolls, 2–4. Watt convincingly argues that the operative word for the Jews in thirteenth-century England is “servire” [to serve]; see Watt, “The Jews, The Law, and The Church,” 171–72. In “The Exchequer of the Jews of England in the Middle Ages,” Gross concludes that there was no real “legal status of the Jews”; neither a “serf” nor a “ ‘liber homo,’ ” Jews were part of the “private estate” of the King (202–03). Roth also characterizes NOTES 171

this relationship between the English crown and the English Jews as one of ownership: see his A History of the Jews, 96–98. 37. Turville-Petre, England the Nation, 6–7. 38. Cohen, “The Flow of Blood in Medieval Norwich,” 62. 39. See Biddick’s Typlogical Imaginary, esp. 60–75, where she powerfully discusses “graphic technologies” in images of the Regensburg Synagogue. 40. I am not suggesting that Christians were the only viewers of these images; Jews may also have viewed these images. On this subject, see Frojmovic, “Buber in Basle, Schlosser in Sarajevo, and Wischnitzer in Weimar,” 1–32; and Mellinkoff, Antisemitic Hate Signs. 41. Edward I’s “good society” can be likened to what Balibar, “Racism and Nationalism,” describes as a “national community” forged on “a fictive ethnicity” that creates “a network of phantasies” and invents “discourses and behaviours” (49–51). 42. The concept of “pseudospeciation” is mentioned in Baum’s “The Price of Valor,” 44–52. Citing a text, “War Psychiatry,” which Baum describes as “the Army’s five-hundred-page medical-corps textbook on combat trauma” (49), Baum quotes a passage that describes a psychic fantasy known as pseudospeciation—“ ‘the ability of humans and some other primates to classify certain members of their own species as ‘other’ can neutralize the threshold of inhibition so they can kill conspecifics’ ” (50). Mellinkoff, The Mark of Cain, 60–62, introduces the possibility that Cain’s horns signify something “honorable,” as “apotropaic devices,” so the view of the horns as a sign for evil is only one tradition although the more popular one. 43. See Katzenellenbogen, Allegories of the Virtues and Vices in Medieval Art, 57–74. See also Ross, Medieval Art, 68; and Rowland, Blind Beasts, 9–10. 44. Balibar, “Racism and Nationalism,” argues that “the seeds of racism could be seen as lying at the heart of politics from the birth of nationalism onwards” (47). See also Suleri, The Rhetoric of English India. 45. See Guillaumin, “Race and Nature,” 32. 46. Bale has composed a marvelous article that investigates the Jewish profile in both modern and medieval art: see his “Jew in Profile,” 125–50. 47. Kruger takes up the issue of the importance of the Jewish body, in particular, and physicality, in general, in his “The Bodies of Jews,” 301–23. On the legalization and institution of the Jewish badge and Jewish dress, see Hood, Aquinas and the Jews. For a discussion of the racial differences, considered as signifying Jewishness, and the similarities between the imagined markings and essential characteristics of Jews and Blacks to medieval White, Christian philosophers of race, see Jordan, “The Medieval Background,” 58–61. 48. On the subject of medieval memorization and medieval mnemonics, see Carruthers, The Book of Memory, 107–15, 215–20, 245–57. 49. Bale includes details about the history of the Salvin Hours in his “The Jew in Profile,” 135–39. 172 NOTES

50. Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews, views this image as intentionally “inflammatory” and serving “as a form of political propaganda” (111). Hahn argues that color, “the default category of difference,” is never “neutral” in “The Difference the Middle Ages Makes,” 6–8. 51. In medieval taxonomy, the spectrum begins with white and then pro- ceeds through blue, to purple, to green, to yellow, and closes with black in a movement from the most to least pure. Skin color is significant: gray-blue is considered a portent of the devil, signifying both illegiti- macy and despair; yellow suggests avarice and envy as a mark of illegality and sin, testifying to both a yearning to participate in treasonous and felonious activities, as well as a propensity for false and lazy behavior; see Pastoureau, Figures et Couleurs, 40–43. 52. Balibar, “Racism and Nationalism,” 43. 53. The conflation of Jews and black-skinned Others continues into the fourteenth century; see Camille, Mirror in Parchment, 282–84. 54. See Lipton, Images of Intolerance, 24. 55. I am reminded of Lipton’s point in Images of Intolerance: visual “symbols change and take on new meanings within sophisticated systems of communication” (18). 56. Bale, “The Jew in Profile,” 137, also draws our attention to Jesus’s feet. 57. See Balibar, “Racism and Nationalism,” 42–51. 58. See Lipton, Images of Intolerance, 21. In Antisemitic Hate Signs, Mellinkoff finds that the “profile position” serves a “pejorative function” for Jewishly depicted characters, for nonJewish characters are represented “with fron- tal and three-quarter positions” (23, 55). In this way the profile position, Mellinkoff concludes, signifies a Jewish character (55). 59. As Augustine expounds, Cain is the greatest villain of them all; see Augustine’s Contra Faustum [Against Faust], Opera Omnia [Complete Works], Vol. 11, 2:13. Viewing Cain as a Jew and seeing Jews as the “kin of Cain” are a useful misreadings of Genesis, where the Jews claim their ancestry through Noah’s son, Seth. Throughout the Middle Ages, Cain’s murder of Abel came to represent the allegedly prototypical Jewish urge for bloodletting; see Mellinkoff, The Mark of Cain, 5–23. Strickland and Cohen also discuss the linkages between devils and Jews. See Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews, 122–30; Cohen, The Friars and the Jews, 244. 60. The image of the Crucifixion in figure 2 has inspired so much caressing that the vellum near Christ’s image has been worn through. 61. Although the presence of a cap alone may not signify Jewishness, when joined with these other attributes and studied alongside figure 5, the cap becomes a part of a “self-contained sign system” (Images of Intolerance, 18) to use Lipton’s words; for more on the subject of hats and Jews, see her Images of Intolerance, 15–19. Lipton also observes that, in general, “Jews are regularly and rather gratuitously inserted into scenes dealing with the devil and damnation” (Images of Intolerance, 26). Figure 2 could be one of those gratuitous moments. NOTES 173

62. Here, there is an interesting point of departure: with figure 2, we begin to see some conflation of the historical into the figural, for there were medieval Jewish crossbowmen in the thirteenth century, a date that corresponds with the date of these pictorials. Their names are Hameth Balistarius (c.1244), Joseph le Albelester (d. 1276), and Philip le Balestier (c.1226). See Loewe, “Jewish Evidence for the History of the Crossbow,” 94. See also Mandel, “ ‘Jewes werk’ and Sir Thopas,” 62–64; and Krummel, “Globalizing Jewish Communities,” 127–29. 63. The darker figure to the right of Caiaphas in “Caiaphas Questions Christ” (figure 8) may function as the wild-bear does in “Cain’s Murder of Abel” (figure 9). If so, this Emblem moment in figure 9 returns us to figure 8 when the dark character’s gestures—one hand wrapped around Jesus and another hand with a raised finger pointed at Caiaphas—indicate that the darker figure both directs and explains Annas’s and Caiaphas’s behavior. The wild bear orchestrates Cain’s actions. 64. Bale, “Fictions of Judaism in England before 1290,” includes some salient points about the owl-as-Jew fantasy (141). See also Ross, Medieval Art; see also Rowland, Animals with Human Faces. 65. Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art, 12, 22, 25. 66. Rowland, Birds with Human Souls, 157–60. 67. Rowland, Birds with Human Souls, 117. 68. Radhakrishnan, “Postcoloniality and the Boundaries of Identity,” defines hybridity as “written into the postcolonial experience” and indicating “a relationship of historical continuity, however problematic, between colonialism and nationalism and between nationalism and its significant Other” (314). See also Cohen, “Flow of Blood in Medieval Norwich,” 34. 69. See Dinshaw, “Pale Faces,” 19–41. 70. Dinshaw, “Pale Faces,” 22; italics hers. 71. Bhabha, “The Third Space: Interview with Homi Bhabha,” 210. 72. Bartlett, “Medieval and Modern Concepts of Race and Ethnicity,” 53. 73. Cohen, “The Flow of Blood in Medieval Norwich,” 65. See also Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 135. 74. Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 86. 75. These professions have been compiled from three sources: Lipman, “The Anatomy of Medieval Anglo-Jewry,” 72; Roth, A History of the Jews, 113– 14, 120, 122; and Stokes, Studies in Anglo-Jewish History, 63–5, 174, 219. I have not included such professions as assessor, talliator, and financial counselor since those professions would have been associated with the Exchequer and in service to the Crown (and, thus, professions that were most directly connected to Jewish servitude). 76. See Stacey, “The Conversion of Jews,” for my information about Claricia of Exeter. The quoted material is found on page 273–74 of this article. In Antisemitic Hate Signs, Mellinkoff includes a story that also attests to the indelible stain of Jewishness: a Jew, despite conversion, is remembered as a Jew rather than as a Christian when he later appears before the court (33). 174 NOTES

77. Stacey, “The Conversion of Jews,” 278. 78. In his study of the Domus Conversorum [House of the Converted], Stacey, “The Conversion of Jews,” concludes that the Domus Jews tended not to leave the Domus and not to assimilate into Christian society: “sixty years of monarchical sponsorship of the Domus Conversorum, a decade of Dominican sermons, and three generations of ruinous financial levies had not succeeded in raising the number of Jewish converts beyond a few hundred” (282–83). 79. Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 249. See also Jordan, “Jews, Regalian Rights, and the Constitution in Medieval France,” 2–9; Roth, A History of the Jews, 80–90; Stacey, “Parliamentary Negotiation,” 100.

2 Where Curse, Refrain, and Identity Intersect: The Poetry of Meir B. Elijah of Norwich 1. Taken from Oz, Unto Death: Crusade and Late Love, 7. These are the words of Claude Crookback, a fictional chronicler, who accompanies a troop of crusaders as they march toward Jerusalem. 2. This title is the first line of Meir b. Elijah of Norwich’s piyyut (liturgical poem): ʡʖ ˟ʑ ʺ ʤʕʸʩʒʠʍʮʑˎ ʩʑʡʍʩˣʠ or “Put a curse on my enemy.” Unless I specify otherwise, I use Einbinder’s translation in “Meir b. Elijah of Norwich,” 156–59. All references to Meir’s piyyut, “Put a curse on my enemy,” as well as his other poetry, are taken from Habermann’s Hebrew edition, entitled ʭʩʸʩˇʥ ʭʩʨʥʩʴ [Liturgical poems and songs] in Lipman, Jews of Medieval Norwich, Appendix B, 1–45. References to Meir’s piyyut are cited in the body of the argument. Habermann, Hebrew Poems, 4n.2, concludes that Meir’s portion of the manuscript can be dated to the fourteenth century. For those interested in a discussion concerning the manuscript that houses Meir of Norwich’s piyyut or liturgical poem, consult Beit-Arié, “The Only Dated Medieval Hebrew Manuscript,” 1–28. Meir’s poetry is found in the manuscript, Vatican Ebr. 402. I wish to thank Rosemary Paprocki of the Robbins Library, University of Rochester, for first calling my attention to Einbinder’s article. 3. Habermann, “Meir Ben Elijah of Norwich,” 1253, determines that Meir of Norwich is the only known English Jewish paytan (composer of piyyutim or liturgical poems) whose work has survived. I want to stress, however, that I am not “plundering” Meir’s poem “for ‘facts,’ ” as Einbinder herself avers in Beautiful Death, 10. My intentions are more to emphasize what is not solely liturgical about Meir’s piyyut in order to document fully the passion of Meir’s response. 4. My point here reminds me of Enders’ observations about animal trials in “Homicidal Pigs and the Antisemitic Imagination.” Citing Scarry, Enders adeptly theorizes that in the case of animal torture, “pain destroys language . . . . Cries emitted under torture are non-linguistic . . . screaming animals may communicate a great deal” (212). NOTES 175

5. On the power of myths to absorb the imaginations of the macro-culture, see Bale’s The Jew in the Medieval Book. Langmuir traces fantasies in Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 282–98. 6. For the November 1290 date of the Expulsion, see Stacey, “Parliamentary Negotiation,” 92–93. 7. For the historical backing of my point, see Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution. 8. Mellinkoff, Outcasts, 44. The English badge formed two adjacent yellow tablets. 9. Stow, Alienated Minority, cites the phrase “tanquam servi” on 274. The quoted material can be found on pages 277 and 280, respectively, of Stow’s text. For a complete discussion of the Jews’ civil status in Christendom, see also pages 273–80 in Stow’s Alienated Minority. On the issue of racial marking, consult Mellinkoff’s Outcasts, 43–47, and her Mark of Cain. See also Camille, The Gothic Idol, who points to a cartoon at the head of a thirteenth-century Norwich tallage roll (see figure 5) as providing evidence of the segregation of Jewish communities (184). 10. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 188. 11. The “synagogue” is the equivalent of a beth knesset, a place of assembly. Hillaby, “Beth Miqdash Me’at: The Synagogues of Medieval England,” 182–98, explains that Henry III, who was aware that synagogues served as gathering places for the Jewish community, sent his justices to synagogues to make royal proclamations (182). See also Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 254. To Stow, Alienated Minority, all of “medieval society” was implicated in not protecting the Jews: “the Jew’s ultimate fall was a product of medieval society in its entirety, the unique nature of its secu- lar institutions, and of the mythical Jewish image that society’s members fostered” (4–5). 12. Henry I welcomed the Jews of Rouen, who were seeking flight from the 1096 violence of crusading knights, by fashioning a charter of protection. Although considering Jews to be the property of the King, this charter offers the fleeing Jews safety, justice, and land. This charter was recon- firmed by the kings who followed Henry I until 1290 when Edward I expelled the Jews. On this subject, see Roth, A History of the Jews, 6. Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, writes of the Jews as a “ Norman importation” (16). See also Tovey, Anglia Judaica, who, as an early voice on this topic, attests to a historical consensus that the Jews were brought over from Normandy by William the Conqueror (2–3). 13. See Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 265–85; and Jordan, “Jews, Regalian Rights, and the Constitution in Medieval France,” 2. Even though Jews had experienced historic departures from Judea and had wan- dered throughout Ashkenaz (Europe) and Sepharad (the Mediterranean), there was little medieval precedent for an expulsion of such magnitude (since other expulsions up to this point in medieval history had been local ones). Regarding other expulsions in Europe, see Parkes, The Jew in the Medieval Community, 16, 238. 176 NOTES

14. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade, 17. 15. “Cultural power” are Bale’s words: see his The Jew in the Medieval Book, 6. See also Spivak who discusses the issue of minority voices (particularly the female minority) seeking to articulate their desires in “Can the Subaltern Speak?” 16. Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, writing of the “external form” of a liturgical poem, observes that the piyyut “was an artistic poetry and was therefore subject to the laws of taste of its time and place” (228). I am reminded of a story that Einbinder tells in her No Place of Rest, 32–33, about a child who attempts to memorialize his link to Jewishness in the face of likely conversion. 17. Freedman, “Acrostics and Metrics in Hebrew Poetry,” discusses the acrostics in Lamentations. For medieval Hebrew writers’ use of acrostics, see Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 228–29; and Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 132, 140. 18. Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 100, also 100–07. Medieval Jewish poets deployed acrostics to detail important, even critical information. As a case in point, Benjamin the Scribe uses the acrostic technique to memorialize his fellowship with the martyr Samson. 19. For a fine discussion of a more general and postcolonial sense of hybridity, see Radhakrishnan, “Postcoloniality and the Boundaries of Identity,” esp. 314–17. 20. Felman and Laub, Testimony, xviii. 21. Here I use the scribe’s titles. “A Light Hymn” refers to “A Light Hymn Sung About the Burden of Exile, Death in Imprisonment, and Robbery.” This incipit is taken from Habermann, “Meir Ben Elijah of Norwich,” 1253 and also in Habermann, Hebrew Poems. Throughout the chapter I refer to “A Light Hymn” as “Put a curse on my enemy,” the title Einbinder uses to refer to this piyyut. See her “Meir b. Elijah of Norwich,” 145–62. 22. The scribe of “Put a curse on my enemy” joins Meir in recording Jewish history. The scribal hand resembles the cursive Ashkenazic and Anglo- Hebrew script employed by Jewish scribes. Beit-Arié, “The Only Dated Medieval Hebrew Manuscript,” remarks that localized versions of the Ashkenazic hand are not atypical and are found in many medieval manuscripts produced in northwestern European countries (1–2). And although the specific scribe who copied Meir’s material has yet to be identified, the other items in the manuscript have been attributed to three scribes— Yosef, Shemuel, and Meshulam—who identif y themselves through scr ibal formulae (Beit-Arié, “The Only Dated Medieval Hebrew Manuscript,” 19n.24). See also Sáenz-Badillos, “Hebrew Invective Poetry,” who mentions an anonymous superscription that also alludes to the historical and social “atmosphere of the period” (50). 23. See, for instance, Golb, The Jews in Medieval Normandy, who in writing of a medieval Jewish and European poet, Berakhiah b. Natronai Crispia ha-Nakdan comments, “as is true regarding every other Jewish savant of the period who lived in northwestern Europe, most of the details of NOTES 177

