R. N. D.
Copyright© Leonard Sellers, 2002.
ISSN. 1368-499X
It might not always be possible to trace the copyright holders of all the material I will quote, and I would be pleased to hear fromany such persons to whom this applies.
The picture on the front cover is the Hawke Battalion's cap badge. I am grateful to John Morcombe & Kyle Tallett in combining their effortsin order to supply the photograph.
The R.N.D. is produced and designed at Honeysuckle House, 17A Bellhouse Road, Eastwood, Leigh-on-Sea, Essex. SS9 5NL. (Telephone 01 702 521550)
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THE PARALYSIS O:F TIIE TENTH PLATOON.
By Sub Lieutenant A. P. Herbert.
Ha,vke Battalion.
(A Tragedy of Trench Warfare)
Note:- The three reconstituted battalions after the Antwerp Campaign, namely the Collingwood, Benbow and Hawke Battalions did not arrive on the Gallipoli Peninsula until the end of May 1915. The Collingwood Battalion was to suffer terrible casualties on the 4th June. The Benbow saw little action and was shortly to be disbanded. However, at this stage of the Gallipoli fighting the Hawke Battalion was kept in reserve, in its rest camp. This appears to account forthe sentiment of this poem.
STOUT miners all, their ardourknew no check While forthwe fared upon our warward way; They wrote long letters fromthe ship's safedeck, Behind the boom of some Aegean Bay (Breathing the hot inflammatory soul Which comes, it seems, fromalways carving coal), Of how they heard the hideous cannon's roll, And many a vivid but invented fray.
And when we sought the catacombs of strife The lust for slaughter yet illumed their eyes; On the way up they nearly took the life Of two black braves fromAfric (our Allies); They longed to leap from out the sandbag's screen, And in close combat satisfytheir spleen; WhileI, who, truth to tell, was not so keen, Hardly persuaded them it was not wise.
2125. The slow days travelled, and no blood was drawn, Yet long their hearts were lionlike and large, For oftwe woke them, on the cool still dawn, To arm and hasten to the battle's marge, And braced them up some tremendous bout, And when, of course, the General washed it out, We said to-morrow would supply, no doubt, Their fearful wish to make (or break) a charge.
Then, like a terrier too oftenspurred To 'seek' the quite imaginary rat, Darting, all eager, at the lying word With busy sniffswhere never a rodent sat, Till a vile doubt affects the brute with gall, That it may be there are no rats at all, And heedless now he hears his master's call, But sits and wonders what he's getting at -
A darkdistrust encompassed my platoon; Bored and incredulous they lie and brood; I say it's Ramadan, the sacred moon, When pious foesare likely to intrude; Night afternight I venture to aver That something still may possibly occur; They hear me sweetly, but they think I err, And on the parados prepare their food.
I know not if indeed the gleam is gone That did inflame this melancholy crew, Or if deep down some ember carries on, And, when at last the Turk comes creeping through, As some old golfer, once considered warm, Is deadliest yet where thick the hazards swarm, They in a flashmay find their ancient form- But Allah help the Faithful if they do !
Originally published in 'Half Hours At Relles' by B.H.Blackwell, London in 1916. I would like to thank A.P.Watt on the behalf of Jocelyn Herbert and Teresa Elizabeth Perkins for permission to reproduce this poem.
2126. ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION SERVICE DOCUMENTS IN THE ARCHIVE OF THE FLEET AIR ARM MlJSEUM By Roy Swales.
In 1995 the Fleet Air Arm Museum at the Royal Naval Air Station, Yeovi lton, Somerset assumed custody of a large number of Service Documents from the Ministry of Defonce (Navy Records) at Hayes. The records are those of personnel who served in the Royal Navy and Royal Marines before about 1925 but the earliest records date fromthe third quarter of the 19th Century.
The following are the main categories held in the FAA Museum archive. Those which may be of particular interest to students of the Royal Naval Division are shown in BOLD.
� • Continuous Service (CS), Non-Continuous Service(NCS), and Short Service (SS) engagements, including Seamen, Stokers, Artificers, Artisans.
Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve • RNVR Divisions (Bristol, Clyde, London, Mersey, Sussex, Tyneside and Wales Divisional Companies and 'Z' ratings). • 'Kitchener's Army' entrants to Crystal Palace/RND ('KP' ,'KW' and 'KX' ratings). • Civman entrants to RND ('ZW' and 'ZX' ratings). • Army entrants to RND ('R' ratings). • RNVR entrants at CrystalPalace ('PZ' and 'ZP' ratings). • Anti-aircraft Corps(' AA' ratings). 1it Motor Boat Section('MB' ratings).
Royal Marines • Royal Marines Light Infantry - Plymouth Division Continuous Service (RMLI) Plymouth Division Short Service Portsmouth Division Continuous Service Chatham Division Continuous Service Chatham Division Short Service • Royal Marine Artillery (RMA) - RMA RMA Portsmouth Short Service e RND - Divisional Engineers • RND - Divisional Train • RND - RM Medical Unit o RND - Ordnance Company • RM Band Service • Royal Marines Labour Corps
2127. RN and RNVR pa_pers are bound in volumes (Engagement Ledgers) in Service Number order and the principal documents to be found therein are original attestation/enlistment papers. However, individual records can be more extensive. In particular, the RNVR records of ratings who served with the RND usually contain original Active Service Casualty Forms (Army Form B.103), the contents of which were typed onto the RND Record Cards. (The originals of these Record Cards have now also been transferred to the FAA Museum. The microfiche version is stillavailable at the Public Record Office under ADM/339). Summaries ofRND Service and Courts Martial records are among the other papers which are sometimes also bound in with an RNVR rating's records.
RM papers are unbound. Instead, the records are loose-filed in bundles or boxes in order of Service Number. They generally present a very complete record ofa Marine's service fromattestation to discharge, with a wealth of data in between. A description of the data gathered from recent work in the Museum on the Plymouth Division RMLI Short Service records is presented below to give readers a feelfor what is available.
Current status. Many of the records received fromthe MOD are/were in poor condition, some having been neglected and badly stored fordecades in damp conditions. Some had been damaged by fire. (It was noted that the papers of deserters, in particular, had suffered firedamage , indicating that they had been stored together at some time in the past.) No index of the records existed. A continuing programme of work is underway to ensure that the hundreds ofthousands ofpapers (the RMLI Continuous Service papers alone cover some 63,000 service numbers) are properly cared forand indexed but this is a very long-term effort andmuch still remains to be done. At the simplest level, indexing allows the papers to be searched by Surname or Service Number but other data is included such as date ofenlistment, date and place of birth.
Access to the FAA Museum archive. The papers described above are available to the public by prior arrangement. It will normally be wise to check in advance that the number sought is in the series held by the FAA Museum and is not among those held, for example, by the Public Records Office. However, because many documents can, at present, be accessed only by Service Number until a complete system of cross-indexing is in place, it is not always possible for the FAA Museum to provide a Service Number for a given name. RND readers who wish to examine papers should contact:-
Mrs Jan Keohane, Fleet Air Arm Museum Assistant Curator Box No. D6, RNAS Yeovilton, Ilchester, Somerset BA22 8HT Telephone: 01935 842628 Facsimile: 01935 842630 E-mail address: [email protected] Web Site: www.fleetairarm.com
THE SERVICE DOCUMENTS OF THESHORT SERVICE RECRIBTS (1914-1918) INTO THE ROY AL MARINES LIGHT INFANTRY, PLYMOUTH DIVISION, HELD IN THE ARCHIVE OF THE FLEET AIR ARMMUSEUM
The records of those who served on Short Service (S) inthe Plymouthand Chatham Divisions RMLI, which are held in the FAA Museum Archive, have now been conserved and indexed. The following article draws on the information recorded from
2128. the Plymouth Division records, which span Service Numbers Plymouth l(S) to 3287(S). Sets of papers associated with about 2,950 individuals are held in this archive. Not all Service Numbers are held: about 330 Service Numbers have no associatedpapers. In particular, there are some long, sequential gaps:- • 492(8)- 580(S) (enlistments in October to November 1914); • and 3162(S)-3199(S) (enlistments in November 1918). In about 25 cases the name belonging to a Service Number is known fromother sources (and is shown in the Museum's recently-produced Indexes) but the papers are not held in the archive. Some Service Numbers were probably not used, or the recruits concerned were never entered into the RMLI for some rea'>on. It is believed that some recruits (in the 492(8) - 580(S) gap) were transfen-ed from Plymouth Division to Portsmouth Division and several other transfers between RMLI Divisions are evident. Papers of former Plymouth (S) men have subsequently been foundin Chatham (S). More inter-Division transfers, and many papers which have been misfiled by MOD, are coming to light as archiving continues. The Plymouth (S) records are currently archived in Service Number order, in batches of one hundred (1-99, 100-199, 200-299, etc).