Berakhiah b. Natronai’s life are lost” (324–25). And we know a great deal more about Berakhiah ben Natronai ha-Nakdan’s work and life than Meir of Norwich’s. Habermann believes that Meir of Norwich worked as a hazzan, a reader or singer in the synagogue; see his “Meir Ben Elijah of Norwich,” 1253. See also Roth, A History of the Jews, 127n.4. 24. Meir’s multi-culturalism is mostly evident in the ʩʰʠ (or “I am”). Regarding the tradition of adding “blessing formulas” and the Sephardic or Spanish poets’ use of “ani” or “I,” see Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 229; and Einbinder, Beautiful Death, 107. For examples of acculturation, see Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes and Modern Antisemitism, 95; Marcus, Rituals of Childhood; and Scheindlin, Wine, Women, and Death, 4. 25. On the subject of authorial idiolect, see White, Tropics of Discourse, esp. 4. 26. On this subject of selective memory, see Connerton, How Societies Remember, 6–40. I wish to thank Kenneth Stow for calling my attention to Connerton’s text. Simone Sofian and I have shared many a conversa- tion about this topic of the medieval Jews’ language. 27. Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, reasons that the English people’s aversion to their own hybridity involved refashioning their gene- alogies to accommodate their fantasies of claiming seamless “English” identities that did not possess the muddiness of “recalcitrant impurities” (13). See also 11–42 in Cohen’s volume. 28. Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 12. See also Connerton, How Societies Remember, 23; and Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, 29. 29. On the subject of lack, see Fradenburg, “ ‘Be not far from me.’ ” Some of these thoughts emerged after a discussion with Patricia Ingham. 30. My reading of the process of reclaiming and losing a territory owes a debt to Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 311–50. 31. Lipman, Jews of Medieval Norwich, 149, 147–49. See also Roth, Intellectual Activities of Medieval English Jewry, 13–15. 32. For information regarding Berakhiah ha-Nakdan, also known as Benedictus le Puncteur (that is, punctuator, massorite, or scribe who adds the nikkud [vowels]), see Golb, The Jews in Medieval Normandy, 324–47; and Leviant, Masterpieces of Hebrew Literature, 432–33. 33. See Hillaby, “Hereford Gold,” 363; and Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 18. 34. Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 27. Lipman, Jews of Medieval Norwich, estimates that there were “between thirty and fifty” Jews left in Norwich (184). 35. Langmuir, “Thomas of Monmouth: Detector of Ritual Murder,” 820. See The Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich, especially Book I; and McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder,” 698–740. The interconnection between Christian and Jewish histories—if we follow the conclusions of Yuval—are profound. Yuval finds, for instance, that the blood libel accusations actually originate in the practice of kiddush ha-Shem (sanctification of the Name) in the eleventh century. See Yuval’s Two Nations in Your Womb, 135–204. 178 NOTES

36. See Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 272–76. 37. Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb, 170. 38. Langmuir, “Thomas of Monmouth,” 844. For more on this subject, see Stacey, “Anti-Semitism and the Medieval English State”; and Cohen’s fine reading of the postcolonial possibilities in “The Flow of Blood in Medieval Norwich.” 39. For more on the subject of “hazak,” see Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 229. 40. See Stacey, “The Conversion of Jews,” 270–75. 41. Einbinder, “Meir b. Elijah of Norwich,” 153. 42. On the issue of Jewish memory, see Yerushalmi, Zakhor. 43. See Einbinder, “Meir b. Elijah of Norwich,” 153. On the tradition of encrypting history in liturgical texts, see Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade, 27, 223; Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 165; Scheindlin, “Hebrew Poetry,” 132; and Weinhouse, “Faith and Fantasy,” 392. I wish to thank Lisa Lampert-Weissig for calling my attention to Weinhouse’s article. 44. Discussing the constative and performative nature of speech acts as a response to a traumatic event, Felman explicates “constative” discourse as calling for “descriptive utterances” or “sentences that set forth statements of fact, that report a state of affairs, true or false” whereas “performative” discourse produces “expressions whose function is not to inform or to describe, but to carry out a ‘performance,’ to accomplish an act through the very process of their enunciation”; see Felman, The Literary Speech Act, 15; emphasis hers. 45. See Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations: “I began with the desire to speak with the dead” (1). 46. For the details about biblical allusions in “Put a curse on my enemy,” see Einbinder’s notes to her translation in “Meir b. Elijah of Norwich,” 156–59. 47. Felman and Laub, Testimony, 6. On the issue of the invisibility of trauma and violence, see also Felman, “Forms of Judicial Blindness,” 738–88. 48. Fradenburg, “ ‘Be not far from me,’ ” 43. 49. See Einbinder, “Meir b. Elijah of Norwich,” 158n.58. 50. I am thinking here of a provocative image introduced by Liu, “The New Historicism and the Work of Mourning,” 553. My thanks to Patricia Clare Ingham for mentioning this article to me. 51. For a discussion of cathexis, see Freud, “Mourning and Melancholia,” 152–70. Cathexis involves both the denial of the loss of a beloved object and a subsequent railing against that object which, in the mind of the melancholic, allowed itself to be lost. Anger often results because facing the loss involves recognizing one’s limited power to control loss. 52. See Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, 176–77. Cohen’s words are a beautiful paean to what Meir attempts to achieve. Meir’s gesture resembles Geoffrey Chaucer’s in the Book of the Duchess: both narrators attempt to connect with the victim(s). 53. Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, 177. NOTES 179

54. Richmond, “Englishness and Medieval Anglo-Jewry,” considers Edward I’s acts of anti-Jewish violence, particularly the 1278 massacre, as a model for Philip the Fair (216). See also Langmuir, “Thomas of Monmouth,” 845–46; and McCulloh, “Jewish Ritual Murder,” 732–40. 55. See Rokéah, “The Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290 A.D.,” 44–49. That husbands were imprisoned, of course, implies that women worked as moneylenders. For more on this subject, see Roth, A History of the Jews, who mentions the names of three prominent women who worked as moneylenders: Belaset of Wallingford; Licoricia, widow of David of Oxford; and Margaret, daughter of Jurnet of Norwich (115). 56. Stacey, “The Conversion of Jews,” 272–73, also makes such an observation. 57. Lipman, “Anatomy of Medieval Anglo-Jewry,” 65. 58. Richardson, The English Jewry under Angevin Kings, 218–19. Lipman, Jews of Medieval Norwich, estimates “a figure of 200 or 300 for the total of Jews who perished in 1279” (171), specifies “sixteen known Norwich victims,” and lists their names (171, 171–76). 59. Richardson finds that the homes of those English Jews, imprisoned in the coin-clipping trials, were repeatedly ransacked by the “baser elements of the population” (218); the authorities did little to prevent this; see his The English Jewry under Angevin Kings. 60. In A History of the Jews, Roth presents evidence that at the time of the Expulsion, Edward I ordered that all Jewish property, such as synagogues, cemeteries, houses, and bonds, be forfeited to him (88). Stacey, “Parliamentary Negotiation,” explains that on June 18, 1290, Edward I “sent a secret order to the sheriffs of all counties in which Jews resided, commanding them to seal the chests (archae)” (89). 61. All references to Hosea are taken from JPS Hebrew-English Tanakh. 62. Meir is not alone in his voiced aggression. See Brann, Sáenz-Badillos, and Targarona, “The Poetic Universe of Samuel Ibn Sasson,” 92. See also Epstein, Dreams of Subversion, who speaks of both iconographical and literary proof that the Jews wished violence upon their enemies just as the non-Jews did upon theirs (113–19). Epstein, troubled by the characteriza- tion of Jews as passive recipients of their fate, provides ample evidence to the contrary. Even if the majority of that evidence is, as Epstein’s title suggests, in dreams, these dreams are—as I imply with Meir’s piyyut—a place where agency is voiced, where the dreamer can imagine her/himself as something other than victim. See also Cuffel’s Gendering Disgust for the many strategies used by polemicists to insult their enemies. 63. See Statutes of the Realm, 221–221a.: the Statute of Jewry proclaims that moneylending must be terminated “en le honur de deu” [in honor of God] (¶ 1). Watt, “The Jews, The Law, and The Church,” finds that there is a general “ecclesiastical influence” at work in the Statute of Jewry (162). 64. See Einbinder, “Meir b. Elijah of Norwich,” 157n.53. 180 NOTES

65. See Abulafia, “Invectives against Christianity,” 70. See also Habermann, “Meir Ben Elijah of Norwich,” 1253. 66. See Friedlander, “Trauma, Transference and ‘Working through,’ ” 54, 52. 67. See Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 12–13, who also reflects on this performance for the victim. 68. Einbinder, “Meir b. Elijah of Norwich,” also reads historical relevance into line 13 as she notes that the actions referred to in line 13 are “certainly true of Henry III’s and Edward I’s policies, which broke the English Jews completely” (157n.51). 69. The last four lines of Meir’s piyyut echo 1 Sam. 14:36 where the Philistines are plundered. 70. In these remarks, I take a different view from Patterson, “On the Margins,” who finds that “medieval culture is an enigma to be solved rather than a living past with claims upon the present” (103). For a com- mentary on the medieval present, see Lewis, “As Nations Shed Roles, Is Medieval the Future?” Dinshaw, Getting Medieval, offers a powerful argument for the way “the medieval inheres in the (post)modern,” 188–89; see especially the Coda, “Getting Medieval: Pulp Fiction, Foucault, and the Use of the Past,” 188–91. 71. See Nirenberg, Communities of Violence, 1–17, esp. 4–5. 72. Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 18. See also Clanchy, Abelard: A Medieval Life, who remarks, “whether Europe was more barbaric in the twelfth century than in the twentieth is very hard to say, partly because of the differences in scale. The crusaders’ atrocities in Jerusalem in 1099 were limited in scope, and perhaps also in intention, compared with Auschwitz. Nevertheless, it may be true that medieval anti-Semitism is the foundation of modern anti-Semitism” (17). Clanchy is not alone in remarking upon the uncanny resemblance between the impulses that drove the medieval massacres and the 20th-century Shoah: see also, Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes, 40; Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners; Richmond, “Englishness and Medieval Anglo-Jewry,” 213– 25; and Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, xi–xiv, 1–7. 73. I am thinking of the 1275 Statute of Jewry: “FORASMUCH as the King hath seen that divers Evils, and the disheriting of the good Men of his Land have happened by the Usuries which the Jews have made in Time past, and that divers Sins have followed thereupon; albeit he and his Ancestors have received much benefit from the Jewish People in all Time past; nevertheless for the Honour of God and the common benefit of the People, the King hath ordained and established, That from henceforth no Jew shall lend any Thing at Usury, either upon Land, or upon Rent, or upon any other Thing” (¶1). 74. I make this point without any intent of arguing for a lachrymose history of the Jews. I speak of echoes, not a vale of tears, or “a continuity between hatreds of long ago and those of the here and now,” as Nirenberg writes in Communities of Violence, 4. NOTES 181

75. I am reminded of Gilman’s essay on Jurek Becker, How I Became a German. Gilman observes that Jurek Becker claims to have forgotten his experiences in and with the Shoah even though Becker was in a ghetto for two years and then in a camp for the next four years of his life (7–10). Despite Becker’s claim to have no memory of his experiences with the Shoah, Gilman rightly notes that Becker’s texts invoke aspects of ghetto and camp life that speak of first-person accounts; moreover, the absence of mothers in Becker’s work shadows Becker’s own loss of his mother in the camp (10). In this way, Becker remembers by not remembering, by telling stories of events that he imagines he has not endured. 76. Liu, “The New Historicism,” 556; emphasis mine. 77. Felman and Laub, Testimony, 81; emphasis Laub’s. 78. See Caruth, Trauma, 153.

3 Encountering Jews beyond the Kingdom of Cathay: Imagining Nation in Mandeville’s Travelogue 1. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 168. 2. On this subject Lipman, Jews of Medieval Norwich, writes, “what became of them [the Jews] after 1290 is obscure. One may assume that most of them found their way to France, where they would be at home with the language” (184). In 1306, Jews will also be expelled from the demesnes of France, but as early as 1286, there were indications that this expulsion would occur; on this topic, see Jordan, French Monarchy and the Jews, 179–238. 3. Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 244–45. 4. Although I refer to the author of this travelogue as “Mandeville,” I follow Higgins’s argument that John Mandeville is a construct; see esp. Higgins, Writing East, 8, 270–71. 5. All quotations of the work of John Mandeville will be taken from Mandeville’s Travels, ed. Hamelius, and, hereafter, will be cited with page and line number in the body of the text. 6. On the Cotton Mandeville, see Higgins, Writing East, 57–58. For a discussion of the uncanny, see Freud, “The Uncanny.” 7. Heng, Empire of Magic, 295. 8. On the subject of encountering diversity, see Heng, Empire of Magic, 242–58. 9. Campbell, The Witness and the Other World, 153. 10. Campbell, The Witness and the Other World, 122, 143. 11. Campbell, The Witness and the Other World, 155. 12. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, 50. 13. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, 50. 14. Higgins, Writing East, 14. 15. Biddick, The Typological Imaginary, 33. 182 NOTES

16. I am thinking here of the work of Lacan in Écrits, 10–30. 17. See, especially, an interesting meditation on the night in Youngs and Harris, “Demonizing the Night in Medieval Europe,” 134–54. 18. Kaeuper, “Chivalry and the ‘Civilizing Process,’ ” 33–34. 19. See Chism, “The Siege of Jerusalem: Liquidating Assets,” 331, 310. 20. Ingham, “Marking Time,” 176. 21. I read the act of translation as expressing xenophobia and desires of a one-way communication. A middle ground cannot be fashioned when little cultural mediation figures in the exchange. Mandeville’s translations of foreignness are not the gestures of a lone traveler who must learn how to negotiate a shared space with the people who comprise the majority; rather, Mandeville’s translations of foreignness signify the imaginary travels of a man who, safely ensconced in his study, projects and forces his dominant culture onto the different culture of Others. 22. Le Goff, The Medieval Imagination, 27–44, considers all things marvelous to be unauthored. The unauthored marvelous can also figure as a subversive force. Through Le Goff’s reading, I see the marvelous as signifying a quantity that needs to be contained and explained. By this I mean that LeGoff’s sense of the unauthored marvelous, and what I describe as a subversive text, has no place in a Christian world view and needs to be coherently linked to the majority view, only suitably fitting once rendered as being authored by God and, thus, the marvelous moment is translated as a miraculous event. 23. I am reminded of Biddick’s argument about the erasure of “graphic inscription” of Jewish presence in “Paper Jews,” 594–96; and her Typological Imaginary, 60–75. 24. The notions of Self and Other are, in part, informed by Coronil’s work in “Beyond Occidentalism,” particularly as theoretical categories where the Self figures as the “West,” the “Center,” the region of the Roman Empire; the Other, in turn, signifies the East, the “periphery,” the religion of the Muslim (52–53) and the Jew. 25. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 86. 26. Higgins, Writing East, 1–62. See also Seymour, Sir John Mandeville, 23, who attributes specific characteristics to the writer of The Book. The Mandeville we have traced does not, Seymour proves, fit these criteria (13–23). Bennett, The Rediscovery of Sir John Mandeville, 215–16, wants to protect the fictional identity of Mandeville’s authorial and biographical claim. 27. Campbell, The Witness and the Other World, 144. See also Loomperis, “Medieval Travel Writing,” 156–57. 28. Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions, 48–49. 29. See Heng, Empire of Magic, esp. 242 and 305. 30. See Chism, Alliterative Revivals, esp. 1–2, and 68–74. 31. Kruger, “The Spectral Jew,” 18. 32. Gallagher, “Introduction: Cultural and Historical Background,” 18. NOTES 183

33. See Anderson, Imagined Communities, 6–7. 34. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 7. 35. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 13. I wish here to underscore that this gesture—of capitalizing English but not French and Latin—cannot alone speak for Mandeville’s urges throughout the entire book. What I mean to call to mind here is that in this moment when the three languages intersect, English is capitalized (signifying its importance) whereas Latin and French are not (figuring as less significant than English). Whether this gesture is scribal or authorial is not meant to be at issue; it is the significance of the difference in the Cotton version that I seek to amplify. 36. Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, The Empire Writes Back, 39–44. 37. Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, The Empire Writes Back, 7. 38. On issues of the dating the Cotton manuscript, see Higgins, Writing East, 22–23. Howard, Chaucer: His Life, His Works, His World, describes the English language as contributing to “a new spirit of nationalism in the realm” (23). See also Knowles, A Cultural History of the English Language, 51–63; Knapp, The Bureaucratic Muse, 29–31. 39. I am thinking, in particular, of Lerer’s work in Chaucer and His Readers: to wit, the chronicling of an English poet laureate. 40. The possibility that subversion lingers in The Book can be explored with an eye toward Ingledew’s arguments about Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Historia regum Britanniae in his “The Book of Troy and the Genealogical Construction of History,” 665–704. See also Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 40–50. Hamelius, ed. Mandeville’s Travels, has asserted that Mandeville couched an anti-papal message within these alphabets (13–15, 22). 41. Dollimore discusses a similar phenomenon with regard to Elizabethan and Jacobean drama in his Radical Tragedy. Dollimore finds that “it is true that some of the most intriguing plays of the period do indeed rehearse threats in order to contain them. But to contain a threat by rehearsing it one must first give it a voice, a part, a presence—in the theatre as in the culture” (xxi). 42. For that risk, see Bhabha, Location of Culture, 164. 43. Biddick, Typological Imaginary, 33, considering the fantastical representations of these languages, observes that these “cartographical codes” pur- posely disassociate the alphabets from the act of reading that alphabets are supposed to enable. Kupfer explores the presence of Hebrew in one of the French Mandevilles; see her “ ‘. . . lectres . . . plus vrayes,’ ” esp. 58–76. 44. Biddick provocatively and parenthetically asks: “could the narrator of the Travels be recognizing emergent Yiddish?” (Typological Imaginary, 32). To the untrained eye/reader, as Mandeville would be, Yiddish would look like Hebrew in that both languages use the Hebrew alphabet to form words. For my purposes here, I assume that Mandeville only considers Hebrew as the Jewish language. 45. The representation of the Hebrew alphabet is found on folios 49r to 49v of British Library Cotton Titus C. XVI. 46. Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, The Empire Writes Back, 8–10, 41. 184 NOTES