As noted above in the general description of the Museum's records, the Rl\1LI papers are loose-filedand, moreover, include a very wide range of documentation spanning a man's entire service. The papers include: original RM Attestations (or Army attestations forthose who were transferred); letters of release and recommendation from civilian employers; appeals against conscription; original handwriting/dictation tests; records of medical examination on entry and during service; Active Service Casualty Forms; RND Record Cards; Conduct Record Sheets; various discharge papers; Invaliding Medical Records; Hurt Certificates;Reports of Accidental Wounding; Service Certificates; National Health Insurance cards; declarations of aliases; Court PaternityOrders; correspondence to/from military authorities, including letters from next-of-kin; records of inquiries conducted in the field, often including original witness statements written in Field Notebooks. There are even examples of WWl Ration Books and unemployment stamp books and numerous active service wills. The documents as a whole give a remarkable snapshot of contemporary society in wartime and, those of individuals can give an amazingly detailed record of their service.
Most of the initial recruits (given Service Numbers Plymouth 6(S) and 12(S) -21 l(S)) were early New Army volunteers, transferred to the RMLIin mid-September 1914, all from the King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry. From then, until the introduction of conscription and again towards the end of the War, the RMLI enlisted directly through their o\vn recruiting offices. Some men transferred fromthe RNVR, usually into the RM Cyclists or the RND Divisional Train.
The great majority of the Plymouth Division (S) Marines served at some time in the RND at Gallipoli (most, but not all, in Plymouth Battalion) and/or in France and st Belgium (inboth l and2 RMLI Battalions and other units). Many men were later withdrawn from the RND 11d(often after being wounded) and returned to the Plymouth Division RMLI for service in HM Ships and shore bases. However, many others served with the RND to the end of the war, oftenwith distinction.
2129. th A significant number foughtwith the 4 Battalion RMLI, specially formed forthe Zeebrugge raid on 23rd April 1918, where they sustained many casualties. Many more were drafted to the 3rd Battalion RMLI which formedthe RM Garrison in the Aegean Islands afterthe RND garrison brigades left to join the BEF in France in Spring 1916. A few fought the Bolsheviks as part ofthe RM Field Force in North Russia in late 1918. Towards the end ofthe war most recruits were not draftedto the RND and, in particular, a large number ofolder men (in their forties) were entered foremplo yment on Home Coastal Defence. The later Plymouth (S) Service Numbers also include a number of soldiers who had been early recruits into the Army (Army Service Corps and Royal Engineers) and had worked the Channel Ports in France. They were subsequently transferred, firstto the Royal Marines Labour Corps forPort Duties and then, later, to the RMLI forthe RND. Many ofthese men had dreadfulconduct records during their service in the Channel Ports, usually on frequentcharges of absence or drunkenness in the local estaminets. Their Conduct Record Sheets, often running to several pages, make interesting (often amusing) reading.
The approximately 2,950 sets ofrecords yielded the following information on the service ofthe Plymouth Division (S) Royal Marines:
• Well over half (about 1,870 men) served with the Plymouth Division RMLI (in many cases this meant with the RND) until they were demobilised at the end of the war,most in early 1919. Very fewof the RND Marines survived to their date of demobilisation without being wounded or ill in the field. Of those demobilised 200 had been prisoners-of-war. • About 375 men (nearly 13%) were invalided fromthe RMLI either as a result ofwounds received in action or for other medical reasons (e.g. epilepsy, tuberculosis). The reasons forinvaliding are usually detailed in the papers. • About 220 Plymouth (S) Marines were prisoners-of-war of the Germans, some of these ( about 5%) dying in the camps and a smaller number being repatriated during the war because oftheir wounds forsubsequent invaliding. Most prisoners, however, did not come home until afterthe Armistice. • More than 60 men were discharged fromthe RMLI beforethe Armistice to return to their formercivil employment, mostly in the coal mines, shipbuilding, or in the armaments industry. • Some 40 Marines were discharged dead for reasons other than combat injuries (mostly of disease), nearly a third of these dying in captivity. • About 15 Marines were discharged fromthe RMLI to other Services and more than 30 were discharged to takeup Commissions in the Royal Marines, Royal Navy or Army. • About 10 were discharged because they were under-age and had lied about their date ofbirth at attestation, although several who had joined under-age were retained because they had reached legal age when detected. • Only +20 men deserted the Service and were not recovered, their papers being marked "Run". • And last, but most importantly, the FAA Museum papers (supported by other sources) show that the Plymouth Division (S) Marines suffered 559 deaths (over 17%), ofwhich probably 534 occurred during or as a result ofservice with the RND. 2130. Gallantry awards noted in the records
Distinguished Conduct Medalffi - Ply 66(S) Davis, G Ply 466(S) Trigg, HJ Ply 884(S) Hastings, GH Ply 1143(S) Hill, AL
Distinguished Service Medal (4) - Ply 191(S) Smith, G Ply 1903(S) Martyn, CH Ply 3160(S) Winwood, A Ply 3206(S) Bell, CR
Meritorious Service Meill!.L(l) - Ply 6 l 7(S) Frankland, HR
Military Medal (22 plus one Bar) Ply 48(S) Elliott, TW (MM & Bar) Ply 144(S) Carter, JH Ply 159(S) Jones, T Ply 2 l 9(S) Eaves, AT Ply 350(S) Hulme, RJ Ply 380(S) Bamber, JB Ply 4 l 8(S) Jones, F Ply 433(S) Berry, E Ply 470(S) Wormald, A Ply 823(S) Hancock, R Ply 827(S) Larter, S Ply 839(S) Gardner, WH Ply 884(S) Hastings, GH Ply 1002(S) Crook, AE Ply 1068(S) Bell, GW Ply 1093(S) Holway, E Ply 11OO(S) Scott, E Ply l l 37(S) James, A Ply 1426(S) Martin, E Ply l 793(S) Stanton, GK Ply 2450(S) Smith, E Ply 2541(8) Clark, WE
Mention in Despatches (6) - Ply 19 l(S) Smith, G Ply 338(8) Snellgrove, L (forservice in Russia) Ply 614(S) Duckworth, AR Ply 617(S) Frankland, HR Ply 618(S) Butler, AM (MID twice)
Medaille Miltaire (1) - Ply 191(8) Smith, G
Recipients of more than one award - Ply 48(S) Elliott, TW (MM & Bar) Ply 19 l(S) Smith, G (DSM, MID, Medaille Militaire) Ply 617(S) Frankland, HR (MSM, MID) Ply 618(S) Butler, AM (MIDtwice) Ply 884(S) Hastings, GH (DCM, MM)
All awards, except forone MID, were earned serving with the RND. There may have been more awards which were not apparent in the papers.
The Dead of the Plymouth Division Short Service Marines.
The records in the FAA Museum offer the following insights into the fateof the 559 Marines whose papers show that they were discharged dead:
Only 25 deaths were from service other than with the Royal Naval Division: 5 died as a result of the action at Zeebrugge, 3 were serving with 3 rd Battalion RMLI in the Aegean ( one is buried at Sebastopol), 2 died in North Russia with the RM Field Force and 2 were lost in HM Ships INDEFATIGABLE and INVINCIBLE at Jutland. 13 died (mainly in England) while serving in other RM units, principally HQ Plymouth Division RMLI. 2131 . 534 (over 95%) died while serving in the RND: nearly 130 deaths (24%) resulted from the eight months of the MEF Gallipoli Campaign and about 410 (76%) fromthe 2Yz yearsof the Division's service with the BEF in France, confirming the much higher death rate at Gallipoli.
Gallipoli.
79 Plymouth (S) Marines with no known grave, nearly two-thirds of the 125 dead from Gallipoli, are commemorated on memorials: 64 of their names are recorded on the Relles Memorial and a further 15 names are on the Naval Memorial at Plymouth, the men havingbeen buried at sea. In the Gallipoli CWGC cemeteries are 36 Plymouth (S) men of the RND: 13 in Redoubt, 7 at Skew Bridge, 7 at Lancashire Landing (which also has a grave for a Plymouth (S) 3rd Battalion RMLI death in late 1918), 6 at Twelve Tree Copse and 4 at Pink Farm. The cemeteries on the evacuation route back to England have 3 at East Mudros, 5 in Egypt (Chatby and Port Said) and 1 in Malta. Two others died after reaching England.
The first Plymouth (S) Marinesof the RNDto die in action were the 11 who were killed or died of their wounds in the early Plymouth Battalion landings at Kum Kale on 4th March 1915 (See RND Issue No.I, 36-43). On Gallipoli, only 3 are recorded as having been killed or died oftheir wounds in the landings at 'Y' Beach on 25th/26th April 1915 but there were certainly many morepp deaths in this action. Many of these may be inaccurately recorded as having occurred on 3r France and Belgium. The Plymouth Division lost over 400 (S) Marines with the BEF: 25% of these died with 1s t RM Battalion and about 56% with 2°d RM Battalion (prior to the merger of the two RMLIbattalions on 29th April 1918 - all 75 deaths subsequent to this merger (a t further 17%) are 1s RM). However, there are unit discrepancies between the FAA Museum papers and CWGC records. The other men who died were serving with unidentifiedor other RND units. The 225 Marines with no known grave (55% ofthose killed) have: • 112 names on the Arras Memorial (1 death in August 1916; 87 deaths 19th April - 11th July 1917 and 24 deaths 19th - 27th March 1918), includingone who was not, until now, commemorated by the CWGC. • 32 names on the Thiepval Memorial (deaths 12th November 1916- 201h February 1917). 2132. • 52 names on the Tyne Cot Memorial ( deaths 26th October - ih November 1917 but also, strangely, one death from the Gavrelle fightingon 28th April 1917). 1 • 10 names on the Pozieres Memorial ( deaths 6 April - 19 May 1918). • 19 names on the Vis-en-Artois Memorial ( deathsh 21st August -- 8th October 1918). The other Marines who died on the WesternFront arein at least 80 CWGC cemeteries in France, Belgium and Germany, as well as UK. The largestconcentrations are in: Ancre British Cemetery (11); Dozinghem Military Cemetery (8); Poelcapelle British Cemetery and Rocquigny-Equancourt Road British Cemetery (7 in each); Queens Cemetery, Sucrerie British Cemetery and Etaples Military Cemetery (6 in each); Proville British Cemetery, Anneux British Cemetery, Hamel Military Cemetery and Orchard Dump Cemetery (5 in each). On the Ancre, the RND attack on Beaucourt on 13th November 1916 saw 35 Plymouth (S) Marines killed on that day or dying of their wounds shortly after. Another 30 or so died in the following Februaryof 1917, most of them on 17th and Jgth of that month during the fightingfor Miraumont. About 50 Plymouth (S) Marines died in France in 1916 but more than 80 men in total died between joining the BEF and the move of the RND to Gavrelle. At Gavrelle, the attacks carried out by the two RM Battalions on 28th April 1917 saw the greatest single day's losses, 80 Plymouth (S) men dying on that day alone, the day of the heaviest casualties ever suffered by the RMLI in its existence. Only 7 of the dead of this terrible day lie in CWGC cemeteries, 4 in Orchard Dump, 2 at Lievin and 1 at Duisans. One Royal Marine (Private John Lee; Plymouth 102l(S)) was not commemorated by the C\VGC but this has now been rectifiedand his name will be added to the Arras Memorial. The months of April to August 1917 saw 115 Plymouth (S) deaths in total around Gavrelle. In frontof Passchendaele, towards the close of1917, the fightingin the mud claimed 50 Plymouth (S) Marines on 26 October 1917 alone, with 7 more dying oftheir wounds in the next couple ofdays. Most1h have no grave. The 6th and 7'h November saw another 9 men lost with others succumbing to their wounds later, most of the latter (8) being buried in Dozinghem cemetery. Plymouth (S) deaths for1917 in the 63rd (RN) Division were nearly 220. During 1918 about 135 more ofthe Plymouth Division (S) RMLI were to die with the BEF. More than 30 perished during the retreat in face of the German offensive oflate March, another 15 as a result ofthe fighting on the Ancre and in Aveluy Wood. The Advance to Victory in August to November 1918 saw some 65 deaths among the Plymouth (S) Marines, the last ofthese to die in action were fighting forNiergnies, south of Cambrai on 8th October 1918. Prisoners-of-War. 12 Plymouth Division RMLI Short Service Marines died of wounds or disease in German hands and are buried in about 10 different CWGC cemeteries in Germany, France and The Netherlands. One is buried in England. 2133. The last recorded death of a Plymouth (S) Marine of the RND was that of Private Alfred Holt, Plymouth 602(S), of 1st RM Battalion who was discharged dead on 30 March 1919 (cause not stated but he may have died of wounds). An Altrincham man,1h he had enlisted, aged 23, on 9th November 1914. He is buried in Carrington (St George) Churchyard, Cheshire. The last short service death fromPlymouth Division RMLIwas three months later on 25th June 1919 when Private Harry Jones, Plymouth 74(S), died of non-stated causes, apparently afterhe had been demobilised. He had attested on 1 Oth September 1914, aged 20, and was immediately transferredto the RMLI fromthe King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry. After serving right through the Great War he was buried in Yorkshire. The data presented above reflectthe state of the Plymouth Division RMLI Short Service papers as in June 2002. However, new papers are still being discovered and the picture is not complete or definitive. Similar data can now be obtained fromthe Chatham Division Short Service records. The data on deaths have been cross-referredto other sources (including: the CWGC; "With Full and GratefulHearts" -A Register of Royal Marines Deaths 1914-1919; and "The Cross of Sacrifice",Volume IV by SD &DB Jarvis). However, it will not surpriseread ers to learn that numerous discrepancies were found. I would be happy to answer any questions RND readers may have. ******************************** Contact: Roy Swales Tel: 01458 241483 E-mail: [email protected] 2134. THE RE-INSTATEMENT OF THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION MEMORIAL. By Captain Christopher Page M ..A., CEng., F .I.Mech.E., Royal Navy Rtd. The Naval Ilistorian at the Admiralty Library. In addition to the crucial role of the Royal Navy at sea during the First World War, there was a less well known, but major, participationin the great struggle on land. More than 40% of RN casualties were sufferednot at sea, but on land by the sailors and marines of the Royal Naval Division. To bring these losses even more into perspective, the average numbers of men in the RND were rarely more than 10% of the Royal Navy. The division attracted some interesting people, including poets and writers such as Rupert Brooke and AP Herbert, andbrilliant scholarsand musicians. Forced at an early stage to provide its own officers, the RND supplemented an existing cadre of high-calibre Royal Marines with officers promoted fromwithin, including a very high proportion of men fromthe ranks. Every promotion, therefore, was based on merit, and as a result of performancein battle, and this contributed greatly to the quality of leadership. Two of its most illustrious leaders were Bernard Freybergand Arthur Asquith: the former wonthe VC with the RND in 1916, before promotion to Brigadier; the latter, son of the Prime Minister, rose fromTemporary Sub Lieutenant RNVR to Commodore in just over 3 years. The men, many recruited fromthe north of England and Scotland, showed fierce esprit de corps and fighting qualities. During the course of the War, the RNDchanged frombeing 'Churchill's private army' to a fully-integratedunit of the British Expeditionary Force, and from1916, army units were incorporated in it. Nevertheless, until the end, the majority of its battalions were manned by sailors and marines and it retained its peculiarly naval character. After returningfrom Gallipoli, the RNDbecame an elite unit of the BEF, and took a major part in all the principal actions on the WesternFront. Most readers will be aware of the Royal Naval Division Memorial, which stands in the grounds of the old Royal Naval College at Greenwich. It was moved there in 1951 having been kept in storage since the time in 1939 when it wa� dismantled and removed to prevent damageduring the construction of the Citadel at the back of Horse Guards Parade. Now that Greenwich is no longer a naval establishment, a committee has been set up under the Patronage of the Prince of Wales and the chairmanship of Lieutenant General Sir Robin Ross, a former Commandant General of the Royal Marines, to raise the necessary funds to restore the memorial to its original site on the cornerof the Old Admiralty Building. Amazingly, the plinth still exists, beneath 2135. which is much of the old pipework installed to provide water for the fountain. All the necessary permissions have been received to move this scheduled monument, andthe appeal to raise the required funding has begun. The Memorial commemorates about 11,500 sailors, soldiers and marines of the division killed during the First World War. In fact, more than 40% of Royal Navy and Royal Marine casualties were suffered by the RND on land. It should be remembered that, at any given time, the strength of the division rarely totalled more than 5% of the Royal Navy's manpower total. The size of these figures reflects the fact that the division was in action from the early days of the