47. On the talion code, see Cox, The Judaic Other, 7–8. 48. Barth, “Introduction,” 31. With the ratification of the 1275 Statute of Jewry, discussed in Chapter One, the Jewish communities became bound by locale in “the non-articulating sectors of life” (32). 49. Barth, “Introduction,” observes that “political regimes” create a society under duress, where “there is less security and people live under a greater threat of arbitrariness and violence outside their primary community[;] the insecurity itself acts as a constraint on inter-ethnic contacts” (36). Both the crusading impulse and the Latin Church—as an institution— rendered medieval Christendom a “political regime,” especially for the “pariah groups” who could not entirely foretell the crusading aggression, mob violence, or even churchly disparagement (against the Talmud, in particular, or even Judaism, in general). See also Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society, 66–99. 50. For a discussion of the necessity of standardizing a “poly-ethnic system” or society, see Barth, “Introduction,” 18–19. That the English society was poly-ethnic is, I believe, clarified when one thinks of the many eth- nicities that had become “English” by this time (Celts, Saxons, Angles, Normans, to name a few). 51. See The Bodley Version of Mandeville’s Travels, ed. Seymour; and The Metrical Version of Mandeville’s Travels, ed. Seymour. See also Mandeville’s Travels, ed. Hamelius, Vol. I, 17. 52. A question surfaces: Is God working with a pagan against the Jews? This question troubles Alexander’s story, especially at the close when it becomes apparent that “god of his grace” (176/30) actually prompted the end of Christianity by helping the pagan king seal the exit to the Caspian Mountains to protect the Jews. The act of locking up the Jews foretells their eventual escape and enables their vengeance against Christians after their liberation to occur. 53. I interpret “all weys to speken Ebrew” to mean “all the ways to speak Hebrew.” 54. Described by Biddick, “The ABC of Ptolemy,” “as a language of conspiracy” (279), Hebrew performs as a technology for communicating high espionage, for interfering with the peacefulness of the Christian nation. 55. The paranoia about the familiarity of Jews with Hebrew—that is, Jews’ having a separate language—was actually scripted into the Christian imaginary. It was imagined that learning Hebrew and studying books Jewishly signaled that the (imaginary) Jew was incapable of supporting himself in any constructive (agricultural) way and was, thus, divorced from “productive occupations” (Parkes, The Jew in the Medieval Community, 262). 56. Mandeville, having realized that the Jew in Western Christendom is positioned much like Christians in the rest of the world where “Islam, not Christianity, held sway” (Lomperis, “Medieval Travel Writing,” 161), is here possibly expressing a deep and abiding fear over the world outside Latin Christendom. NOTES 185

57. See Biddick, “The ABC of Ptolemy,” who writes, “medieval Christians had relied on the body of the Jew to authorize the integrity of their chief ritual, the Eucharist” (288); and Cox, The Judaic Other, 17–23, who suc- cinctly details the history of blood-related myths for Christians and Jews. See also Dundes, The Blood Libel Legend; Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism; Rubin, Gentile Tales. 58. Coronil, “Beyond Occidentalism,” 56. 59. See Coronil, “Beyond Occidentalism,” 58. Cox includes a fascinating discussion of supersessionism and the act of translation in her Judaic Other, 3–15. 60. Coronil, “Beyond Occidentalism,” 76. 61. Scarry discusses the importance of community-creating and community- destroying fantasies as important national myths in her The Body in Pain. 62. On the issue of Jewish moneylending, consult the introductory material to Stacey’s Receipt and Issue Rolls; see also Parkes, The Jew in the Medieval Community, 269–382. 63. Roth, A History of the Jews in England, 6: Norman Jews may have found refuge in England by as early as 1096 although it is not until 1100 that records document Jewish presence on English soil. 64. Biddick speaks of another colonizing project enacted through Mandeville’s tale of Gog and Magog in her The Typological Imaginary. Biddick argues that the Victorines were involved in a “double detemporalization” when “they graphed Jews into the insurrections of the Last Days” (29). 65. My remarks about the titillations of adventure remind me of some points made by Lomperis in “Medieval Travel Writing,” 158–61. 66. Coronil, “Beyond Occidentalism,” 56. 67. See Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade, 50–84. 68. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, 23. 69. See Cox, The Judaic Other, 1–29. See also Fredriksen, “The Birth of Christianity,” 8–30, where she argues that the problems between Jews and Christians is far more medieval than ancient. Cross-pollination of these two cultures ended, in her words, “in the early Middle Ages” when “Christian anti-Judaism led more directly to violence, even murder” (30).

4 Text and Context: Tracing Chaucer’s Moments of Jewishness 1. I borrow the word “monsterization” and its subsequent valences from Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, see esp. 1–42. 2. See Mandeville’s Travels, 177/7–11, 177/35–36, 178/1–3. 3. Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, xvi. 4. The word “spectral” owes a debt to Kruger’s fine work in Spectral Jew. 5. I have many esteemed colleagues who have studied this issue of the voice- less Jew in Chaucer’s work. The list is so vast that I must limit it to recent studies. See Bale, Jew in the Medieval Book, 55–103; Cox, Judaic Other, 111–44; Delany, ed., Chaucer and the Jews; Despres, “Cultic Anti-Judaism 186 NOTES

and Chaucer’s Litel Clergeon”; Fradenberg, “Criticism, Anti-Semitism, and the Prioress’s Tale”; Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 58–100; Schildgen, Pagans, Tartars, Moslems, and Jews, 93–108; Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer.” 6. On Chaucer’s travels, see Brewer, Chaucer and His World, 67–70; Howard, Chaucer: His Life, His Works, His World, 113–17; Pearsall, Life of Geoffrey Chaucer, 47–55; Rossignol, Chaucer A to Z, 337. 7. See Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, 41–42, who mentions, in particular, the Jews of Lombardy. 8. See Lacan, Écrits, 40–41: “there is no speech without a response, even if that speech meets only with silence.” 9. I owe this play on “no where/now here” to the volume NowHere: Space, Time and Modernity, eds. Friedland and Boden. See also Krummel, “Globalizing Jewish Communities,” 123–27. 10. All references to Chaucer’s work are taken from the Riverside Chaucer and will be cited in the body of the text. 11. On the issue of the cultural patterns of anti-Jewish sentiment, see Despres, “Immaculate Flesh and the Social Body,” 47–49, 60–64. See also Moore, “Anti-Semitism and the Birth of Europe,” 40–46. 12. Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 58, remarks that she seeks to examine how the Prioress’s image of the Jew changes the Canterbury Tales. 13. Heng, Empire of Magic, 87. 14. See Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, 172–73. See also Bildhauer, “Blood, Jews, and Monsters in Medieval Culture,” 75–96. 15. Patterson, “ ‘The Living Witnesses of Our Redemption,’ ” 519–20. 16. Pugh, “Chaucer’s Rape,” 571. 17. Calabrese, “Performing the Prioress,” 71. Calabrese’s ideas about “the university of excellence” and “the university in ruins” stem from the work of Readings’s University in Ruins. 18. On the needfulness of the Jew to perform in this role, see Despres, “Cultic Anti-Judaism and Chaucer’s Litel Clergeon,” 413–27. There are a number of fine texts that can assist further study; see Bestul’s Texts of the Passion; Dundes, ed., Blood Libel Legend; Rubin, Gentile Tales; and Warner, Alone of All Her Sex. The Prioress divides the world between “nation-creators” and “nation-destroyers.” These words represent multi-faceted notions of what creates and what destroys. “Nation-creators,” then, are meant to signify Jews who labor to support the national enterprise, and such Jews do not feature in blood libel fantasies but figure as biblical Jews, instead. The “nation-destroyers” work to destroy what the nation is attempting to build. These phrases are born from my reading of Scarry’s Body in Pain. See also Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, 98. 19. Schildgen, Pagans, Tartars, Moslems, and Jews, 99. See also Cox’s conclud- ing thoughts about the intersection of the Old and New Testaments in Judaic Other, 144 and 150–53. NOTES 187

20. As Delany, “ ‘Turn it Again,’ ” has pointedly remarked, our investiga- tions into Jewishness and “its often intimate relation to the literature, art, philosophy or history” is an unfortunate result of our “training . . . [in] profoundly eurocentric and, within that, christiancentric” studies (2). For this reason Delany has edited a volume where “one of the planned fea- tures” is to include only one essay on the “Prioress’s Tale” because this tale is “only one of Chaucer’s works to animate Jews directly” (Chaucer and the Jews, x). 21. Fradenburg, “Criticism, Anti-Semitism, and the Prioress’s Tale,” 74. See also Koretsky, “Dangerous Innocence,” 10–16. 22. Fradenburg, “Criticism, Anti-Semitism, and the Prioress’s Tale,” 77. Most recently, Lampert-Weissig has strategically invoked the controversial word “ghetto” in order to define what is at stake in her unique reading of Fragments VII and VIII of the Canterbury Tales. See Lampert [Lampert- Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 59, 100. 23. On the subject of “Jewish geography,” see Krummel, “Globalizing Jewish Communities.” 24. In Chaucer’s Queer Nation, Burger posits that this line articulates a complex relationship with the feeling of shame (see, esp. 10–11, 19–20). As a shameful act—reciting a bawdy tale—I read the emergence of a certain link between the shameful excrescences of bawdiness that must be hidden away and the embarrassing excesses of antisemitism that must be erased posthaste: “ ‘Telle us a tale of myrthe, and that anon’ ” (VII.706). 25. The sociocultural world of medieval England, having shifted from a culture driven by the boundaries of the parish, is now more open (like the Prioress’s Jewry which was “free and open at eyther ende” [VII.494]): England becomes a place where the boundlessness of guild formations invites choice. On this subject, see Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, 84–88. 26. On the pre-determined hierarchy of medieval estates, see Mann’s, Chaucer and Medieval Estates Satire. Also worthy of note, regarding this subject of the Miller’s assertions of position in this narrative, is an observation made by Nisse, Defining Acts, that the close of the “Miller’s Tale”—“Absolon’s burning Nicholas’s ass—parodies . . . the grandiose funeral pomp of the Knight’s Tale” (20). 27. Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, 84; see also 83–103 in this text. For more on this subject of the ways in which Chaucer recreates his society and positions his Canterbury Tales in a contemporary world, see the following: Cooper, Oxford Guides to Chaucer, esp. 5–6; North, Chaucer’s Universe; and Rex, “The Sins of Madame Eglentyne,” esp. 69–94. 28. The “Miller’s Tale” is not “noble” at all but rather bawdy, the audience later learns. 29. See Patterson, Chaucer and the Subject of History, who notes that in this act Chaucer, through the Miller, “subvert[s] the language of class hatred promoted by certain forms of clerical discourse” (274). 30. Patterson, Chaucer and the Subject of History, 245. 188 NOTES

31. See Social Chaucer, where Strohm reflects on the false division of pilgrims as “gentils” and “cherls” (69–71, 154). 32. I arrive at the same conclusion independent of Hobbs; see her “Blood and Rosaries,” 85 and 181–98. 33. The quoted matter is taken from Godfrey’s “The Fifteenth-Century Prioress’s Tale,” 108. 34. On the issue of theatricality in Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales, see Ganim, Chaucerian Theatricality. 35. Ultimately, as Elliott writes, “the Prioress must always remain a complex and difficult amalgam of cultural prejudice and female power” (“Eglentyne’s Mary/Widow,” 123). 36. I am not the first to point out the ambiguity in the Prioress’s sketch in the General Prologue; the analyses are legion. In 1987, Ridley comments in the Riverside Chaucer, “The Prioress has attracted more critical com- mentary and controversy than almost any other character in the General Prologue” (803). For an early view of this subject of the Prioress’s sketch, see Ridley’s Prioress and the Critics; for a more recent analysis, see Pigg, “Refiguring Martyrdom,” 65–73; and Rex, “Sins of Madame Eglentyne.” See also Cox’s discussion of “supersessionist hermeneutics” (141) in Judaic Other, 140–44. 37. The Prioress’s hybridity has the potential to become a thorny issue. I am here merely asking us to complicate the hybridity of the colonizer who wants what the colonized (in this case the Jews) have. Many points of departure for studying hybridity apply here; see Radhakrishnan, “Postcoloniality and the Boundaries of Identity,” 317–20. 38. I am not the first to remark upon the Prioress’s Anglo-French tongue. See Riverside Chaucer, 804n.124–26. The “Frenssh of Parys” would have been spoken at court, so this phrase also indicates a social division. Hahn, “The Performance of Gender in the Prioress,” takes a different approach: to Hahn, “the Prioress’s own cultivation of a French tongue” signifies that she is “parochial and outdated” (133n.24). 39. Hahn, “The Performance of Gender,” 122 and 120–23, where Hahn discusses the Prioress’s “masquerade” of identity. 40. The Expulsion note has not survived. See Shapiro, Shakespeare and the Jews, 48. The 1275 Statue of Jewry, written in Anglo-French, foretells the 1290 Expulsion by closing with the proclamation: “ceo per perndre (terres) a ferme ne lur dorra for quinz anz de cet hure en avaunt” [“this Licence to take Lands to farm shall endure to them only for Fifteen Years from this Time forward”] (¶9); translation in text. That the 1275 Statute appears in Anglo-French is a choice made by Edward I. Henry III had already used English as the language of record; see Heng, Empire of Magic, 106. 41. The quoted material comes from Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, 3. On Thomas of Monmouth, see Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, 139–73; and Thomas of Monmouth’s account in Life and Miracles of St. William of Norwich. NOTES 189

42. The Normans imported the Jews from Rouen—some accounts claim—as early as the twelfth century; see Roth, History of the Jews in England, 6; Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution, 16. I refer to Bildhauer and Mills’s deployment of bodies that matter to understand the phenomenon of monsterization; see Bildhauer and Mills, “Introduction: Conceptualizing the Monstrous,” 2. 43. On the issue of Jewish bodies and embodiment of England’s postcolonial impulses, see Cohen, “Flow of Blood in Medieval Norwich”; and Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer.” The potential for Jewish history to be viewed as authentic and central troubles the Prioress whose own history is fraught with violence and invasion. 44. Cohen deftly proves the Normans’ anxieties about their “recalcitrant impurities” (13) in Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity. 45. Even more vexed is that “madame Eglentyne” suggests the ephemera of romances and the inelegance of brothels. For the ways that the moniker, Madame Eglentyne, invokes romances, see Riverside Chaucer, 804n.121. For the connection to brothels, specifically St. Leonard’s, see Rex’s argument in “Sins of Madame Eglentyne,” 78–94. 46. The 1275 Statute of Jewry emphasizes the Jews’ servitude, twice referring to Jews as serfs: “ky serf il est” [whose bond-man he is] (¶5) and “ky serfs yl sunt” [whose bond-men they are] (¶7). On the issue of Jewish serfdom, see Stow, Alienated Minority, 267–80. 47. In speaking of bodies that do and do not matter, I echo Butler’s Bodies That Matter. 48. See Krummel, “The Pardoner, The Prioress, Sir Thopas, and the Monk,” 94, who remarks upon replacing the Old with the New. 49. Ambrose reasons that Abel replaces Cain just as Christianity replaces Judaism: “cum adicitur aliquid, quod prius erat tollitur” [When anything (new) is added, that which comes before it is eliminated] (CESL, 32.1, 340; translation Savage’s). 50. Cohen, Of Giants, 28. 51. Heng, Empire of Magic, characterizes the “Prioress’s Tale” as one of the “communal fictions of Christian boy-martyrs supposedly killed by Jews for ritual, sacrificial, vampiric, or other purposes . . . thus keeping alive for the nation the instrumentality of Jewish difference and malignity” (91). 52. The Latin reads as follows: “miserunt ad omnes fere Angliæ civitates, in quibus Judæi degebant,& convocarunt de unaquaq; civitate aliquos Judæorum, ut in contumeliam & opprobrium Jesu Christi, interessent sacrificio suo Lincolnia. Habebant enim, ut dicebant, quendam puerum absconditum ad crucifigendum. Et convenerunt multi Lincolnia. Et con- venientes, constituerunt unum Judæum Lincolniensum pro Judice, tanquam pro Pilato. Cujus judicio & omnium favore, affectus est puer diversis tormentis.” The Latin is taken from Matthew Paris, Historia Major, 784; translation is Hill’s in Medieval Lincoln, 224. 190 NOTES

53. See Hahn, “The Performance of Gender in the Prioress,” 120–24; and Krummel, “The Pardoner, The Prioress, Sir Thopas, and the Monk,” 93–97. 54. Leicester, The Disenchanted Self, 212. 55. On the subject of the Prioress’s Christian identity, see Cox, Judaic Other, 140–42. 56. Belaset’s marriage involved the gathering together of many Jewish communities in Lincoln, where her marriage was held. Jacobs reconstructs the events through a complicated process that he details in “Little St. Hugh of Lincoln,” 219–24. See also Roth, History of the Jews, 56–57. The word, “Cesspool,” is Jacobs’s; see his “Little St. Hugh of Lincoln,” 219. 57. Holsinger, “Pedagogy, Violence, and the Subject of Music,” 192. 58. Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], 95–100, also speaks of fabricated Jews who “leap out from beyond the ghetto walls with murderous intent” (100). 59. See Holsinger, “Pedagogy, Violence, and the Subject of Music,” 157–64, who explicates the violence inherent to the medieval musical and liturgical culture. 60. With the phrase Chaucer-pilgrim, I mean to differentiate the teller of Sir Thopas from the author of the Canterbury Tales. For a brief history of the argument about the topic of the sudden appearance of the many Chaucers in the Tales, see Baugh, “Chaucer the Man,” 12–13. Howard, “Chaucer the Man,” reads the appearance of the pilgrim with Chaucer’s name as part of the “ ‘fictive illusion’ ” (341). Although Donaldson, Speaking of Chaucer, considers “Chaucer the pilgrim,” “Chaucer the man,” and “Chaucer the poet” as the same force with different performances, he simultaneously reads comedy into the relationship among the three Chaucers and the “interplay” between Chaucer as pilgrim and as man (11). See also Patterson, “ ‘What Man Artow?’ ” 61. See Rossingnol, Chaucer A to Z, 190. Rossingnol considers the “Prioress’s Tale” to be a significant site for our examinations of and discoveries about the significance of Jewishness to Chaucer. See also Steinberg, “Jewish Presence,” 43. I wish to thank Rose Paprocki of Robbins Library, University of Rochester, for calling my attention to Steinberg’s article. 62. On the results of reading details carefully, see Jameson, Political Unconscious, 55, 54–60. 63. My invocation of “subaltern” as a silent figure is informed by the work of Spivak in her immensely valuable essay, “Can the Subaltern Speak?” 64. On the subject of English nationalism, see Turville-Petre, England the Nation. For discussions about the intersection of emerging fantasies about nation and the developing literary canon, see especially Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 7–17; and also Heng, Empire of Magic, 98–113. 65. On the different roles Chaucer performs, see Howard, “Chaucer the Man,” 337–43. 66. Ferster, “ ‘Your Praise is Performed,’ ” reads this authorial intrusion differently. To Ferster, “quod she,” instead, “reminds us . . . that the speaker is a woman” (157). NOTES 191

67. Leicester, The Disenchanted Self, 212. 68. The use of “popet” in this headlink indicates the Host’s desire to dimin- ish the importance of, in fact to devalue the presence of, Chaucer. “Popet” is defined as a “youth, young girl; a babe; also, a small person”; “a doll”; and “a wax figure used in necromancy” (MED). I refer to the first definition—especially “young girl”—when I suggest that Harry Bailly feminizes Chaucer. For a careful reading of Sir Thopas’s masculinity, see Cohen’s “Diminishing Masculinity in Chaucer’s Tale of Sir Thopas,” 143–55. Patterson’s article on Sir Thopas (tale and teller) spends some time contemplating that Sir Thopas is (as Chaucer would like to be) a child: “ ‘What Man Artow?’ ” 129–35, 164–75. 69. Leicester, The Disenchanted Self, 212. See also Kendrick, Chaucerian Play, 131–33. The tale of “Sir Thopas” is regarded as a poor example of storytelling. Is the Chaucer-poet flustered? Does the Prioress’s devotion lead to a story better told? These questions come to mind as I ponder the failed storytelling of “Sir Thopas.” 70. In “ ‘What Man Artow?’ ” Patterson also contemplates the possibility that this tale belongs to an earlier time; see 123–24 in this article. 71. “Hawberk” is glossed in the Riverside Chaucer a s “pl a t e a r mor.” Te ch n ic a l l y, the hauberk and the plate armor belong to different categories of military dress. According to the sense of Chaucer’s passage, however, plate armor (armor of metal plates) is intended rather than hauberk (a shirt of mail); see Rothero, Medieval Military Dress, 138. See also Nickel, “Arms and Armor”: Nickel characterizes the hauberk as “body armor,” part of the defensive armor necessary to a knight (521). Plate armor, Nickel conjectures, probably became a part of the knight’s arming after 1346 (532). Either way, the craftsmen who made plate armor were “highly special- ized” in that they accomplished incredibly intricate work: “a full suit of armor might consist of up to 200 individual elements” (Nickel, 533). Such technical skill allowed for many errors, so proclaiming that a hauberk is “fyn” signifies that the technical skill of the craftsman, in this case a Jew, is enviable and beyond reproof (see Nickel, 521). 72. The skills of another Jewish artisan are mentioned in the “Physician’s Tale.” The Physician cites a Jewish artist, Apelles, as one of the few renowned sculptors. It is a brief moment and only rhetorical. The tale notes that despite the fabled skills of three legendary sculptors, the beauty of Virginia, “mayde in excellent beautee / Aboven every wight that man may see” (VI.7–8), cannot be matched. Formed by the greatest of artists— namely, Nature—“with soveregn diligence” (VI.9), neither Pygmalion, the “famous” Greek sculptor; nor Zanzis, the great Athenian artist; nor Apelles, the “legendary” Jewish sculptor (VI.14, 16) can match Virginia’s beauty with their efforts “to grave, or peynte, or forge, or bete” (VI.17). 73. Dicicco, “The Arming of Sir Thopas Reconsidered,” 15, concludes that the arming ceremony is actually backwards. See also Mandel, “ ‘Jewes werk’ in Sir Thopas,” who suggests the presence of irony in the classifica- tion of a “Jewes werk” as “fyn,” 64–65. 192 NOTES

74. I wish to thank Patricia Clare Ingham for sharing this observation with me. For Cohen’s argument about Olifaunt, see his “Diminishing Masculinity,” 148–51, 154. 75. See the remarks of Holloway, “Convents, Courts and Colleges,” 204; and Schildgen, Pagans, Tartars, Moslems, and Jews, 93–108, esp. 105. 76. My thoughts about the “Court Jew”—both here and below—are informed by Stern’s Court Jew, esp. 1–13. 77. To script such a hateful monarch, although certainly true to the story of this Antiochus, may also remind Chaucer of the (mis)treatment of Jews who by the mid-fourteenth century had been expelled from England in 1290 and then from France in 1306. Chaucer may even know the story of Antiochus from Josephus’s Jewish Antiquities, a conclusion I draw since in the dream narrative House of Fame, Chaucer shows some familiarity with Josephus and his work. 78. In particular, see Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 100–298; and Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society, 27–45. 79. When the Monk names the people who endure Antiochus’s wrath as “Jewes,” the Monk makes a rhetorical choice. These Jews are Jews. Neither Adam (VII.2007–14) nor Sampson (VII.2015–94) is identified as a Jew. At most, Sampson is known to “hadde of Israel the governaunce” (VII.2060). 80. Here, I agree with Schildgen’s reasoning in Pagans, Tartars, Moslems, and Jews. Schildgen speaks of the Monk’s “chaos theory of history” as a way of clarifying how he reads the “pagan world” (108). For Schildgen, the Monk “rejects [any] simplistic polarity in favor of a more murky view of history’s processes” (108). 81. The fair representation of these words is not to be overlooked. Compare to the N–Town Play, The Procession to Calvary; the Crucifixion, ed. Spector: “Heloy, Heloy, lamazabathany?” (l.183). Jesus’s utterance here mimics rather than duplicates the Hebrew. Chaucer has at the very least some knowledge about linguistic family trees, a knowledge that he displays in Treatise on the Astrolabe (25–36), where Chaucer’s words attest to some familiarity with the different language groups. The Summoner’s Tale includes slander directed against a Hebrew word/a Jewish profession; this subject will be discussed next. 82. “Raby” was a word known in Middle English that could signify a Jewish leader. Sometimes spelled “rabbi” or “rabi,” this word also refers to “a spiritual master” and is used “as a term of address for Christ,” as well as indicative of “titles of Jewish scholars or priests” (MED). 83. Given the context of this appellation and the Friar’s “false dissymula- cioun” (III.2123), however, “Raby” most likely resonates as an expres- sion of anger and as a slur. This possibility brings us to Matthew 23:5–11, where Christ accuses the scribes and Pharisees of hypocrisy. (See Riverside Chaucer, 879n.2186–87.) In “Anger and ‘Glosynge,’ ” Mann describes the “Summoner’s Tale” as one of the “tales of anger” (214) in the Canterbury Tales, 214. Harwood reads the “Summoner’s Tale” as being aware of the possibilities of linguistic games and double entendres in “Chaucer on ‘Speche,’ ” 348. See also Levy, “Biblical Parody,” 46. NOTES 193

84. Lacan, Écrits, 41. 85. Well-poisoning was one of the fantastical accusations leveled against the Jews; see Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 61–62. 86. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 11–12. 87. See Bushnell, “The Wandering Jew,” 450–60; Anderson, “The Wandering Jew Returns to England,” 237–50; and Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 248. For my purposes here, I am going to accept rather than interrogate these conclusions about the link between the Old Man and the Wandering Jew. 88. On the links with death and money, see Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 247–48. 89. Cox, Judaic Other, points out that the rioters and the Old Man are intricately connected in a “Jewish-Christian conflict subtly embedded throughout the Pardoner’s performance” (142). 90. On the subject of allosemitism, see Bauman, “Allosemitism: Premodern, Modern, Postmodern,” 143–56. Bauman reads allosemitism as a simultaneous urge to accept and to reject Jews. 91. Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 248. 92. Steinberg, “Jewish Presence,” 33. 93. Hobbs, “Blood and Rosaries,” 182. 94. The Parson speaks a type of “propitious punctuation that gives meaning to the subject’s discourse”; see Lacan, Écrits, 44. 95. Derrida, Of Grammatology, 66. 96. Derrida, Of Grammatology, 69. 97. The planet Saturn is connected to Judaism. See Riverside Chaucer, 987n.1432–36. 98. Dove wonders over an intriguing possibility in her essay, “Chaucer and the Translation of the Jewish Scriptures,” 89–107: that is, was Chaucer familiar with the Hebrew Scriptures through a late-fourteenth century translation of the Wycliffite Bible? 99. Hobbs, “Blood and Rosaries,” 192–93. 100. Courtenay, Schools and Scholars, 17. 101. Courtenay, Schools and Scholars, 18. 102. The Prioress herself simultaneously advocates memorization without comprehension. Characterizing herself “as a child of twelf month oold, or lesse, / That kan unnethes any word expresse” (VII.484–85), the Prioress celebrates her impoverished intellect (“My konnyng is so wayk” [VII.481]) that actually validates rather than undercuts her devotion to Jesus and to Mary. Although it may be true that the Prioress has as little “konnyng” as the clergeon, her tale certainly points toward “uncontrollable internalized hostility” (Holloway, “Convents, Courts and Colleges,” 202). In this way the Prioress ironizes “a real feeling of the spirit of grace” by privileging “tortures and death” over “spiritual renewal and life” (Zitter, “Anti-Semitism in Chaucer’s Prioress’s Tale,” 281). 103. Orme, Education and Society, at 222; see also, 1–2, 221–24. 194 NOTES

104. Manly, Some New Light on Chaucer, ix. 105. Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” reads Chaucer as a poet writing in a postcolonial world (243–60). Cohen, Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity, rightly warns us that the construction of the three groups of early England—the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes—is too neat a dis- tinction and is a part of Bede’s mythmaking strategy, for Bede designs “a primal Englishness” (30); see also 30–34. See also Davies, The First English Empire; Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies; and Turville-Petre, England the Nation. Camille, Mirror in Parchment, discusses the link between Englishness and the Luttrell Psalter, a fourteenth-century manuscript (16–20).

5 Omissions of Antisemitism: Thomas Hoccleve and the Putative Jew 1. The scholarship on antisemitisms in medieval English literature is vast, and I provide only a small sampling here. On the general topic of medieval antisemitism, see Chazan, Daggers of Faith; Cohen, Living Letters of the Law; Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism; and Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society. For a more localized view of medieval England, see Lipman, Jews of Medieval Norwich; Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution; and Roth, A History of the Jews. 2. Arguing for irenic views of Jews in medieval texts is more a rarity than a customary practice. There are, nevertheless, some important critics who adopt this stance in their criticism. For such readings see Godfrey, “The Fifteenth-Century Prioress’s Tale,” 93–115; Narin van Court, “The Hermeneutics of Supersession,” 43–87; and Narin van Court, “Socially Marginal, Culturally Central,” 293–326. 3. As Bestul, Texts of the Passion, writes, “the Jew was the other, a threat to the well being and purity of the social order, who needed to be excluded from Christian society” (79); see also 69–110. Jews were imagined to perform various pernicious and homicidal roles. Although Chaucer’s “Prioress’s Tale” is best known for remembering a blood libel myth, the drama cycles and chronicles, such as The Siege of Jerusalem, have also received critical attention of late. For detailed readings of these and other texts that speak of the antisemitic economy in late-medieval England, see Jones, “ ‘The Place of the Jews’,” 327–57; and Narin van Court, “Socially Marginal, Culturally Central,” 293–326. 4. Not being able to distinguish between reality and fantasy involves inventing a postcolonial phobogenic, which was a condition that the Jew suffered. See Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 141–209. Fanon explains that “the psychic structure of the phobic” involves the making of a fantasy Other “endowed with evil intentions and with all the attributes of a malefic power” (155). NOTES 195

5. As Keiser, “The Middle English Planctus Mariae,” 176–83, points out, antisemitic moments were customary to the medieval planctus Mariae genre (Hoccleve’s Complaint of the Virgin belongs to this genre). Because of the trend in this genre, I view Hoccleve’s omission as an act of quiet subversion. 6. Goldie, “Psychosomatic Illness and Identity,” compellingly argues that Hoccleve is aware of the limits of his social self and how, especially in the poem of the Series, tries to write himself out of the constraints imposed upon him by the limited view of his social world. 7. Jacquemond, “Translation and Cultural Hegemony,” notes that in the hands of the Other, translation can become a site where agency is possible and where identities are remade (139–58). 8. It is no coincidence that between the years 1409 and 1422, Hoccleve wrote his more politicized and psychically freighted poetry—namely, the three poems under study here. Burrow discusses the Series in “Hoccleve’s Series,” 260. For the dates of these poems, see Burrow, Thomas Hoccleve, 17–29; and Seymour, ed. Selections from Hoccleve, 103. For recent cultural studies approaches, see Lawton, “Dullness and the Fifteenth Century,” 761–99; and Patterson, “ ‘What Is Me?’ ” 437–70. 9. For a discussion of autobiography and autocitation, see Summers’s Late-Medieval Prison Writing. Also on issues of the autobiographical, see Furnivall ed. in Hoccleve’s Works: The Minor Poems; and Knapp, Bureaucratic Muse, 159–83. 10. It is probable that Hoccleve’s poetic commitment to expressing the desires of the socially marginalized reflects his own bout with psychosis between 1409 and 1422. On Hoccleve’s madness, see Burrow, Thomas Hoccleve, 1–29; Goldie, “Psychosomatic Illness and Identity,” 25–38; Medcalf, “Inner and Outer,” 108–71; and Tambling, “Allegory and the Madness of the Text,” 223–48. There are a number of critics who doubt the veracity of this breakdown: see Doob, Nebuchadnezzar’s Children; and Spearing, Medieval to Renaissance in English Poetry. Bryan explores the link between confession and complaint in her essay, “Hoccleve, the Virgin, and the Politics of Complaint,” 1172–87. 11. Cohen, Medieval Identity Machines, 186. 12. Bhabha, “Foreword: Joking Aside,” xv. 13. Spivak discusses the potential for the subaltern to have a voice in her “Can the Subaltern Speak?” 14. Bhabha, “Foreword: Joking Aside,” xvii. 15. Courtenay, Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England, 139. 16. Deleuze and Guattari, Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature, 17. 17. The “hermeneutical Jew” signifies as a trope of supersession (that is, as a typological icon) and, in this role, is a static figure that “in fact, never was” (Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 65); see also Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 67–71. On the subject of the Other both being and not being there, see Bhabha, Location of Culture, 85–92, esp. 88; Biddick, Typological 196 NOTES