war, and that it established a reputation as one of the elite fighting formation of the British Expeditionary Force. Throughout, it never lost its essentially naval character: the naval battalions were named after famous admirals, rather than given numbers; units flew the White Ensign, and the sailors, known as "ratings" rather than "other ranks", spoke of "going ashore" when leaving camp. Some wore beards, much to the annoyance of some of the army officers sent to command certain units. The division had a tremendous esprit de corps, which was continued in the many reunions which took place after the division was disbanded in 1919, at a parade where the then Prince of Wales took the salute. Some years ago, while researching my biography of Brigadier General Arthur Asquith of the Royal Naval Division, I came across some documents relating to the original procurement of the RND Memorial. Almost immediately after the war, a committee, led by Asquith, was set up by the survivors of the division to erect a suitable monument to their fallen comrades. At first, there was some discussion on whether the memorial would be part of a proposed national memorial to naval forces, to include the Merchant Marine. The Cabinet had sanctioned £60,000, a huge sum in today's terms, on the basis that the north wall of Trafalgar Square would be the site. The erection of the three separate memorials at the main home ports caused this scheme to be put into abeyance. At a fairly early stage, the RND, previously associated with this idea, decided to press ahead with their own monument to be sited, preferably, near the Admiralty. Provisional approval for the memorial to be erected at the foot of the Duke of York's Steps on the Mall was granted by the Government Sites Committee of the Office of Works, but this offer was quickly withdrawn. In January 1922 Asquith was advised to liaise with the great architect of war memorials, Sir Reginald Blomfield, whose work includes the Menin Gate at Ypres, with a view to erecting a monument on one of the buttresses of the Victoria Embankment, near Waterloo Bridge. The introduction to Blomfield did not work out, possibly because this site was rejected by the RND Committee, who were advised to consult with the sculptor CS Jagger, creator of the magnificent Artillery Memorial at Hyde Park Corner. On 30 January 1923 Asquith wrote to Sir Lionel Earle, the Permanent Secretary to the Office of Works, asking for "a site in Trafalgar Square or in the immediate neighbourhood of the Admiralty". Asquith even specified the preferred option, in the middle of the nine panels into which the north wall of the Square was divided. The memorial would take the form 2136. of an inscription of the crests of the units or a bas-relief. He helpfully pointed out that this would involve the removal of the standard measures sited there. At the end of April 1923 Asquith wrote with some tetchiness to the First Lord, Amery, complaining that no site had been allocated, either in the Square itself, or along one of the walls. He pointed out that his committee had had the money in hand for about three years, but there was still no memorial to show for it. The Naval Memorials Committee suggested to Earle that the existing statue of George IV might be moved to accommodate the monument, a proposition that received short shrift fromthe Officeof Works. The consultations with Jagger also came to nothing, and with no decision forthcoming, Asquith asked to see the First Lord. In his briefing for Amery on 7 March 1924, the secretary of the Naval War Memorials Committee, Eastwood, finally mentioned "that excellent site, the triangle patch of the Cambridge enclosure opposite the Secretary's window". By then, Asquith had engaged the service of Sir Edwin Lutyens, who wrote to the Sites Committee of the Department of Works, on 16 April 1924 - he was on first name terms with Earle - formally providing an alternative to the Trafalgar Square, the corner of the Admiralty where the balustrade followed the south west rounded corner looking on to the Horse Guards Parade. In his own hand he drew a small sketch to illustrate his proposal. Concluding that the best site remained Trafalgar Square, he finished, again in manuscript, "They have little money so whatever is done will have to be modest"! In his reply, Earle wrote doubting that "so important a site as the North Wall of Trafalgar Square could he allocated to so small a Memorial as that of the Royal Naval Division - small, I mean, not in merit but in expenditure", and suggesting that the west wall might be possible. It seems that it was Earle himself who put into Asquith's mind a fountain as a memorial, remarking that it would have to be "a purely sylvan piece of architecture, and not in any way a war memorial, as that would not be tolerated in any of the Royal Parks". The reader might be leftwondering how the Guard's Memorial ever received approval! Lutyens pressed on and produced drawings of a fountain to be sited on the Admiralty balustrade. His proposals were accepted by the Royal Fine Arts Commission in July 1924. It was decided that the words of one of the RND's most famous members, Rupert Brooke, would be inscribed on one of the faces of the square supporting plinth. Even now, Sir Vincent Baddeley, the First Principal Assistant Secretary to the Admiralty, still found points to object to in the proposals: having seen the Lutyens drawings, he wrote to Earle again on 11 July complaining that the proposal was different from that originally agreed. A meeting with the architect was quickly arranged and most of Baddeley's concernswere allayed. The Admiralty, one week later, after further badgering in a hand-written note from Asquith, gave grudging consent to the design. Baddeley wrote to Earle concluding, "I ought to say that if there had been any scheme for a memorial more directly connected with the Royal Navy than this one of the Royal Naval Division, the Admiralty would have given it priority .... " This sums up pretty well the attitude of the Admiralty at the time to the RND 2137. Earle quickly passed on the design to Buckingham Palace, and in a note of the 21 July, Lord Stamfordham, the Private Secretary wrote, "The King quite approves of the design for the fountain and the site where your Department propose to erect it". Pre-empting the King's decision, presumably having had the nod from Stamfordham, Lord Chelmsford - the First Lord of the Admiralty - wrote to Asquith on 18 July, "Go ahead with your memorial". He concluded, illogically, "I understand that it will be somewhat more conspicuous than originally contemplated, but that is not a reason for turning down an approval which I gave to the less conspicuous scheme". Asquith at last had permission to erect the monument. Lutyens completed his drawings forthe memorial in August 1924, and the contract was let to Nine Elms Stone Masons of Lambeth, and the work started. While the fabric was under construction, it was belatedly realized that the monument, being a fountain, would require water, and that there would be an ongoing requirement for maintenance. Until now, no estimate of the cost for such provision had yet been made. Mr G L Barstow of the Treasury wrote to the Office of Works on 8 August 1924, in conclusion of which he wrote "My Lords [Commissioners of HM Treasury] agree that you should in due course accept responsibility for this memorial. They note that you will endeavour to obtain a contribution from the [the RND] committee towards the cost of maintenance. Eventually, it was agreed that the RND Memorial Fund would contribute £100, the sum estimated by the Chief Engineer to Mr Heasman, the Director of Works for 'current,water, repairs etc ...". The Memorial was dedicated on Horse Guards Parade on 25 April 1925, the 1 Oth anniversary of the Gallipoli landings, and six years after the initial proposal was mooted. It was unveiled by the first commander of the division, Major General Sir Archibald Paris, who ended his address: "It will remain a permanent record of noble deeds and duty accomplished". After the dedication, Paris's moving piece was followed by a typical masterpiece of rhetoric from the creator of the RND, the former First Lord, Winston Churchill. He concluded: Humanity, for all its sufferings and disappointments, has yet moved forward through the Great War at least one long stage towards the realization of its ideals. And this country and Empire, saved by its sons from the worst perils which have confronted it in its long history, remains still able to guide, to encourage, and in a large measure to inspire the peoples of the world Doubts and disillusions maybe answered by the sure assertion that the sacrifice which these men made was not made in vain. And this fountain to the memory of the Royal Naval Division will give forth not only the waters of honours, but the waters of healing and the waters of hope. 2138. The cost had been met from private subscription, reputedly largely through donations by survivors of the division, and relatives of those killed. While the final sum raised cannot now be ascertained with certainty, the figure of £3000, about £150000 in today's terms has been mentioned. There was sufficient left over for Asquith and Donaldson (a winner of the DSO for conspicuous gallantry in 1918) to establish a charitable trust for the purposes ofmaintaining the RND Memorial at Beaucourt, in France, and other divisional or battalion memorials. The £300 bequeathed formthe basis for the existing fund which is still administered by the Commandant General, Royal Marines, and is now the charity on which the reinstatement ofthe memorial back to Horse Guards is based. The erection and dedication of the Memorial were not the end of the story. The installation was not quite perfect, with the result that the bowl of the fountain was not horizontal, a crucial requirement for this sort