Imaginary, 45–75; Kruger, Spectral Jew, 1–22; and Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 245–50. The condition of partial presence is also a fear of Hoccleve’s, as Goldie illustrates, when Hoccleve urgently attempts to write his self as stable and whole (“Psychosomatic Illness and Identity,” 23–28). 18. Cohen, Living Letters of the Law, 392, 395–98. See also figures 1–4, 8, and 9. 19. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 89–91, expounds upon partial presence. 20. On these anti-Jewish stereotypes, see Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 60. 21. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 90. 22. All references to plays from the York cycle will be taken from The York Plays and cited in the body of the text. 23. Disowning their role in the moneylending industry involves the act of mimcry; see Bhabha, Location of Culture, 91. 24. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 10. 25. All further references to the N-Town “The Procession to Calvary; Crucifixion,” including citations of the stage directions (cited as s.d.), will be taken from Spector’s 2 Volume edition of the N-Town plays and will be cited in the body of the text, according to the line number or, in the case of stage directions, the nearest line number to the cited material. 26. Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 108. 27. On the pervasiveness of antisemitism, see Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society, 34–39. On mimicry, see Bhabha, Location of Culture, 85–101. 28. Lampert, Gender and Jewish Difference, 21–57, explains how the hermeneutical Jew replaces the ontological Jew in Latin Christendom. 29. On the possibilities of there being a political Hoccleve, see Knapp, Bureaucratic Muse, 17–43; Mills, “The Voices of Thomas Hoccleve,” 85–107; and Reeves, “Thomas Hoccleve, Bureaucrat,” 201–14. 30. Turville-Petre, England the Nation, 73. On the act of translating Anglo- French material into English in Lancastrian England, see Knapp, Bureaucratic Muse, 51–53. 31. See Selections from Hoccleve. All citations from Hoccleve’s Complaint of the Virgin will be taken from Seymour’s edition and cited in the body of this chapter. 32. For a discussion of languages of oppression and of the oppressed, see Deleuze and Guattari, Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature, 26–27. 33. This passage is taken from de Deguileville, Ame, fol.109r, found in London, British Library, Additional MS 22937, fols. 108v–109r. All further quotations of Ame will be taken from this manuscript. 34. Translation mine. Many thanks are due to Dana Symons and Eugene Clasby who provided assistance with this translation. On the subject of Additional 22937 as a possible source, see Seymour, ed. Selections from Hoccleve, 103. In a recent letter, Seymour explained that by “source,” he meant the poem and not the manuscript (Seymour, letter to the author, Michaelmas 2000). The question, then, of which manuscript Hoccleve NOTES 197

most likely consulted remains open. Another candidate is Oxford, Bodleian Library, Additional MS C. 29, attributed to the early fifteenth century. Both manuscripts include the sixteen-line stanza in question and there is no difficulty reading either manuscript at this point in Deguileville’s poem. 35. Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, includes a marvelous discussion of the “boundaries” that Christ’s and Mary’s bodies produce (54–55). See also Knapp, Bureaucratic Muse, who represents Hoccleve’s Mary “as a ground for affective response” (150). 36. Knapp, Bureaucratic Muse, 109. The text of Regement of Princes is taken from Hoccleve’s Works: The Regement of Princes and will be cited in the body of the text. 37. Knapp, Bureaucratic Muse, 109. 38. Hoccleve’s humility topos, then, might be masking (and I fully agree with Knapp here) “a greater level of ironic play, or polyvocality” (Bureaucratic Muse, 126). 39. Kolve, Chaucer and the Imagery of Narrative, 31. 40. Clasby, trans., The Pilgrimage of Human Life, xix. 41. In the Stürzinger edition of Ame (213), Judas is described “comme traïstre” (like a traitor) (6485) whereas in Additional 22937, Judas is described as “le triste” (the sad one). 42. Kolve, Chaucer and the Imagery of Narrative, 9. 43. Hoccleve’s omission of antisemitism also wittingly avoids the direc- tion that Judas’s kiss had taken in the Middle Ages. Bestul, Texts of the Passion, explains that in the Gospel of Luke, Judas’s kiss is “treated incidentally merely as a signal,” but by the Middle Ages, Judas was to become increasingly dehumanized—portrayed as “depraved” (71)— and the kiss to become the centralized site of expressions of “disgust at defilement” (85). See also Levine, “Matthew, Mark, and Luke.” Many thanks to Denise Despres for calling this latter piece of criticism to my attention. 44. Kolve, Chaucer and the Imagery of Narrative, 11. 45. Warren, History on the Edge, 13. 46. Bestul, Texts of the Passion, 71, 85. See also the N-Town “The Procession to Calvary; Crucifixion.” 47. On these biographical matters, see Burrow, Thomas Hoccleve, 11–12. 48. Beckwith, Christ’s Body, 44; Rubin, Corpus Christi, 303. 49. Bestul, Texts of the Passion, 70. 50. Bestul, Texts of the Passion, 71. See also The Complaint of Hoccleve, 107. All further references to the Complaint of Hoccleve and Dialogue with a Friend will be taken from Thomas Hoccleve’s Complaint and Dialogue and cited in the body of the text. This citation is taken from Complaint of Hoccleve. I have slightly modernized these texts. 51. Delacotte, Guillaume de Digulleville, 177. 52. Turville-Petre, England the Nation, 1. 198 NOTES

53. Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 248. See also Cohen, “Midcolonial,” 6–7, who suggests that marshaling postcolonial theory will helpfully “destabilize hegemonic identities” and “displace the domination of Christianity” (6–7); and Cohen, Medieval Identity Machines, 185–87. 54. See Cohen, Medieval Identity Machines, 185. 55. By using “dislocated,” I refer to the 1290 English Expulsion of the Jews. This Expulsion, I might add, did not bring the English any closer to their original self. For the discussion of Kempe, see Cohen, Medieval Identity Machines, 185–87. This desire to blame Jews is spoken of by many: see, especially, Kruger, The Spectral Jew, xiii–22; Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 263–310; and Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 247–48. Hoccleve breaks from the postcolonial urge to fuel the myths of a pure English self by perpetuating Christian anti-Judaic libels that vindicate Othering the Jews. For a view of English (post)colonialisms, see Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies; Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer”; and Warren, History on the Edge. My identifying Hoccleve’s postcolonial writing does not mean to dilute the historical specificity of studying modern English India as a postcolonial period. Rather, my work aims, as Cohen, “Midcolonial,” writes, to “confront the modern with powerful trauma conjoined to the possibility of transhistorical alliance and mutual transformation” (5). 56. See Patterson’s observation in “ ‘What Is Me?’ ” that Hoccleve seeks to “define as clearly as possible the nature of the selfhood that [he] finds so puzzling” (440). See also Goldie, “Psychosomatic Illness and Identity,” 23–52. 57. On the topic of Hoccleve’s autobiography in the poems of his Series, see Goldie, “Psychosomatic Illness and Identity”; and Knapp, Bureaucratic Muse, 159–83. 58. Figures 4, 8, and 9 provide images of the psychically unstable Jew; Figures 3, 5, and 6 depict the marked and socially isolated Jew. 59. Hoccleve’s text has been slightly modified: back slashes have been removed. 60. Tambling, “Allegory and the Madness of the Text,” 244. 61. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 190. 62. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 188. 63. Lacan, Écrits, 7. 64. Lacan, Écrits, 9. See also Tambling, “Allegory and the Madness of the Text,” 242. 65. Marah (Hebrew, ʤʸʮ, from the root ʸʮ, “bitter”) is found in Exodus 15:23, 24 and Numbers 33:8. Seymour, ed., Selections from Hoccleve also points this out (104n.183). 66. Macherey, A Theory of Literary Production, 86. Silent subversion is a type of poetics that marks a Hocclevean style, one we have seen Hoccleve deploy in Complaint of the Virgin. 67. See Burrow, “Hoccleve’s Series,” 263–64. NOTES 199

68. Patterson, “ ‘What Is Me?’ ” reads these lines quite differently from me and takes them to be “an apparently irrelevant passage” (445). 69. See Bhabha, Location of Culture, 89–90, who reflects on the construction of a discriminatory identity. 70. On the topic of the medieval impulse to scapegoat, see Moore, Formation of a Persecuting Society. 71. See Knapp, Bureaucratic Muse, 25n.26. On issues connected to the Privy Seal, see Brown, “The Privy Seal Clerks,” 269; and Richardson, “Hoccleve in His Social Context,” 317. For details regarding the trumped- up coin-clipping charges raised against the Jews, see Lipman, Jews of Medieval Norwich; Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution; Roth, History of the Jews; and Stow, Alienated Minority. On accusations of putative Jewishness, see Cohen, Medieval Identity Machines, 185. 72. See Peck, “Public Dreams and Private Myths.” Burrow, Medieval Writers and Their Work, discusses the subject of anonymity and the act of possess- ing one’s work in a climate when anonymity was the safer choice. See also Burrow, “The Poet as Petitioner,” 61–75. 73. Lawton, “Dullness,” 789. 74. Bhabha, “Foreword: Joking Aside,” xviii. 75. Bauman, “Allosemitism: Premodern, Modern, Postmodern,” 148. 76. See Niranjana, Siting Translation, 186, who ruminates on the issue of try- ing to retrieve a colonized past. 77. Niranjana, Siting Translation, 186. Spivak, A Critique of Postcolonial Reason, 1. 78. Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 17. Mythologies about the purity of the English self with which Hoccleve would have been familiar include narratives about Arthur, for instance, whose Celtic past is eagerly rewritten so that Arthur signifies as a practiced English knight rather than as an undisciplined Celtic warrior: in addition to Ingham’s Sovereign Fantasies, see also Davies, The First English Empire; Heng, Empire of Magic; and Warren, History on the Edge. 79. Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 214. 80. Davies, The First English Empire, 41. 81. See Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations, 21–65. See also Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning. 82. See the work of Katz: Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England; and his Sabbath and Sectarianism in Seventeenth-Century England. On the fifteenth century, consider Godfrey’s “Fifteenth-Century Prioress’s Tale,” 101–02. 83. See Lawton, “Dullness.”

6 Impossible Desires and Fabulistic Dreams: Conversion in the Croxton Play 1. Unsworth, Morality Play, 60–61. 200 NOTES

2. See Walker, “Medieval Drama,” 370–85. 3. In this chapter I refer to the play by its manuscript title, þe Play of þe Conversyon of Ser Jonathas þe Jewe by Myracle of þe Blyssed Sacrament. [hereafter, þe Play of þe Conversyon unless otherwise noted in the body of the text] I use the manuscript title to emphasize further its focus on converted (Jewish) bodies. þe Play of þe Conversyon survives in the sixteenth- century manuscript, Trinity College, Dublin F.4.20; see Nisse, Defining Acts, 181n.3. I will sometimes use the word, “Croxton,” as a shorthand to refer to the play, but I do not mean to indicate location and origin. I rec- ognize, as does Chemers, “Anti-Semitism, Surrogacy, and the Invocation of Mohammed,” 50n.1, that attributing this sacrament play to “Croxton” has been recently questioned by Jones, “Theatrical History”; and by Lawton, “Sacrilege and Theatricality.” 4. Despres, “Cultic Anti-Judaism,” 413–27. See also Cohen, Friars and The Jews; and his Living Letters of the Law. 5. Clark and Sponsler, “Othered Bodies,” 70. 6. All further references to þe Play of þe Conversyon, including citations of the stage directions (cited as s.d.), will be taken from Walker’s edition Medieval Drama, 213–33, and will be cited according to the line number or, in the case of stage directions, the nearest line number to the cited material. The stage directions are italicized in Walker’s edition but reproduced here without emphasis. 7. Walker, “Medieval Drama,” 378. 8. As Higginbotham, “Impersonators in the Market,” notes, the act of “misrepresentation” is intertwined in and reflective of the mercantilis- tic economy and, thus, matters of the earthly world (164). While sacred matters continue to underwrite fifteenth-century non-cycle drama (Everyman is one such example), the introduction of commonplace people and less sacred settings becomes a possible subject for medieval drama. Two examples of such plays are Towneley’s Second Shepherd’s Play and Henry Medwell’s Fulgens and Lucres. These plays pave the way for such sixteenth-century drama as that written by John Heywood and John Bale. 9. The need to convert Jews frames the disputations held at Paris in 1240, Barcelona in 1263, and Tortosa in 1413–14. The expected outcome of these disputations was more Christian bodies and fewer Jewish bodies. See Maccoby, Judaism on Trial. With “bodies,” I refer also to minds and to “souls”—the word “bodies” is meant to signify both. 10. By surplus Jews, I refer to the tradition of numbering the “extra” Jewish characters rather than naming them, as does þe Play of þe Conversyon. Although specifying surplus characters as “primus,” “secundus, “ter- tius,” (etc.) is not unusual and can refer to doctors as well as Jews in, for instance, the N-Town “Herod; the Trial before Annas and Cayphas” or “The Death of Judas; The Trials before Pilate and Herod,” I mean to emphasize that surplus Jews are named in the fifteenth-century þe Play NOTES 201

of þe Conversyon. These surplus Jewish bodies need names since they are destined to become Christian bodies. 11. There were Christian, as well as Jewish, usurers in the Middle Ages. See Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, 10–31. 12. For discussions of subversion and containment, see Greenblatt’s Shakespearean Negotiations, 21–65; and Dollimore’s Radical Tragedy, xx–xxix. 13. Kruger, “The Bodies of Jews,” postulates that questions of “deep ner- vousness about the body. . . . cannot be directly asked by Christians . . . The central ritual of Christianity . . . can be projected outward, onto foreign bodies” (319; emphasis his). For a very convincing and lively discussion of the views of medieval racialisms, see Hahn, “The Difference the Middle Ages Makes,” 1–37. See also Clark and Sponsler, “Othered Bodies,” 61–87. 14. Despres, “Cultic Anti-Judaism,” 413–27, suggests that the contact between the Jewish and Christian religions birthed “cultic anti-Judaism.” 15. When I refer to the host as part of the liturgy, I will not capitalize the word, but when I refer to the Host as a character in the Croxton play, I will capitalize so as distinguish between the two. 16. According to Chemers, “Anti-Semitism, Surrogacy, and the Invocation of Mohammed,” 32, these Jewish Others are likely also Islamic Others. 17. On materiality, see Butler, Bodies That Matter, esp. 2–4. On the subject of “identification,” see Butler, Bodies That Matter, 3–4. 18. I read the reference to “Machomet” as a confused allusion to the Jewish god. Chemers, “Anti-Semitism, Surrogacy, and the Innvocation of Mohammed,” adds additional possibilities. 19. For discussion of Jewish tests of the sacramental wafer, see Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], “The once and future Jew,” 235–55; and Rubin, Gentile Tales, 28. See also Po-Chia Hsia’s Myth of Ritual Murder. 20. The quoted material are Beckwith’s and Walker’s words, respectively. See Beckwith, “Ritual, Church, Theatre,” 68; and Walker, “Medieval Drama,” 380. Arguably, the worst act of aggression occurs when “The Host sticks to [Jonathas’s] hand” (418, s.d.). On the issue of the sacrament’s performance, see Sofer, Stage Life of Props, 31–60, who reflects on whether the Host of the Croxton play is a “sacred object” or a “trick property” (50). 21. I am quoting Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 195; in this text see also 195–228. See also Heng, “The Romance of England.” 22. I am reminded of an episode from Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People when King Edwin seeks the advice of one of his chief priests, Coifi, about whether their tribe should become Christians. Coifi suggests that, yes, they should convert because the new “doctrine which is now being expounded to us” (95) has many advantages—one of which is to enable their tribe to continue to wield power (94–96). 23. This situation of seamless transformations from Jew to Christian are unrealistic as Elukin, “From Jew to Christian?” 171–89, shows in his 202 NOTES

splendid catalog of conversions whose indeliblity were doubted: as Elukin reasons, “conversion was thus a journey. . . . marked by uncertainty” (179). 24. Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 115. 25. See Maccoby, Judaism on Trial for a discussion about conversionist sermons. 26. On the subject of flesh and spirit, see Lampert [Lampert-Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 10. 27. See Elukin, “From Jew to Christian?” 28. The quoted text is taken from Rubin, Gentile Tales, 170. 29. See Rubin’s Gentile Tales, where she documents the libelous accounts of Jews’ testing the sacrament. 30. See Krummel, “Uneasy Laughter,” 176–85. 31. See Bhabha, Location of Culture, 92. 32. Here develops a provocative relationship between chapters 5 and 6: Hoccleve removes the fiscally related betrayal between Jesus and Judas whereas þe Play of þe Conversyon amplifies this betrayal and shifts the fraught moment to a betrayal enacted by a Christian rather than a Jew. 33. I use the words of Beckwith, “Ritual, Church and Theatre,” to indicate, as she does, that the “host, the little biscuit, is a mere stage prop,” under- scoring that this play, even as it tries to make profound arguments about real presence, cannot completely contain the possibility that the miracle is “so blatantly theatricalised” that “the effect is at least potentially parodic” (68). See Beckwith’s “Ritual, Church and Theatre,” 65–89; Sofer, Stage Life of Props, 20–60; and Walker, “Medieval Drama,” 380–81. 34. See Hill-Vásquez, Sacred Players, 101; and Strohm, “Croxton Play of the Sacrament,” 33–38, who provides a brief history of the sacrament and related notions of transubstantiation (made an official part of the liturgy in the thirteenth century [34]). 35. I am reminded of Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World: “in the grotesque concept of the body a new, concrete, and realistic historic awareness was born and took form: not abstract thought about the future but the living sense that each man belongs to the immortal people who create history” (367). On the topic of Bakhtinian comedy in the Croxton play, see Krummel, “Getting Even,” 180–92. 36. Community-creator and community-destroyer are my own words, but they are informed by Scarry’s work in Body in Pain. 37. Einbinder, No Place of Rest, 3. 38. For three compelling discussions of the Croxton Jews’ wandering, see Higginbotham, “Impersonators in the Market,” 178; Lampert [Lampert- Weissig], Gender and Jewish Difference, 115; and Nisse, Defining Acts, 122–23. 39. Strohm, “Croxton Play of the Sacrament,” 44. 40. Nisse, Defining Acts, reads this play as “profoundly antiurban” in its (or Episcopus’s) “absolute emptying or nullification of this same urban space” (103). Certainly, all the joy in travel—proclaimed by both Aristorius and NOTES 203

Jonathas at the beginning of the play—no longer seems like an enjoyable reality by the end. 41. Scarry, Body in Pain, 27–28. 42. See Enders, Medieval Theater of Cruelty, 24, 202–22. 43. Maccoby, “The Wandering Jew,” 238–39. 44. Rubin, Gentile Tales discusses host desecration tales. Krummel, “Uneasy Laughter,” argues that the Jews are presented as incompetent buffoons. Lampert [Lampert-Weissig] explains in “Once and Future Jew,” that in such stories the Jew is permanently fixed as the “perpetually present enemy” (248). This play and its Jews have been understood as part of a program of strategic propaganda, designed to educate Christians about the doctrine of real presence; see Clark and Sponsler, “Othered Bodies,” 61–87; Dox “Medieval Drama as Documentation,” 107–10; and Gibson, Theater of Devotion, 35. 45. See Kruger, Spectral Jew, 77. 46. Beckwith, Christ’s Body, 79. 47. See Strohm, “Croxton Play of the Sacrament,” 33. 48. On the subject of postcolonial hybridity, see Radhakrishnan, “Postcoloniality and the Boundaries of Identity,” 312–29. On fabricated homogeneities, see Cohen’s Hybridity, Identity, and Monstrosity. See also Clark and Sponsler, “Othered Bodies,” who argue that the “ritual imper- sonation of and violence against a largely absent other was an apparently necessary feature of a dialectics of difference and sameness” (66–67). Einbinder, No Place of Rest, reflects on converted Jews who maintain “a vestigial attachment to their Hebrew books for at least a generation” (32–33). 49. For the topic of allosemitism, see Bauman, “Allosemitism: Premodern, Modern, Postmodern,” 143–56. 50. Despres, “Cultic Anti-Judaism and Chaucer’s Litel Clergeon,” 413–27; Despres, “The Protean Jew in the Vernon Manuscript,” 145–64; and Despres, “Immaculate Flesh and the Social Body,” 47–69. 51. Lawton, “Sacrilege and Theatricality,” 294–97. 52. Kruger, “The Bodies of Jews in the Late Middle Ages,” 317. 53. See Chemers, “Anti-Semitism, Surrogacy, and the Invocation of Mohammed,” who suspects that Muslim identities are also thrown into the mix. 54. Schildgen, Pagans, Tartars, Moslems, and Jews, notes that “the late Middle Ages witnessed a decided turn against Jews in official actions” (102) and one relevant example that Schildgen provides originates from the fourteenth century when “the popes were sanctioning the conversion of synagogues into churches” (103). Mundill, “Edward I and the Final Phase of Anglo-Jewry,” points out that “many of the Edwardian Anglo-Jews knew the Tower of London fairly intimately” and that the thirteenth- century coin-clipping trials often ended in executions for both Christians and Jews although statistically there was a one to ten ratio of Christian to Jewish executions (62); see also Stacey, “The English Jews under Henry 204 NOTES

III,” 52, 48–54. On the issue of conversion, see Stacey’s article, “The Conversion of Jews”; and Einbinder, “No Place of Rest,” 32–33. 55. See Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 248. 56. Kruger, “The Spectral Jew,” 11; emphasis his. 57. Mundill in England’s Jewish Solution, concludes that after “the Jews’ own failure to convert and the fact that they still practised usury and the evolution of a distinct change in the prevailing political and religious climate during the preceding decades,” Edward I decreed that those late-thirteenth-century remnants—those Jews who had not already fled or converted—be expelled from England (285). 58. Bauman, “Allosemitism: Premodern, Modern, Postmodern,” 153. 59. On this topic, see Camille Mirror in Parchment, 15–48; and Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies. 60. This is also a point made by Tomasch in “Postcolonial Chaucer,” 244–46. 61. Chazan, “Millenarian Enthusiasm,” 300. Self-immolation was known as kiddush ha-Shem or Sanctifying the Divine Name. 62. See Beckwith, Christ’s Body, 37. 63. See Chemers’s close in “Anti-Semitism, Surrogacy, and the Invocation of Mohammed,” 50.

Epilogue When Endings Are Beginnings 1. On the topic of haunting, see Chism, Alliterative Revivals, 1–3. 2. On the subjects of spectrality and putative presence, see Kruger, The Spectral Jew, esp. xiii–xxx; and Tomasch, “Postcolonial Chaucer.” 3. Cheyette, Constructions of ‘the Jew’ in English Literature, 8–12. On this topic of the Jews’ return to England, see Katz, Philo-Semitism and the Readmission of the Jews to England. 4. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 86. 5. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, 214. 6. I invoke the title of Anderson’s Imagined Communities, but I do not sub- scribe to all of the conclusions he draws. 7. Chapter One discusses pseudospeciation as it appears in the manuscript pictorials. In Black Skin, White Masks, Fanon makes certain assertions about the nature of racism which are relevant to our discussion here. Fanon insists that apart from specific differences, where, for instance, the Black (man) is feared because of a fantasized sexual potency and the Jew is dreaded for an imagined need to take over the society, both Blacks and Jews are subject to a racism that springs from a profound fear of loss, what I consider a type of White lack (to Fanon, the White lack leads to a fear that where the Black will people the world through an unmatchable sexual potency, the Jew will rule the world through a profound intellectual acumen). In a sense this lack, filled by these two fringe groups, threatens to point out the sexual impotency and intellectual frivolity of the White NOTES 205

world. In the Middle Ages, the Jew threatened the imagined stability of the culture of Latin Christendom. 8. See Cohen, “Introduction: Midcolonial”; Epstein, Dreams of Subversion, 11–15; Fradenburg, “Criticism, Anti-Semitism, and the Prioress’s Tale; Heng, Empire of Magic, 10–15; Ingham, Sovereign Fantasies, 1–17; Richmond, “Englishness and Medieval Anglo-Jewry,” 213–14. 9. Ingham, “Little Nothings,” 56. 10. Ingham, “Little Nothings,” 56, 53. 11. See Ingham, “Little Nothings,” 53n.3, who cites Hazel Forsyth and Geoff Egan’s Toys, Trifles, and Trinkets: Base Metal Miniatures from London 1200 to 1800 (London: Museum of London Unicorn Press, 2005). 12. Jordan, “The Medieval Background,” 54. 13. Despres, “The Protean Jew in the Vernon Manuscript,” 160. 14. Although I in no way intend to argue for a lachrymose history, I still echo the words of Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews, whose trenchant analysis rightly insists that the medieval period is indelibly linked to the modern one, for “if the Jew is today despised and feared and hated, it is because we are the heirs of the Middle Ages” (xii). 15. Heng, Empire of Magic, 15. 16. Auerbach, Mimesis, 492; emphasis mine. 17. On biographical information about Auerbach, see Gumbrecht, “ ‘Pathos of the Earthly Progress,’ ” 31. Auerbach wrote his famous work, entitled Mimesis, far from the libraries of Europe, as he himself duly notes and deeply rues. 18. Barkan, “Historians and Historical Reconciliation,” 900, 902. 19. I served as a seminar participant in L. O. Aranye Fradenburg’s “Needful Things: Poverty, Charity, and Pleasure in Late Medieval England” (Morgantown, West Virginia; West Virginia University, June 1996). I refer to her article “Criticism, Anti-Semitism, and the Prioress’s Tale.” 20. Reznikoff, The Lionhearted: A Story about the Jews in Medieval England. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Entries in italics refer to illustrations.

1275 Statute of Jewry, 16–19, 23–24, allosemitism, 109, 153, 157, 167n68, 26, 28–37, 42, 49, 89, 158, 193n90, 203n49 167–74nn, 179n63, 180n73, defined, 18 184n48, 188n40, 189n46 Alma redemptoris Mater, 100, 113 Amazons, Queen of, 16, 82–83, 87 Abel, 18, 41–44, 106, 125, 158, 159, Ambrose of Milan, 23, 96, 97 172n59, 189n49 Cain and Abel, 99, 164n23, 167n2, Abraham, 2–4, 45, 164n7 189n49 “Abraham Prepares to Sacrifice Isaac” Anderson, Benedict, 15–16, 204n6 (figure 1), 2, 3, 16, 24, 36, 37, Angles, 154, 194n105 42, 44–45, 91, 152, 158, 159 Anglo-French language, 121–22, absent presence (disembodied 188n38, 196n30 presence), 2, 5–21, 33, 38, Anglo-Hebrew script, 176n22 157–58, 203n44 Anglo-Judaic language, 53 Chaucer and, 90–91, 99, 101, 107, Anglo-Norman identity, 95–97 110–11, 158 anonymity, 145, 199n72 evil and, 19 anti-Judaism, 38, 139, 158, 167n68, 15th century cycle plays, 120 185n69, 201n14 Hart cartoon and, 4 Chaucer and, 20, 91–92, 94, 98, Hoccleve and, 21, 158 100, 101, 104, 107–10, 112 Mandeville and, 76, 88 defined, 18 Meir and, 65 Gospels and, 4 Play of þe Conversyon and, 139, history of, 163n5 151 Hoccleve and, 20, 117–19, 130–33, see also haunting; Jewish bodies 135 acrostic writing, 51–56, 176nn Mandeville and, 72 Adam, 24, 27, 40–41, 192n79 Play of þe Conversyon and, 137–39 agency, 58, 63–64, 75, 85, 101, 130, Antiochus, 192nn 179n62 antisemitism, 46, 157, 167n2, 194n1 aggression, 44, 64, 73, 85; see also 1275 Statute of Jewry and, 28 violence, anti-Jewish Chaucer and, 92, 94, 98, 102, Alexander the Great, 16, 80–84, 87 110, 114 230 INDEX antisemitism—Continued Bale, Anthony, 5, 171nn, 172n56, contemporary, 160–61, 180n72 173n64, 175n5, 176n15 defined, 18, 167n68 Balibar, Etienne Hart cartoon and, 163n3 “Racism and Nationalism,” 38, Hoccleve and, 20–21, 117–27, 171nn 131–36, 197n43 Balistarius, Hameth, 173n62 Mandeville and, 72 Barkan, Elazar, 160 manuscript pictorials and, 36–37 Barth, Fredrik, 79, 184nn Meir and, 57, 65–66 Bartlett, Robert, 16, 45–46 Play of þe Conversyon and, 138–39 Baugh, Albert C., 190n60 supersessionism and, 5 Baum, Dan, 171n42 violence caused by, 160 Bauman, Zygmunt, 193n90 Aquinas, Thomas bear, 43, 44, 173n63 On the Government of Jews, 28–29, Beatrice (mother of Hugh of Lincoln), 31, 36, 168–69nn 99; see also Chaucer, Geoffrey, Aramaic language, 105 Canterbury Tales, “Prioress’s archae (chests), 34–35, 62, 179n60 Tale” “Archers Shoot Arrows at Jesus” Becker, Jurek, 181n75 (figure 2), 24, 25, 34, 36, Beckwith, Sarah, 126, 151, 201n20, 41–42, 44, 91, 158, 159, 202n33 172nn Bede, 194n105, 201n22 armorer, 157, 191nn Beit-Arié, Malachi, 174n2, 176n22 hauberk, 103, 191n71 Belaset (daughter of Magister Jewish armorer, 103 Benedict fil’ Moses), wedding Jewish crossbowmen, 173n62 in Lincoln, 99, 190n56 see also Chaucer, Geoffrey, Belaset of Wallingford, 179n55 Canterbury Tales, “Sir Thopas” Benedict fil’ Moses, Magister, 99 arrows, 41–42, 44 Benjamin, Walter, 89 Arthur, King, 161, 199n78 Benjamin the Scribe, 52, 176n18 artisans, 19, 20, 103, 173nn, 191nn Bennett, Josephine Waters, 182n26 Auerbach, Erich Berakhiah ben Natronai Crispia Mimesis, 8, 160, 205n17 ha-Nakdan (Benedictus le Augustine, 6, 21, 23, 167n2 Puncteur), 54, 176–77nn Contra Faustum, 172n59 Bercamsted, Samuel de, 11 De Civitate Dei, 167n2 Bestial demonic, 41–45, 158–59 autobiography, 55–58, 195n9, bestial qualities, 37, 40–44 198n57 appetite and, 40–41, 44 Avegaya (daughter of Benedict de English with, 62 Wyntonia), 11 eyes and, 40–41, 44 Avegaye (Norwich Issues of the hairiness and, 24, 37, 41–42 Exchequer of 1233), 27, 34, horns and, 24, 37, 42, 171n42 170n34 mouths and, 40–41, 44 noses and, 37, 40, 41, 44 badging, see Jewish badge Bestul, Thomas, 8, 194n3, 197n43 Baechler, Jean, 89 betrayal, 51, 120, 121, 134, 159, Bakhtin, Mikhail, 202n35 202n32; see also loyalty INDEX 231

Bhabha, Homi K., 1, 3, 11, 15, 45, 69, Burger, Glenn, 187n24 74, 119–20, 134, 153, 165n35, Burnell, William, 11–12 166n61, 183n42, 199n69 Burrow, John, 199n72 Bible, Hebrew, 2, 5–7, 38–39, 97 Butler, Judith, 168n11, 189n47, Ezekiel, 28 201n17 Genesis, 172n59 Hosea 13:8, 62, 179n61 Cade, William, 30 Proverbs, 28 “Caiaphas Questions Christ” (figure 8), Psalms, 63 16, 36–40, 39, 42, 45, 91, 158, Samuel, 180n69 159, 173n63, 198n58 Bible, New Testament, 6, 7, 91, 97, Cain, 24, 26, 36, 37, 41–45, 43, 106, 159, 186n19 149, 158, 159, 164n23, 171n42, Gospels, 1, 4 172n59, 173n63, 189n49, John, 92 198n58 Matthew, 92, 107, 192n83 “Cain’s Murder of Abel” (figure 9), Bible, Old Testament, 2, 6–7, 23, 28, 16, 36, 37, 42–44, 43, 91, 106, 32, 91, 97, 186n19 158, 159, 173n63, 198n58 Biddick, Kathleen, 8, 36, 72, 163n6, Calabrese, Michael, 92, 186n17 164n15, 168n12, 171n39, Calendar of the Close Rolls, 11 182n23, 183nn, 184n54, Calendar of the Fine Rolls, 10, 11 185nn Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 9–10, Bildhauer, Bettina, 189n42 12, 165n34 birds, 43–44 Cambridge, 54 Black Death, 107 Camille, Michael, 167n3, 168n4, Blacks and black skin, 172nn, 204n7 175n9, 194n105 blood libel, 7, 18, 36, 40, 44, 55, 158, Campbell, Mary, 75 159, 164n22, 177n35, 185n57, The Witness and the Other World, 194n3 71–72 blood in matzoh, 164n21 Campin, Robert Cain and, 41, 159, 172n59 “The Annunciation Triptych,” 1 Chaucer and, 92, 99, 102–4 Carruthers, Mary, 171n48 Hoccleve and, 132, 133 Caspian Mountains, 71, 80–82, Mandeville and, 84–86 84–89, 184n42 see also Christ-killer; ritual murder; cathexis, 8, 60, 165n30, 178n51 violence, anti-Jewish Caus, Benedict, 11 bodies, see Christian bodies; Jewish Celts, 46, 154, 199n78 bodies Chaucer, Geoffrey, 19, 20, 44–45, Brabant, Duchess of, 28, 29, 169n13 89–115, 124, 157, 158, Brabant, J. Duke of, 12 185–94nn “Branded and Punished” (figure 6), Book of the Duchess, 178n52 16, 28, 36–38, 45, 50, 59, 91, Canterbury Tales, 20, 92–107, 158, 159, 198n58 187n22, 188n36 Brann, Ross, 179n62 “Man of Law’s Tale,” 94 Brooks, Roger, 5 “Miller’s Tale,” 93–94, 187nn Bryan, Jennifer E., 195n10 “Monk’s Tale,” 104–5, 108, Bungay, expulsion from, 54 192nn 232 INDEX