of fountain, otherwise the water cascades from only one side of the bowl. After about one year of use it was discovered that the gravel area around the memorial tended to become soggy, particularly when the wind blew water from the fountain, which led to the two open sides around the base being paved, for which the RND Committee paid. The RND Committee also fended off a proposal fromEarle that the fountainshould not be used in the winter as it "was cold and cheerless". Asquith quickly made his strong objections known. By 1928, the Ministry of Works realized that the subvention of £100 provided by the Committee was insufficient: water alone was costing between £7 and £11 per year. No repairs had yet been required, but the Office of Works kept the Memorial clean, and removed dead leaves fromthe water basins. In 1934, the monument was foundto require £200 of underpinning as it was moving and had to be stabilized. The Office of Works again paid for the work, albeit with a bad grace: one of its officers, the aforementioned Mr Heasman, wrote in February 1934, "I'm afraid this memorial was a bad bargain for the Dept, but I suppose that there is no alternative to this underpinning if it is clear that movement is still going on". By October 1938, the Royal Naval Division Association, who had taken over the mantle of the RND Memorial Committee, complained of the deterioration of the carvings on the monument and invited the Office of Works to repair them at an estimated cost of about £35. In a minute of25th, an unknown officialin Works accepted that his Department bore "the cost of all ordinary maintenance", and so reluctantly the work was completed at a cost of£21, although it took until the 30 August 1939 beforeit was declared finished. The memorial had provided a focus for the many reunions of the survivors of the RND, particularly on Regimental Day, 13 November, the anniversary of their fine attack on the Ancre in 1916. This event was well supported, not only by those who had served in the Division, but also by the RNVR units, notably that ofthe London Division. The memorial was jealously guarded by the RNDA, which resisted intentions to by senior Admiralty officialsto place chairs around it so that they could have a betterview of the Trooping the Colour. They also lobbied to prevent people parking their motorcars right up against the monument. 2139. Nevertheless, its days in the heart of the capital were numbered. Early in the Second World War it was decided to erect a massive extension to the Admiralty at the rear of the Old Building. As a precaution, the memorial was dismantled by Messrs Holloway, of the Nine Elms Masons' Company, and initially stored in their Battersea yard, together with the Royal Marines memorial, and the pedestal of the statue of King James II. The firm made no charge for the storage, but accepted no responsibility for the memorial in its care. In April 1942 it was inspected by Heasman, of the Office of Works, and found to have suffered no damage. It seems that the inspection alerted Holloways to the fact that they should not be storing these memorials for nothing, for in November 1942 Heasman questioned that the £178 quoted by the firm was "reasonable", and sought a cheaper place. Eventually, on 6 May 1943, the memorial was moved to the grounds of Gordon House, Chelsea Hospital. By now the secretary of the RNDA was Captain Michael Isaacs, who had earned his MC in France in Drake Battalion. He wrote to Heasman some time in July 1943 at the Ministry of Works, complaining that he had never been officially informed what had happened to the memorial, and asking when it was to be re-erected. The reply informed Isaacs of the new storage location of the memorial, and informed him that "no decision will be taken during the period of the war", and there the matter rested for nearly two more years. By June 1945, discussions had begun about demolishing the Citadel, but by December it was clear that it was unlikely that the building would in fact be pulled down. A short minute dated 13 December, to the Director of Works signed by J. Burgess of AS 23 - a section of that Department - has been traced as the key reason why the monument was simply not restored to its original location. He wrote: "The sites of two statues, the Royal Marines memorial and the Royal Naval Division memorial, were built over when the Admiraltyfortress was erected. (My italics). As it seems unlikely that this building will be pulled down, at any rate perhaps for years to come, perhaps you would kindly suggest alternative sites for these two statues." (My italics). This minute reveals that the author had no idea of the formof the memorials, or the fact that the original plinth for the RND memorial was still available, unbuilt on, where it was erected in 1925. It was this unfortunate minute which started the Office of Works on its wild goose chase to find another site for the fountain. The first proposal, discarded by June 1946, was for the triangular grass area behind the Citadel, known as Cambridge Green to be used for both the Royal Marines and RND memorials. The Deputy Secretary of the Department, HL Davis, agreed that this part of St James' Park was a possibility. By December of that year, this proposal too had been dropped, and a meeting was held on the 1 Oth, chaired by WA Proctor, of the Office of Works, attended by a representative of the Royal Fine Arts Commission. The Admiralty was reported as being "anxious that the Royal Naval Division Memorial should be sited near the Admiralty". Once again, however, its original site was not considered, and there was talk of another, at "the Lambeth Bridge end of Victoria Tower Gardens, near the children's sand-pit". Nothing happened for six months, when Procter and Rutter - the Chief Architect of the Office of Works - decided that the 2140. Lambeth Bridge option was a non-starter, and a position on "the plot of grass near the Foreign Office", or "at the end of Downing Street facing Horse Guards Parade" was suggested. The latter looked like a good option, so on 26 June Procter wrote to his Deputy Secretary for the go-ahead. Sir Eric de Normann's reply began: "I think it would be a pity to waste (sic) this fine site, the only remaining good site at our disposal, on the Royal Naval Division Memorial". He then told Procter to go back to the drawing board, and involve the Ministry of Town and Country Planning, who, on 11 August 1947, in an unhelpful reply wondered whether the Office of Works could "wait for several years". An exasperated Works officer, Brock, finally, by the middle of November 1947, and the Town and Country planners, came up with a choice of the Foreign Office or a space inside the Admiralty Courtyard. In despair, the planners added that a move to Greenwich (either the College or the National Maritime Museum) or the Imperial War Museum might be necessary. Tower Hill and alongside the Guards Memorial were also suggested as possibilities. By now it was November 1947. De Normann's inclination was for the National Maritime Museum, and he planned a visit there. A proposal for the memorial to be sited in front of the Queen's House at Greenwich, accompanied by a photo-montage of the site, was rejected in horror by Mr Chettle, the Inspector of Ancient Monuments, at the end of January 1948. De Normann eventually got round to visiting Greenwich on 26 April 1948, and discussed with the Director of the College a location near Greenwich Pier. It took him fourteen days to minute this in the file. Matters were hastened by the arrival in June 1948 at the Office of Works of a letter from the Secretary of the RNDA, now Edward Burton, enquiring where and when it was proposed to re-erect the monument. Procter replied that there were hopes of finding a site near the Royal Naval College, Greenwich, and listing all the others considered. Delighted at last to have some light at the end of the tunnel, Burton, on the 30 August, asked for details of the proposal to site the memorial near Greenwich Pier, not aware that Works were already cooling on this site and all the others at Greenwich. By November, the patience of the RNDA was wearing thin. As a result of their pressure on the Admiralty, Hayes, the Head of Welfare and Accommodation wrote on 18th to Procter, asking what progress there was on finding a site at Greenwich. Gerald Hayes concluded: "The First Lord [Viscount Hall] is taking a personal interest in the matter and has asked for a report . . . He had been approached more than once by distinguished persons who were connected by the RND and would like to give them some more definite reply than the rather vague hope that has been all that has been possible up to the present". A later note reveals that Sir AP Herbert, who served in the RND, was one of those pressing the First Lord. The Chief Inspector of Ancient Monuments was contacted in December and he advised that he had practically decided that the memorial would be moved to Greenwich, either behind the Queen's House, or in one of the Courtsof the 2141. College. Thus, nine years after its removal, and three and a half years after the end of the war, we have the first reference to the site finally chosen for the relocation. By now the Deputy Secretary of the Ministry of Works, de Normann, realized that he had to solve this problem, and so he requested his chief architect, Rutter, to provide him with a template of the monument so that he, de Normann could personally decide on a site. It was minuted that he was "not anxious to consult the Royal Fine Arts Commission". As he was writing this, Chettle at last came up with his final recommendation: to site the memorial in the grounds of the College in the area west of King William block. Suddenly, previous objections on the grounds of the clash of architectural styles between Wren's masterpiece, and one of Lutyens' finest works were quietly