Chaucer, Geoffrey—Continued Christian bodies “Pardoner’s Prologue,” 107 Chaucer and, 96 “Pardoner’s Tale,” 107–10 ghetto and, 25 “Parson’s Tale,” 110–11, 193n94 manuscript pictorials and, 45 “Physician’s Tale,” 191n72 Play of þe Conversyon and, 139–40, “Prioress’s Prologue,” 101, 102 143, 147, 149, 200nn “Prioress’s Tale,” 12, 17, 20, 34, Christian Church, 5, 63, 94, 106, 111, 91–102, 112–14, 124, 160, 141, 155, 164n23, 170n35, 165n41, 186–91nn, 193n102, 184n49, 203n54 194n3 Christiani, Pablo, 164n13 “Sir Thopas,” 100, 102–4, Christian identity, 7, 23, 40, 44–46, 191nn 99, 139–41, 144–45, 147, “Summoner’s Tale,” 105–7, 149–54 192n83 Chrysostum, 164n21 Chaucer-pilgrim, 93, 100, 102–3, citizenship, loss of, 35, 170n36 190n60 civic liminality, 51 House of Fame, 20, 100, 101, civilizing influence, 73, 74 111–12, 192n77 Clanchy, M.T., 180n72 Treatise on the Astrolabe, A, 16, 20, Claricia of Exeter, 46–47, 173n76 100, 101, 111–14 Clark, Robert L.A., 203n48 Chazan, Robert, 24, 51, 155, 177n24 Clasby, Eugene, 124, 196n34 cheder, 9–10 coded language, 58 Chemers, Michael Mark, 201nn Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, 15, 36, 54, Cheyette, Bryan, 157 61, 103, 118–19, 126, 166n51, children, murder of, 107, 159; see also 167n65, 172n59, 177n27, ritual murder 178nn, 185n1, 188n41, Chism, Christine, 73, 165n31 189n44, 192n74, 194n105, Christ (Jesus) 197–98nn Chaucer and, 110–11 coin-clipping charges, 45, 61–62, Hart cartoon and, 2 132, 133, 179n59, 199n71, Hoccleve and, 125–26 203n54 Judas and, 159 “Cok, a jew,” 10–11 manuscript pictorials and, 24, Colbin, 27, 34 38–42, 44 Collins, John J., 5 Play of þe Conversyon and, 138, colonization, 5, 11, 45–46, 115, 146–55 154–55 Christ-killer, 18, 164n23 Hart and, 3, 4 Chaucer and, 98, 105, 108, 110 Mandeville and, 70, 72–74, 77, 79, 15th century cycle play, 120–21 83–88, 185n64 Hoccleve’s omission of, 20–21, Play of þe Conversyon and, 138 117–23, 125–26, 134 colonized past, retrieving, 135, manuscript pictorials and, 41–42, 199n76 44 color of robes, 39 Play of þe Conversyon and, 140–41, color of skin, 37–40, 45, 172nn 146–47, 149 gray-blue, 172n51 see also Crucifixion yellow, 32, 37–39, 45, 172n51 INDEX 233

see also Blacks and black skin; cultural power, 176n15 whites and whiteness Curtis, Chad, 163n5 community-creating, 5, 18, 147, 153, 160, 185n61, 186n18, 202n36 Daniel, 105 community-destroying, 18, 36, 66, Davies, R.R. 87, 103, 107, 117, 147, 185n61, First English Empire, 135 186n18, 202n36 Dawson, J.G., 28, 169n13 Complaint of the Virgin, see under Deguileville, Guillaume de Hoccleve, Thomas Le Pelegrinage de l’Ame, 20–21, Connerton, Paul, 177n26 117–19, 122–26, 136, 196–97nn conversion, 21, 46–47, 56, 176n16, Delany, Sheila, 187n20 200n10, 201nn, 203nn, Deleuze, Gilles, 119–20, 129, 177n30, 204n57 196n32 Mandeville and, 74–75, 87 demonic, 18–19, 26, 33–34, 41–42, Play of þe Conversyon and, 138–43, 44–45, 119, 134–35, 158, 159 147, 151–52, 154 Derrida, Jacques, 111 Copin, 99 Despres, Denise, 153, 159, 169n17, Coronil, Fernando, 85–86, 182n24 186nn, 197n43, 201n14 Corpus Christi cycles, 138, 153 devils, 18, 24, 33–34, 41–42, 170nn, Cox, Catherine, 185nn, 186n19, 172nn 193n89 diaspora, 71, 79, 87 Crekelad, Bonefei de, 11 DiCicco, Mark, 191n73 Crekelad, Lumbard de, 11 difference (diversity), 15, 70–73, criminality, 17, 34, 35, 37, 99, 125, 76–77, 79–80, 88, 158, 181n8 132–33, 138, 159, 164n21; Dinshaw, Carolyn, 44–45, 180n70 see also specific types dissimilation, 75, 83, 86 cross, haunted by menorah, 1–4, 7 Dollimore, Jonathan, 183n41 Croxton Play of the Sacrament, see Play Domus Conversorum, 46–47, 174n78 of þe Conversyon of Ser Jonathas double movement, 44, 74–75, 85, Crucifixion (Calvary), 163n5, 165n35 172n60 Dove, Mary, 193n98 Chaucer and, 192n81 Dundes, Alan, 164n22 15th-century cycle plays and, 120–21, 192n81 East, 88 Hart cartoon and, 2, 4 Easter, 2, 4, 32 Hoccleve and, 21, 117–23, 126, Ecclesia, 88 134–36, 157 Edmund of Lancaster, 31 Mandeville and, 85, 86 Edward I, King, 9–11, 19, 23–24, manuscript pictorials and, 24, 44, 28–31, 33–36, 47, 62, 167n1, 172n60 168n8, 169n26, 171n41, Play of þe Conversyon and, 140–41, 179n60 146–47, 149 1275 Statute of Jewry and, 28–30, crusades, 16, 70, 73, 155, 180n72, 33–34, 36 184n49 Expulsion and, 51–52, 54, 63, Cuffel, Alexandra, 179n62 175n12, 188n40, 204n57 cultural genocide, 16 massacre of 1278 and, 179n54 234 INDEX

Edward II, King, 12, 13 Exchequer of the Jews, 132–33, Edwin, King, 201n22 173n75 Egypt, 70, 78 exile, 56–61, 63, 127, 165n34 Einbinder, Susan L., 51–52, 174nn, Expulsion of 1290, 7, 14–15, 17, 176nn, 177n24, 178n46, 29, 42, 47, 165n34, 166n47, 180n68, 203n48 175nn, 181n2, 188n40, Elbogen, Ismar, 176nn, 177n24 198n55, 204n57 Eleanor of Castile, 31 1275 Statute of Jewry and, 35, 36 Elijah of Norwich, Rabbi, 53, 55, 56 Chaucer and, 95 Elliott, Winter S., 188n35 Hoccleve and, 119 Elyas, Master, 12 Holocaust and, 65–67 Empyton, Nicholas, 10 Mandeville and, 75 Enders, Jody, 174n4 Meir and, 49–53, 55–57, 59–65 end-time, 83, 85–86 Play of þe Conversyon and, 148, English identity, 190n64 154–55 Chaucer and, 95–96, 99, 101, 115, as postcolonial moment, 69 158, 194n105 extortion, 87, 101, 132, 133 Cohen on, 167n65, 177n27 fashioning of, 45–46 family, 11–12, 56, 62 haunting of, by Jews, 157 Fanon, Frantz Hoccleve and, 134–35, 158 Black Skin, White Masks, 46, Jew as complicated figure and, 21 167n66, 168n5, 194n4, 204n7 Jewish spaces and, 16–17 Felman, Shoshana, 52, 58, 178n44 Mandeville and, 20, 71, 75–80, Ferster, Judith, 190n66 85–88 foreign, 70, 73, 87–88, 140, 157 mythologizing propaganda and, 135 Foucault, Michel, 31, 168n12, 201n21 Play of þe Conversyon and, 139–40, fox, 84, 86 154–55 Fradenburg, L. O. Aranye, 7, 59, 92, see also nation and nationalism 161, 164n19, 177n29, 205n19 English language, 77–79, 87, 115, Fredriksen, Paula, 185n69 121–22, 183nn Freedman, David Noel, 176n17 Epstein, Marc Michael, 179n62 Freud, Sigmund, 165n30, 178n51, erasure, 6, 52, 55, 57–58, 66, 73–75, 181n6 87, 97, 120, 140, 142–49, 151, Fuss, Diana, 17, 167n64 154, 157 essentialism, 24, 26, 37, 38, 41–42, Gabel, Peter, 16, 166n58 168n11, 171n47 Gallagher, Catherine, 76 Ethiopia, 70 Geoffey of Monmouth ethnicity, 79, 184n50 Historia regum Britanniae, 183n40 Eucharist (host, sacrament), 7, 21, geography, 81, 84–85, 101, 115, 138, 107, 145–47, 149–55, 164n21, 187n23 185n57, 201–2nn, 203n44 ghetto, 16–17, 24–25, 34–35, 81–86, Eve, 24, 27, 40–41 89, 167n63, 168n8 evil, 23, 30–31, 33–34, 37, 42, 44, Gibson, Mel, 159, 160 46, 83, 159, 171n42; see also gift economy, 132–33 demonic; devils Gilman, Sander L., 181n75 INDEX 235

Gloucestria, Vives de, 11 Heng, Geraldine, 70, 75,, 91, 159 Godfrey, Mary F., 95, 188n33 166n51, 168nn, 181n8, “God Marks Cain” (figure 3), 16, 24, 189n51, 190n64 26, 36, 37, 42, 45, 91, 158, Henry I, King, 175n12 159, 198n58 Henry III, King, 46, 47, 175n11, Gog and Magog, 88, 185n64 180n68, 188n40 Golb, Norman, 176–77n23 Hereford, Lady, 123, 136 Goldie, Matthew Boyd, 195n6, hermeneutical Jew, 120, 121, 123, 196n17 195n17, 196n28 “good society,” 36–37, 42, 66, hierarchy, 16, 78, 93, 94, 187n26 171n41 Higginbotham, Derrick, 200n8 Greek alphabet, 78 Higgins, Iain Macleod, 72, 75, Greenblatt, Stephen, 72, 75, 135, 181nn 178n45 Higley, Sarah, 163n2 Gross, Charles, 170n36 Hillaby, Joe, 175n11 Guattari, Félix, 120, 129, 177n30, Hobbes, Kathleen M., 113, 188n31 196n32 Hoccleve, Thomas, 117–36, 157, 158, 194–99nn, 202n32 Habermann, A.M., 174nn, 176n21, Complaint of Hoccleve, 120, 126–31, 177n23 197n50 Hahn, Thomas, 24, 168nn, 172n50, Complaint of the Virgin, 19–21, 188nn 117–26, 130, 132, 135, 160, Hamelius, P., 181n5, 183n40 195n5, 196n31, 198n66 Hanukkah, 2, 4, 163n4 Dialogue with a Friend, 120, 127, Harris, Simon, 182n17 131–32, 197n50 Hart, Johnny psychic break of, 167n69 “The Seven Last ‘Words’ of Jesus,” Regement of Princes, 124, 197n36 1–5, 159–60, 163nn Series, 132, 195nn Harwood, Britton J., 192n83 Holland Psalter, 24, 42, 44, 106, 152 hate crimes, 158 Holsinger, Bruce, 190n59 haunting, 4, 6–11, 17, 45, 49, 76, 95, Holy Land, 13 99, 151, 154, 157, 159, 204n1 homicidal Jew, 18, 42–43, 55, 124 hazak, 178n39 homogeneity, 16, 45, 65, 70–71, Hebrew language 73–74, 76–78, 81–82, 85, 88, Chaucer and, 16, 20, 105, 112–14, 149, 152, 203n48 192n81, 193n98 Hood, John Y.B., 31, 168n8, 171n47 Mandeville and, 16, 78–86, 89, Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, 13 183nn, 184nn host, see Eucharist Meir and, 53 Howard, Donald R., 183n38, 190nn Oz’s Jew and 50 Hugh of Lincoln, 98–100, 110, 112, Hebrew scriptures, 5, 6, 45, 57, 91, 114 97, 169n14, 193n98; see also Huth Psalter, 24, 27, 40 Bible, Old Testament; hybridity, 44, 52–54, 79, 95, 96, Talmud 152–53, 165n32, 173n68, hegemony, 5, 117, 119, 133–34, 141, 176n19, 177n27, 188n37, 150–51 203n48 236 INDEX identity, 21 Chaucer and, 90, 95–99, 189n43 colonized self and subverted, 135 Expulsion of 1290 and, 69 creation of, and lack, 7 Hoccleve and, 126 Crucifixion and, 140–41 imaginary, vs. real, 5–8, 10–11, essentialism and, 18, 168n11 14–15, 20–21, 160 Hoccleve and loss of, 129–30, 134 Mandeville and, 74–75, 87, 88 intersection of presence and, 7–8 manuscript pictorials and, 24–25, Mandeville as author and, 75–77 33, 33, 37, 44–45 Play of þe Conversyon and, 139–40, Play of þe Conversyon and, 21, 145 138–41, 143, 146–51, 155, rebirth and, 96–97 200nn retrieving lost, 134–35 see also absent presence; bestial stability of, 21 qualities; Jewish identity; translation and, 195n7 Jewishness see also Christian identity; English Jewish history or past, 5, 20, 39, 51, identity; Jewish identity 152, 153 imaginary communities, 16–17, 77, Jewish identity 134–35, 158, 204n3 1275 Statute of Jewry and, 24, 30, 32 imprisonment, 58, 61–62, 80–83 Chaucer and, 12 Ingham, Patricia Clare, 15, 73, 134, conversion and, 47 158, 177n29, 178n50, 180n67, Jewish struggle for self-definition 190n64, 192n74 and, 46 Ingledew, Francis, 183n40 Jewish struggle to prevent erasure inquisitorial moment, 147 of, 51 insanity or madness, 127, 129, 132, manuscript pictorials and, 41, 44, 133, 195n10 170n30 invisibility, 66, 85; see also erasure Meir and, 52, 63–64 Isaac (of Norwich), 27, 34 panoptic gaze and, 168n10 Isaak the Jew, 13–14 Play of þe Conversyon and, 139, 144, 147, 149, 153–54 Jacob Copin of Exeter, 46 Shoah and, 166n58 Jacob de Londonia, 11 see also Jewishness Jacobs, Joseph, 190n56 Jewish law, 29 Jacquemond, Richard, 195n7 Jewish nation, 20, 78–80 Jameson, Fredric, 190n62 Jewishness Jerusalem, 70, 84, 88, 180n72 1275 Statute of Jewry and, 28–38 Jesus, see Christ (Jesus) Chaucer and, 20, 89–90, 92–93, Jewerye, 12, 17, 98, 111, 112 96–114 Jewish badge, 24, 28–29, 168n8, Christian identity blended with, 169n26, 170nn, 171n47 6–8, 91, 153 English Ten Commandments English nation vs., 88, 154–55 badge, 24, 28, 29, 31–38, 33, Expulsion and, 51 50–51, 89, 170n30, 175n8 Hart cartoon and, 3–5 Jewish bodies, 171n47, 185n57, Hoccleve and, 133 189n43, 201n13 homosexual identities and, 167n64 1275 Statute of Jewry and, 24, 35 Mandeville and, 16, 71, 79–86, 88 INDEX 237

marking and (re)making of, vs. Kolve, V.A., 124–25 Christian, 2–8, 17–19, 23–24, Kruger, Steven F., 5, 76, 153, 164n16, 26, 35, 37–47, 99 168n3, 171n47, 185n4, Meir and, 51–55, 63, 66 201n13 as narratological device, 19 Kupfer, Marcia, 183n43 Play of þe Conversyon and, 138–50, 153–54 Lacan, Jacques, 129, 182n16, 186n8 real Jews wrestling with lack, 7, 17, 167n64, 177n29, 204n7 fictionalized, 157–59 la Corner, Benedict de, 11 see also conversion; essentialism; Lampert (Lampert-Weissig), Lisa, Jewish identity; projection; 65–66, 91, 121, 142, 167n2, stereotyping; and specific 178n43, 180n72, 186n12, stereotypes 187n22, 190n58, 196n28, “Jewish Nose, The” (figure 5), 16, 24, 197n35, 203n44 27, 33–34, 36, 42, 44, 91, 158, Langmuir, Gavin I., 30, 120, 167n2, 159, 170n32, 175n9, 198n58 168n7, 175n2 “Jewish toponymic,” 165n32 language, 16, 82, 83, 183nn; see also Jordan, William Chester, 171n47 specific languages Joseph, 1 Lateran Council, Fourth (1215), 31, Josephus, 111–12, 192n77 37, 169n26 Judaism, 2–5, 88; see also Bible, Latin Christendom, 5–7, 28, 46, Hebrew; Hebrew language; 49–50, 65, 70, 72, 91, 96, 107, rabbi; synagogues 120, 137, 139–45, 154–55, Judas, 109, 120–21, 123–26, 134, 159, 159, 184nn, 196n28, 204n7 197nn, 202n32 Laub, Dori, 52, 58, 66 Judea, Expulsion from (70 C.E.), 59 la Vedue, Floria, 11 Jutes, 154, 194n105 Lawton, David, 133, 3135, 15 le Albelester, Joseph, 173n62 Kaeuper, Richard W., 73 le Balestier, Philip, 173n62 Keiser, George R., 195n5 Leeds Castle, 31 Kelly, Henry Ansgar, 165n41 Le Goff, Jacques, 182n22 Kempe, Margery, 118–19, 126, 127, Leicester, H. Marshall, 101, 102 198n55 Lerer, Seth, 183n39 kiddush ha-Shem, 177n35, 204n61 Levesqe, Benedict, 11 king (monarchy), 16 Lewis, C.S., 161 Jews as serfs or slaves of, 12–13, 29, Lewis, Paul, 180n70 32, 34–35, 46, 50–51, 133, liberation (escape), 83–87, 89 170–71n36, 189n46 Licoricia (widow of David of Oxford), Jews as victims of, 87, 104 179n55 support of, 82, 165n40 Lincoln massacre (1255), 99–100 usurers and, 169n18 Lipman, Vivian D., 173n75, 174n2, see also specific kings 177n34, 181n2 King’s Remembrancer Rolls, 32, 33, Lipton, Sara, 167n3, 168n4, 172nn 170n30 Little, Lester K., 168n3 Knapp, Ethan, 124 Liu, Alan, 66, 178n50 Knight’s Tale, A (film), 166n46 Lomperis, Linda, 185n65 238 INDEX loyalty, 24, 78, 108, 109, 133, 145–47; marginality, 50, 119, 134 see also betrayal Marlowe, Christopher, Jew of Malta, Luttrell Psalter, 194n105 157–58 martyrdom, 100, 114 Maccoby, Hyam, 149, 153, 200n9 Mary, 98–99, 122, 123, 130, 135 Macherey, Pierre, 131 massacres, 180n72 “Machomet,” 140, 143, 145, 146, of 1255, 99–100 151–52, 201n19 of 1278, 62, 179n54 Mandel, Jerome, 191n73 Meir as witness to, 58–65 Mandeville, Sir John, 89 Shoah and, 58, 65–67 The Book (The Travels of Sir John materiality, 140, 201n17 Mandeville), 16, 19, 20, 69–88, Medwell, Henry, 200n8 101, 158, 166n57, 181–85nn Meir ben Elijah of Norwich, 19, identity of, as author, 75–78 49–67, 69, 89, 158, 165n32, Manley, John Matthews, 114 174–81nn Mann, Jill, 187n26, 192n83 “For the End of the Sabbaths,” manuscripts margins of, 52, 55, 56 Additional MS C. 29 (Bodleian “Put a curse on my enemy” Library), 197n34 (“A Light Hymn”), 49–50, Additional 22937 (British Library), 52, 55–65, 174n2, 176nn, 124, 196nn, 197n41 178n46 Additional 38116 (British Library), Shoah studies and, 65–67 24, 27 “Who Like You,” 52–55 Additional 48985 (British Library), Mellinkoff, Ruth, 167n3, 171n42, 39 172nn, 173n76, 175n9 Cotton Julius D.VII (British memory, 171n58 Library), 24, 25, 41 Chaucer and, 111 Cotton Nero D.II (British Library), Meir and, 55–58, 67 28 menorah, 1–4, 7, 21, 163n4 Cotton Titus c.XVI (British mercantilism, 140, 142–3, 146, 154 Library), 69–71, 77–78, 80, 84, Meyer, “Jud,” 165n34 86–87, 181n6, 183nn Middle English, 14–15, 122, E. 159/42 M.5 (British National 166n49 Archives), 170n30 Mills, Robert, 189n42 E. 159/45 M.10 (British National mimicry, 1–4, 16–17, 42, 56, 121, Archives), 32, 33 127, 143, 146, 149, 153, E. 401/1565, m.1 (British National 192n81, 196n23 Archives), 27 “Moises” (figure 7), 16, 32–33, 33, F.4.20 (Trinity College), 167n67, 36, 50, 91, 158, 170n30 200n3 money and finance, 12, 13, 19, 35 K. 26 (Cambridge), 3, 26, 43 1275 Statute of Jewry and, 35 Marcus, Ivan G., 170n29, 177n24 Chaucer and, 107, 109 Margalicia (wife of Vives de Hoccleve and, 133 Gloucestria), 11 Mandeville and, 82, 85, 87 Margaret (daughter of Jurnet of Play of þe Conversyon and, 139, Norwich), 179n55 142–43, 146–47, 153, 154 INDEX 239 moneylending and usury, 18, 29–31, nonhuman (not-quite-human), 16, 33–35, 139, 170n30, 179n55, 24, 37, 40, 42, 44, 89, 159; see 185n62, 196n23, 204n57 also bestial qualities Christians and, 169n18, 201n11 Norman Jews, 185n63, 189nn monstrous Other, 76, 96, 103, 185n1 Normans, 30, 95, 96, 100, 122, 123, Moore, R.I., 165n40, 167n69 189n42 Moses (son of Jacob de Londonia), 11 Norwich, 24, 36, 54–55, 59, 62 Mosse Mokke, 27, 34 Issues of the Exchequer 1233 (Tallage multiculturalism, 8, 54, 177n24 Roll), 24, 27, 33–34, 175n9 Mundill, Robin, 12–13, 169n15, N-Town plays 175nn, 203n54, 204n57 “The Death of Judas,” 200n10 Muslims (Islamic Others), 94 “Herod,” 200n10 “The Procession to Calvary,” “nacioun,” 14–15, 77, 166n49; see also 120–21, 123, 192n81, 196n25 nation and nationalism Nahmanides (Moses ben Nachman), Orientalism, 88, 152 164n13 Other and Otherness “national community,” 171n41; see Chaucer and, 90–92, 94, 114–15 also community-creating; Christian identity threatened by, 44 community-destroying; complicated relationship with, 75 imaginary communities discriminatory identity and, 120, national security, 74 132, 199n69 nation and nationalism, 11, 14–18, East and, 182n24 37, 45–46, 171n44, 173n68, emerging complexity of, 15, 158 183n38, 185n61, 186n18, expulsion and, 10, 17 190n64 fear of, 23, 91 Chaucer and, 90, 94, 101, 103, 115, Hoccleve and, 117–21, 125–29, 131–36 158, 186n18 language of semitism and, 18 Expulsion and, 36 Mandeville and, 20, 71–76, 78–80, Hoccleve and, 119, 121–22, 126, 85–86, 88 133–36, 158 marking of, 2–4, 7, 29, 35–45, Mandeville and, 20, 70–88 50–51, 72, 158 marking of Jews and, 34–37, 45–46 medieval past and contemporary, Nazi, 160 2–5, 65, 159–60 Play of þe Conversyon and, 152, Meir and, 50–51, 60, 62, 65, 67 154–55 nation and Self vs., 10, 14–20, 76, racism and, 171n44 182n24 see also English identity Play of þe Conversyon and, 120–21, Nazi Europe, 65, 66, 160 139–40, 148–49, 154–55 Nickel, Helmut, 191n71 splitting and projecting onto, 88 Niebuhr, Gustav, 163n5 West and presence of, 2–8, 86 Niranjana, Tejaswini, 134, 199n76 see also absent presence; haunting; Nirenberg, David, 65, 166n58, Jewish badge; Jewish identity; 180n74 Jewishness; projection; Nisse, Ruth, 187n26, 202n40 stereotyping; and specific nonessentialism, 26, 168n11 stereotypes 240 INDEX outcast, 126–30, 134–35 postmodernism, 26, 44–45, 158, 159, owls, 43–44, 173n64 180n70 Oz, Amos “Prioress’s Tale,” see under Chaucer, Crusade, 49–51, 174n1 Geoffrey Privy Seal, 132–33, 134 panopticon, 24, 26, 31–32, 36, 37, profiles, 40–44, 45 141, 168n10 Christian, 40, 41 Paprocki, Rosemary, 174n2, 190n61 Jewish, 37, 40–45, 171n46 “pariah groups,” 50, 79, 118, 184n49 projection, 7, 17, 36, 46, 88, 103, Paris, Matthew, 98, 99, 112, 189n52 120, 132, 153, 164n24, 168n7, Flores Historiarum, 19, 24, 28, 182n21, 201n13 37–38 pseudospeciation, 158, 171n42, 204n7 Parkes, James, 169n15, 175n13, Pugh, Tison, 92 184n55, 185n62 putative Jew, 5, 204n2 Passion of the Christ, The (film), 159 Chaucer and, 95, 105, 109 Passover, 2 Hoccleve and, 120, 123, 126–30, Patterson, Lee, 92, 180n70, 187n29, 132–33, 199n71 191n70, 198nn Mandeville and, 85 Paul, 23, 167n2 manuscript pictorials and, 36, 42, Philip the Fair, 179n54 46, 49 philosemitism, 20, 135, 158, 160, Play of þe Conversyon and, 141, 158 167n68 Pya (wife of Benedict Caus), 11 defined, 18 phobic Other, 18, 117, 127–28, 133, rabbi, 52–56, 163n5, 192n82 168n5 “Raby” and slur, 106–7, 192nn; phobogenic Other, 167n66, 194n4 see also Chaucer, Geoffrey, piyyut (liturgical poem), 49–65, Canterbury Tales, “Summoner’s 176n16 Tale” planctus Mariae, 195n5; see also Rachel, old vs. new, 96–99 Hoccleve, Thomas, Complaint racialisms, 23–26, 36–47, 171n47, of the Virgin 172nn, 201n13; see also Play of þe Conversyon of Ser Jonathas difference; essentialism þe Jewe by Myracle of þe Blyssed racism, 16, 24, 37, 46, 160, 171n44, Sacrament, þe (Croxton Play of 204n7 the Sacrament), 18–21, 137–55, Radhakrishnan, R., 173n68 167n67, 200–4nn real presence, doctrine of, 146, 150, postcoloniality, 10, 15, 18, 46, 135, 151, 155 173n68, 176n19, 178n38, rebirth, 96–98, 149 189n43, 194nn, 198n55, Regensburg Synagogue, 171n39 203n48 relics (“sholder-boon”), 107, 109 Hart cartoon and, 2–4 resistance Hoccleve and, 125 Chaucer and, 158 Mandeville and, 20, 69, 70, 75, 77, Hoccleve and, 130–31, 134, 136, 158 83–88 Mandeville and, 74, 75, 83, 85, Play of þe Conversyon and, 141–42, 88, 158 152 Meir and, 63, 66 INDEX 241

Reznikoff, Charles Shakespeare, William The Lionhearted, 161, 205n20 The Merchant of Venice, 157 Richardson, H.G., 179n59 Shapiro, James, 165n34 Richmond, Colin, 179n54 sh’ma (Jewish prayer), 50 Ridley, Florence, 188n36 Shoah (Holocaust), 57–58, 64–67, ritual murder, 54–55, 107, 164n22, 166n58, 180n72, 181n75 177n35 shofar (ram’s horn), 34 robbery, 58, 62, 66, 132, 133 Simon, Marcel, 5, 163n5, 164n21 Rokéah, Zefira Entin, 170nn, social iconologies, 159 179n55 Sofian, Simone, 177n26 Rossingnol, Rosalyn, 190n61 spectrality, 21, 33, 37–38, 204n2 Roth, Cecil, 12, 170–71n36, 173n75, Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, 134, 175n12, 179nn 176n15, 190n63, 195n13 Rothero, Christopher, 191n71 splitting, 7, 88, 164n24 Rouen, Jews of, 175n12, 189n42 Sponsler, Claire, 203n48 Rubin, Miri, 7, 126, 203n44 Stacey, Robert C., 31, 47, 56, 166n47, 173n76, 174n78, 175n6, sacrament, see Eucharist 178n38, 179nn, 185n62 “Sacrifice of Cain and Abel, The,” Stanegrave, Roger de, 13–14 42–43, 106 stereotyping, 4, 24, 30, 41, 65, 100, Sáenz-Badillos, Angel, 176n22, 104, 119–20, 157–59, 196n20; 179n62 see also specific stereotypes Salvin Hours, 38, 39, 171n49 Stokes, H.P., 173n75 Samson, 176n18 “Story of Adam and Eve, The” Sarah (wife of Benedict Levesqe), 11 (figure 4), 16, 24, 27, 36, Sarra de London, 9, 10, 165n34 40–42, 91, 158, 159, 198n58 Satan, 18, 34, 44, 92; see also devils Stow, Kenneth, 13, 166n43, 175nn, Saxons, 154, 194n104 177n26 scapegoating, 20, 30, 120, 122–23, Strickland, Debra Higgs, 24, 167n3, 127, 131–33, 199n70 172nn Scarry, Elaine, 149, 174n4, 185n61, Strohm, Paul, 148, 188n31, 202n34 186n18, 202n36 subaltern, 190n63 Scheindlin, Raymond P., 177n24 subversion, 11, 157–58 Schildgen, Brenda Deen, 192n80, Chaucer and, 111, 158 203n54 containment and, 201n12 secularization, 139, 140–42 Hoccleve and silent, 118, 121, 125, Self, 7 131, 133–36, 158, 198n66 elimination of difference in, 46 Mandeville and, 78, 158, 183n40 Mandeville and, 74, 88 Meir and, 50 nation and, 14–15 Play of þe Conversyon and, 139–42, Other and, 182n24 144–47, 149–52, 154 self-hate, 128, 129, 133 sumptuary laws, 50 self-immolation, 155, 204n61 supersessionism, 2, 4–7, 14, 32, semitisms, 18 86, 121, 140, 152, 185n59, September 11, 2001, 159, 166n51 188n36, 195n17 Seymour, M.C., 182n26, 196nn Symons, Dana, 196n34 242 INDEX synagogues, 9–11, 46, 49, 88, 152, vengeance, 85–86, 99, 127 164n23, 171n39, 175n11, victims, Jews as 177n23, 179n60, 203n54 Chaucer and, 20, 104–5, 108–9 Hoccleve and, 118, 130–33 Talion code, 184n47 Mandeville and, 80, 84–87, 89 tallit (prayer shawl), 29 Meir and, 55, 58, 60–66, 89 Talmud, 6, 184n49 Play of þe Conversyon and, 140, Talmudic Academy, Norwich, 54 147–49 Targarona, 179n62 witness by, 58, 63–66 taxes, 32, 35, 55, 89 villain, Jews as Temple, Second, 4, 163n4 Chaucer and, 100, 110 Ten Commandments, 24, 31–34, 33 Hoccleve and, 123, 127 Ten Kings, fable of, 80–87 violence, anti-Jewish, 16, 45 territory or land, Jews and, 8–12, 14, Belaset’s wedding and, 99 16–17, 19–20, 29–30, 34, 54, ending, 126, 160 60, 71–75, 82, 90–91 Expulsion as, 51, 59 Thomas of Monmouth, Life and Hoccleve and, 126 Miracles of St. William, 55, Meir and, 50, 57, 64–65 95–96, 166n61, 177n30, murders, 62, 66, 97, 98 188n41 Play of þe Conversyon and, 140, 149 Tolkein, J.R.R., 161 see also massacres Tomasch, Sylvia, 5, 69, 164n7, violence, by Jews, 158 193n88, 194n105, 204n60 Abraham and, 2–3, 45 Tovey, D’Blossiers, 167n1, 175n12 Cain and, 42, 43 Towneley Chaucer and, 99–100, 103 Second Shepherd’s Play, 200n8 Mandeville and, 83–85 Trachtenberg, Joshua, 205n14 see also blood libel transubstantiation, 151, 155, 202n34; see also Eucharist Walker, Greg, 138, 200n6, 201n20 trauma Wallace, David Hoccleve and, 123 Chaucerian Polity, 89–90, 186n7, Meir and, 19, 50, 52, 57–58, 64–67, 187nn 178n44 Wandering Jew, 60, 108–9, 148, Shoah studies and, 65–67 193n87, 202n38 Turville-Petre, Thorlac, 36, 126, Ward, Charlie, 163n5 190n64 Warren, Michelle, 125, 198n55 typology, 8, 14, 18, 24–26, 91, 96, 98, Watt, J.A., 170n36, 179n63 121, 157, 159, 163n6, 164n7, well-poisoning myth, 107, 193n85 195n17 Welsh, 154 West, 86, 182n24 uncanny, 70–71, 89, 101, 181n6 White, Hayden V., 177n25 unity, desire for, 15, 88 whites and whiteness, 4, 24, 37–38, Unsworth, Barry 45, 61, 69, 171n47, 172n51, The Reckoning, 137–38, 199n1 204n7 usury, see moneylending and usury William of Norwich, 55 INDEX 243

William the Conqueror, 175n12 York cycle, 138, 196n22 Wyntonia, Benedict de, 11 “The Conspiracy,” 120, 123 Youngs, Deborah, 182n17 xenophobia, 24, 72, 152, 182n21 Yuval, Israel Jacob, 55, 177n35