shelved. Office of Works then discovered that they had no photograph of the memorial. The only one they could find had been stuck together, having been torn in half, annotated on the back ''Negative loaned from the IWM, the only one in existence". The latter statement was incorrect. By April, a full-scale mock up had been produced, and the intention was for all interested parties to be present at the inspection on 21 April 1949. Even now, the model was only to be erected on the south side of the Queen's House, ignoring the advice of the IAM. Burton was written to, but he had moved and could not be contacted, and the inspection took place without him, but with the Captain of the College and his Secretary. Both the Queen's House site, and the proposed location west of King William block were rejected in favour of a site in the northeast comer of the grounds. Having finally bitten the bullet, de Normann invited a final inspection of the mock-up on the proposed site. He wrote to his Minister on 4 May, and having asked him to attend the inspection went on: "It is a divisional memorial and I have never understood why it was erected in the centre of London in such a prominent position. There were many other famous divisions of the 1914-18 war who might have claimed equal rights andwe should never have been able to find sites for them". It is uncertain whether de Normann was writing purely to influence his Minister, or if he had not read the previous correspondence on the matter. He neglected to point out that the original site had been approved by the King himself, and the project supported by Churchill. Moreover the division was indeed unique, and it was perfectly appropriate that it stood on the corner of the Admiralty, from where the RND was "called into martial life", in the words of Winston Churchill. Nor did he point out that the Guard's Memorial, a fewyards from the Admiralty, was a divisional monument. The meeting took place on 13 May 1949, with the RNDA represented by its Vice Chairman Colonel Sir Leslie Wilson. It was agreed the area in the northeast corner of the College would probably be the best possible site, and that the model should be re-erected on 18 June when the RNDA was having a function there. There is no final statement of approval for the memorial to be resited in this part College grounds, but, by July, it was pretty well assumed, at least by the Office of Works and the Divisional Engineers, who had costed the pumping arrangements forthe fountain at £250. A short item appeared in the Evening Standard on 24 August reporting that a new home had been found for the monument. 2142. By 18 August 1949, Works had started to worry about the cost: the estimate provided was £2500. During the whole of the process of finding a new site, the Office of Works had, as a matter of policy, excluded the Royal Fine Arts Commission from any input to the debate, and as late as October 1949, the officials concerned, led by their Deputy Secretary de Normann, decided to press ahead and confront not only the RF AC, but even to a certain extent, the RNDA, with a fait accompli. In fact, on 22 October, Burton of the RNDA was contacted by Miss Olivia Cockett at the Office of Works, and leftin no doubt of what was expected of him. Miss Cockett's report of his conversation with Burton states "I ... made it quite clear that we do not expect to have any but approving comments from him after the annual reunion on November 12 as we regard the proposals for the re erection of the memorial as having been settled at the meeting on the site last summer. To this he agreed". In fact, after the meeting, Burton returned the drawings lent to him with no comments, favourableor otherwise, on the proposals. Replies to invitations to tender for the work were received in April 1950, and were judged to be too high. Someone in the Office of Works now thought to advise the Admiralty of the situation, and received the unwelcome reply that the Director of the Greenwich Hospital should agree the proposals before formal Admiralty consent.As Their Lordships of the Admiralty Board were the Trustees of the Greenwich Hospital, this seems to be unnecessarily diligent, but on 14 June they were rewarded with a reply from the Director of the Greenwich Hospital, who remarked that he did not wish the old Hospital to become a home for Memorials, and then solemnly gave Their Lordships approval to the proposal, adding two conditions, that the Ministry of Works undertook: a. Full responsibility for the maintenance, and b. To remove it, if asked by their Lordships These conditions were accepted by Roland Barker, Assistant Secretary of the Office of Works, in an undated note in July. A minor stir occurred later that month when the lowest estimate for the work, by Galbraith Bros, arrived at £3245, i.e. £1000 more than the original Works estimate, but at least nearly £ 1300 cheaper than the next lowest. The contract was let and work started on 28 August 1950, scheduled to last for 4 months. Also in this month, the wisdom of presenting the RFAC with a faitaccompli was revealed when in answer to a query from them on progress with the memorial, Barker nonchalantly informed them that a site had been agreed after discussion with "the RNDA, the Trustees of Greenwich Hospital, and the Admiralty etc" (sic). He chose not to highlight the fact that the Fine Arts Commission was bypassed, and that the last two of the other authorities consulted were in fact the same; nor did the RF AC appear to notice. The work was inevitably delayed, and by January the RNDA, planning the rededication ceremony, was becoming concerned that its late April function might not be able to take place. It was with some relief,therefore, that Burton was told on the 22 February that 2143. the memorial would be completed by 24 March. The service ofrededication was scheduled for 26 April 1951, by the First Sea Lord, Admiral Lord Fraser. A new inscription was added to the memorial on one of the previously empty sides: This Memorial designed by Sir Edwin Lutyens was unveiled on Horse Guards Parade at the corner of the Admiralty on 251h April 1925, the tenth anniversary of the landing on Gallipoli, and re-erected on this site in 1951. The finalrecorded cost was £3918. The Memorial was unveiled on 26 May 1951 by the Second Sea Lord, the First Sea Lord being unavailable, and thereafter formed the centrepiece for the annual reunions at the Royal Naval College of the survivors. Looking back through the files, one cannot but be struck by the enormous support given to the RND Association by the College over many years. The Admirals Superintendent went out of his way to provide accommodation for the members of the division, while the Captain of the College took great pains to ensure that the ceremonial was always first class. Relations were so good that the Captain of the College often dined with the RNDA. Slowly and inevitably, the numbers of the RNDA declined. In October 1980 the RNDA was finally disbanded, and their colour laid up at the entrance to the chapel at Greenwich. On 31 May 1981, the 65 anniversary of Jutland, the final parade of the survivors was held at Greenwich, and the1h RND gradually passed into memory. The memorial remained at Greenwich, regrettably in an area of the College not on the prime tourist route, andwhile one ofthe aims ofsiting it in the College grounds was to be a reminder ofthe RND's achievements, few ofthe naval students who passed through the College understood its significance. The defects of the site also became apparent: the memorial began to be dominated by the trees among which it had been set, and these dropped leaves and detritus into the fountain, and in the winter dripped lichens on to the stonework. At the unveiling ceremony in 1951, the Second Sea Lord had accepted the memorial "into the special care of the Royal Navy, who are deeply gratified and immensely proud to have it". Unfortunately, no-one in the College could determine exactly who was responsible for its maintenance, and so the local Department of Works was commissioned on an ad hoe basis, thus putting into practice what should have been the formal arrangement, and one that had been accepted by them as long ago as 1924. With the closure of the College as a naval establishment in the early 1990s, it became apparent that the reasons for siting the memorial at Greenwich no longer applied: no survivors were left to take advantage of the facilities and the generosity of the College, and the significance of the memorial would be largely lost on the new population of students on the campus of the University ofGreen wich. Early attempts were made forthe memorial to be moved as part of the closure procedure of the College, but these came to nought when it was decided by the Ministry of Defence that, notwithstanding the Second Sea Lord's declaration at the 1951 unveiling, it did not "own" the memorial, and 2144. therefore it would be improper to use public funds to reinstate it. A judgment was made that the monument is "owned" by those who paid for it, or their survivors and descendants. Without exception, all of those contacted are strongly in favour of its reinstatement on Horse GuardsParade. A committee was very quickly established with the aim of reinstating the memorial on its original site on Horse Guards Parade. The Prince of Wales kindly agreed to be the Patron. The Charity Commissioners agreed to the remit of the RND Memorial Charity, administered by the Commandant General Royal Marines, being extended to cover the resiting of the fountain. It took some time for all the necessary permissions to be obtained, but now the move has been approved by all interested agencies, and the fund raising has begun. We need about £150000 forthe whole project, and the intention is to raise it in time for a rededication service on Horse Guards Parade in the autumn of 2003. The Royal Naval Division Memorial will by then have returned to its rightful place, and be a more visible and public reminder of a unique and honourable part of the history of the Royal Navy, and a monument worthy of the pride and gratitude of the nation. Your support, moral and material, is earnestly requested forthis worthy project. Our Treasurer is :- Lt Col AJFNoyes Royal Marine, Corps Secretary, HQRM, Whale Island, Portsmouth, P02 SER. 2145. Royal Naval College, Greenwich. Laying up the colours at the finalReunion of the Royal Naval Division Association on 31•t May 1981. The photograph shows Brigadier B.B. Rackham CBE MC DL, the President,handing the flagto Admiral Sir Desmond Cassidi, K.C.B., the 2°d Sea Lord. Others shown are, firstleft in the front row, Joseph Murray, Hood Battalion. Third left,Reg Broughton, Hon Secretary. Immediately left of the Ensign is Colonel Gerald Boucher TD. a Vice President Behind Broughton in Military Uniformis Brigadier John Alexander the then Commandant of Blandford Camp. Far right in the frontRow is Roy Adam and behind him his wife Hazel, who arrange the Collingwood Remembrance Day each June, at Three Mile Point, Blandford, Dorset I would like to thank Roy Adam MBEfor his help in identifyingthe people mentioned. 2146. WESTERN _FRONT. rfHE WAR-DREAM By Sub Lieutenant A. P. Herbert. I wish I did not dream of France, And spend my nights in mortal dread On miry flatswhere whizz-bangs dance And star-shells hover o'er my head, And sometimes wake my anxious spouse By making shrill excited rows Because it seems a hundred "hows" Are barraging the bed. I never fightwith tigers now Or know the old nocturnalmares - The house of fire, the franticcow, The cut-throat coming up the stairs Would be a treat; I almost miss That feelingof paralysis With which one climbed a precipice, Or ran away frombears. Nor do I dream the pleasant days That sometimes soothe the worst of wars, Of omelettes and estaminets And smiling maids at cottage doors; But in a vague unbounded waste For ever hide with futilehaste From 5.9's precisely placed, And all the time it pours. 2147. Yet, if I showed colossal phlegm, Or kept enormous crowds at bay, And sometimes won the D.C.M., It might inspire me for the fray; But, looking back, I do nor seem To recollect a single dream In which I did not simply scream And tryto run away. And when I wake with flesh that creeps, The only solace I can see Is thinking, if the Prussian sleeps, What hideous visions his must be ! Can all my dreams of gore and guns Be half as rottenas the Hun's? I like to think his blackest ones Are when he dreams of me. Reference:- Published in 'The Bomber Gipsy' by Methuen & Co Ltd. in 1919. I would like to thank A P. Watt Ltd. on behalf of Jocelyn Herbertand Teresa Elizabeth Perkins for permission to reproduce this poem. 2148. WESTERN FRONT r rd REPORT ON OPERA fIONS DURING THE 3 BA1.,TLE OF YPRES. PASSCHENDAELE 24th October to 5th November 1917. Now the of men of 63rd (RN.) Division were to leave the security of trench warfare for the mud and slime of Flanders. Here, they found that scattered strong points and Pill-Boxes commanded the landscape. Today, one can still visit the area and study the battlefield in depth, by staying at Varlet Farm. An enthusiast welcome is ensured by the owners, Dirk and Charlotte Cardoen-Descamps. Regularly, rusting Lee Enfieldsand other items of war come to light. You can climb down into the PADDEBEEK STREAM and advance on TOURNANT FARM that was too strongly defended for the Division to take. In the distance, the village of PASSCHENDALE remains a haunting reminder of the history of this land, where so many R.N.D. Officers and men lost their lives foron average about 1,000 yards of sodden soil. Once again I have left in the map references to allow an in depth study of these operations. Please note that the location Source Trench can just he seen under the large Von the maps. Brigadier Basil Bedsmore Rackham, M.C. & Bar a Lieutenant and Adjutant of Hawke Battalion was to say :- "I don't often talk about my experiences in the First World War but whenever I do I always say that there was nothing so dreadfulas Passchendaele. The conditions there were beyond description, it never ought to have been. Mud, mud, mud, if you slipped you were sunk." During this interview, he covered his service at Gallipoli and on the Western Front. But when he got to Passchendaele, he broke down in tears. For him, the remembrance of this action was too terrible to contemplate. (I) 2149. The Division was relieved in the OPPY-GA VRELLE sector on 261h September, and proceeded to the VILLERS CHA TEL area for a period of 14 days training prior to being engaged in the FLANDERS battle. On 281h September a warningwas received that the Division had been transferred to XVl11 Corps, Fifth Army, and was to be railed to FLANDERS immediately. The training programme had, therefore, to be cancelled, and all units except the Artillery were transferred to the WORMHOUDT area during the period 2°d;4th October. The Divisional Artillery followed on the 10th/l 1 October. 1h On the understandingthat the Division would be required tofight three battles,each on a one brigade front, it was decided to employ the 188th InfantryBrigade first, then the 189th and lastly the 190th, which, owing to the presence of two inexperienced battalions, was most in need of training. The troops were accordingly disposed in the new area in this order, the 188th Brigade being located in the DIRTY BUCKET CAMP nearest the front, the 189th at HERZEELE, and the 190th at ZERMAZEELE. On the October informationwas received that the Division would probably be given th 14 days4 training, but that one infantry brigade was required immediately for work in the forward area for about a week. The 189th Brigade was selected forthis duty, as it was not due to go into action until after the188 1h Brigade and was less in need of training than the 190 The 188 and 189th Brigades accordingly exchanged camps on 6th October, the th th 1891h. moving forward1h to DIRTY BUCKET, and the 188 being withdrawn to the HERZEELE area. The followingday the 190th Brigade was moved fromthe ZERMAZEELE to the HOUTKERQUE area. From this date until they moved to the forwardarea on the 23rd and 24111 October respectively the 1881 and 1901 Brigades carried out intensive training. Special attention was paid to attack formationsh suitable h forlocal conditions in FLANDERS, and the policy of allotting definite units for the capture of every known or suspected strong point. Unfortunately, the training areas available forbattalions were very inadequate, and were so scattered as to make supervision by the brigadiers a matter of great difficulty; nevertheless much useful experience was gained, and all ranks profited greatly by their 14 days work Owing to the :fluctuationsof the battle the objectives allotted to the Division had frequentlyto be changed, but on 18th October definite instructions were received forthe attack by the 188111 Brigade. From this date the 188th Brigade was able to train for the capture of definite objectives, and each battalion commander marked out his allotted areas on such ground as was available, and definitelyde tailed each unit of his command forthe particular duty it would be required to carry out in the attack. Each battalion also made foritself a large scale model of the area to beattacked. Much ingenuity was shown in the construction of these models, and they were visited daily by large numbers of N.C.O's and men in their spare time, all ranks showing great keenness in discussing their various tasks. 2150. Similar training was also undergone by the 190th Brigade which was to carry on the attack 1h fromthe final objective of the 188 Brigade. Owing to the 188th Brigade not securing all its objectives the eventual tasks of the 190th Brigade were differentfrom those practiced, but in spite of this unavoidable change at the last moment, this special training was of great value to all ranks. The 189th Brigade had meanwhile continued to be employed on the construction of roads, railways, and duckboards tracks in the forwardarea. The majority of its work was carried out under shell fire, and the Hood & Hawke Battalions in particular sustained considerable casualties in the neighbourhood of St .•JULIEN and the TRIANGLE where the enemy's artillery was extremely active during the period 14t11 to 20tltOctober. The Hood Battalionwas eventually relieved fromthis duty on 2ot11 October, the Hawke & h Nelson Battalions on 23rd October, and the Drake Battalion on 281 October. Throughout this period the Divisional Staffmade frequentreconnaissances of the area in which the Division was to be engaged, and, with a view to selecting the most favorable positions of assembly, a carefulrecord was kept of the barrages put down by the enemy in the forward area. 1h On l 9 October it wasdecided that the first day on which the Division would be required 1h to fightwas 26 Octoberand the XV 111 Corps leftto the Division the choice as to which day it should take over the line. Application was thereforemade to be allowed to relieve 111 the 9 Division on the night 24th/25th October, thus giving the assaulting troopsthe maximum amount of training, while assuringfor them a complete day in frontline in which to pick up their bearingsand recognize their various objectives. Arrangements were also made for company commanders and representatives of each attacking platoon to be sent into the line on the night 2211<1;23rd, to be attached for24 hours to their opposite numbers in the Division to be relieved. The 1881h Brigade moved by bus route to the forward area on 23rd October, and was 11 1h followedby the 190t Brigade on the 24 October. 111 On the 24 October the l 88tlt Brigade took over the line from the 2?1h InfantryBrigade without incident, the Anson Battalion being on the right and the 1 st Royal Marines on 1Jd the left.The 2 Royal Marines were in support and the Howe Battalion in reserve. 1h Two battalions of the 189 Brigade were attached to the 188°1 Brigade for the operation, the Hood Battalion as a counter-attacking battalion, and the Hawke Battalion as a brigade reserve, not to be used without the sanction of Divisional Headquarters. The counter attacking battalion was to be used only forcoun tering an enemy counter-attack and not for reinforcing our line. The time for moving it forward and the time for launching it in a counter-attack were to be leftto the discretion of the battalion commander. h To guide G.O.C. 1881 Brigade in his detailed distribution of troops for the attack and in the allocation of tasks, the followingprinciples were laid down in Divisional Instructions No. 1 dated 18tlt October :- 2151. (a) Each successive objective must be attacked by fresh, organized, and complete units and must be consolidated in depth in accordance with a pre arranged plan. (b) Every unit must be made responsible for clearing its own area,i.e., the who le area between its starting point, its flank boundaries and its objective. Units detailed for a second objective must not have parties detailed fromthem to provide "Mopping-up" parties for the first objective. i ( c) Defnite parties will bedetailed to capture every known concrete emplacement, trench, fortified building, or consolidated shell hole. These places will be the final objectives of the parties detailed to clear them, and will be consolidated as soon as captured. ( d) Every commander down to company commander will keep a small reserve for dealing with unexpected movements of previously unlocated positions. (e) There must be sufficient strength on the line of the final objective and sufficient reserves in rear of it to defeat the hostile counter-attack. (1) In the event of the troops on either flank of the Division failingto reach their objective, G.O.C. 188th Brigade will beprepared to forma defensive flankas required. In his orders for attack, G.O.C. 188t11 Brigade detailed the Anson Battalion on the right, st the 1 Royal Marines on the left for the capture of the first objective. These battalions were to be closely followedby the Howe Battalion and the 2°d Royal Marines respectively, which would pass through them on the line of the first objective and attack and consolidate the second objective. The frontageallotted to each attacking battalion was in accordance with the comparative difficulty of the task.. On the right, where the ground was slightly higher, and most opposition was expected, the Anson Battalion was given a frontageof 550 yards, while on the left, where the ground was boggy, and only lightly held by the enemy, the 1st Royal Marines were allotted a frontage of 1,000 yards. The formation forthe attack wasbased on a Divisional memorandum issued to Brigadiers on the 7t1t October and had been carefully practiced throughout the training period. The number of companies which each assaulting battalion placed in the frontline varied with their allotted tasks. The Anson Battalion was to attack on a two company frontage; the 1 st Royal Marines with two and a half companies in front. Each leading company was to have two platoons in the front line and two in support. These leading platoons were to be formedup with their firstwave (two sections) in extended order at wide 2152. The remaining troops of each company were to follow in lines of columns of sections in file or single file(worms) at varying intervals and distances. Each "worm" wa<; to throw forwarda couple of scouts whose dutyit would be to locate any occupied shell holes on their route which might have been missed by the leading waves. The troops forthe second objective were to follow the troops for the first objective in lines of small columns. Each battalioncommander kept one company under his own hand as battalion reserve, and two platoons of each battalion were detailed as extra stretcher bearers fortheir own units. In addition a special carrying party of 250 men from the battalion in brigade reserve was detailed to assist the Field ambulance bearersin the long carry between regimental aid posts and the advanced dressing station. The question of formingup places had received special attention. As a general principle it was desired to ensure :- (a) That the formingup places should be in frontof the line on which the enemy's barrage might be expectedto open. (b) That the forming up tapes should be parallel to the farthest limit of the first objective. ( c) That there should be no enemy machine guns or snipers betweenthe front line of assaulting troops and the line on which our 18 pdr. barrage would open. As regards condition (a), it was found that the enemy might be expected to put down his initial barrage just east of the BURNS HOUSE-ADLER FARM ROAD. It wa'> thereforedecided that all fourattacking battalions should beassembled in front of this line. The question as to whether it was sound forthe troops for the second objective to be formed up so close to the troops forthe firstobjective was carefully considered. If too far forward they ran the risk of becomingprematurely involvedin the fight. On the other hand, if formed up west of the BURNS HOUSE-ADLER FARM ROAD, they would probably be unable to advance without passing through a heavy enemy barrage, and the first-nameddisadvant age was the lesser evil of the two. In order to satisfy requirements (a) and (b), it was decided to lay out the formingup tapes 150 yards behind the existing frontline on the left, and 250 yards behind it on the right. Outposts were to be leftin the front line to cover the formingup, and were to be withdrawn 15 minutes beforezero hour. Officers who went forwardon 22°d/23rd October were instructedto lay out lines of telegraph wires on that night in conformity with the above plan. Those wires were to be checked and corrected as necessary by daylight on the 23rd, and white tapes laid along the wires on Y/Z night, with coloured discs to mark the flanksof platoons. 2153. The telegraph wire was laid out in accordance with this plan on the 22nd;23rd October, but on the followingmorning it was found that the enemy had shortened his barrage and was now putting it down on a line OXFORD HOUSES-ADLER FARM- YETTA HOUSES. In these circumstances it was decided to assemble the troops approximately on the existing frontline on the left, and 150 yards behind the front line on the right. Instructions were accordingly issued formost carefulpatrolling for200 yards in front of the jumping offline during Y/Z night, and the Corps was asked to makesuch artillery arrangements with flanking divisions as would enable our initial barrage to open upon our front line near WALLEMOLEN CEMETERY, and 150 yards in advance of our front line opposite BERKS HOUSES. So faras the leftof the line was concerned this arrangementwas made, but as regards the right of the line it was found thatthe Canadian Corps had already arranged forthe left of its barrage to open 150 yards in advance of the point desired by us, and we were unfortunately obliged to conform. The difficulty of co-ordinating barrages necessitated the abandonment of principle (b) outlined as:- (That the formingup tapes should be parallel to the farthestlimit of the first objective. ) and imposed a somewhat awkward formation of assembly on the right battalion as follows : ·.. llt •• waa�!�� 11 ,: 1 , ,t R./.1.811:- . - . - . ,4.-.-- . . (1� •• 1N ._ : ·- . �:. Four parties, each consisting of a N.C.O. and two sappers and each equipped with heavy mobile charges, were to be attached to the 188th Brigade for blowing in concrete emplacements if required. The brigade were to detail 4 men to accompany each of these parties as carriers. These partieswere to assist in the consolidation of the concrete emplacements when captured. 2154. Artillery:- Regarding the artillery, the two brigades of Divisional Artillery had moved into the line 1 111 on the 16 h October, taking over from the 5th and 126 (Army) Brigades RF.A., forming 111 part of the 9 Divisional Artillery Group. The distribution of guns gave approximately 1- 18 pdr. to every 9 yards of front but owing to bad conditions and to the enemy's counter-battery work, the proportion of 1 gun to every 15 yards of frontwas maintained with difficulty and was never to be exceeded. Of the positions taken over, two were in full view of the enemy and could see their targets over the open sights. The ba1teries sufferedaccordingly and could only be manned during operations. No movement was possible near them in daylight. These positions had been occupied as the result of endeavouring to get the guns forwardand to their sticking in the mud on route. It was thereforeimpossible to move them either farther forwardor to withdraw them. At a later date they were able to be cleared gun by gun and moved further south. Of the other positionsin the STEENBEEKE VALLEY and ST. ,JULIEN, none possessed even splinter-proof cover. However, shelter for detachments, when not firing, was to be foundin concrete pill-boxes and old battery positions. It was found that the enemy were apprehensive of the 63rd Artillery intentions fromthe outset and continually swept the battery areas with bursts of fire from all calibres. Deliberate destructive firewas also carried out. Facilities for ammunition supply would prove to be almost non-existent and existing battery dumps were taken over in a peculiarly bad state. In most cases it bad been the practice for ammunition to be merely heaped into the surrounding shell holes and as a result was almost unfit to use. By the time the 63rd (RN) Division came into the line this stateof affairs had beenimproved, but the actual supply continued to beby pack-horse and a constantly broken tramway line. All groups adopted the principle of keeping a minimum number of officersand men in the gun line and of arranging frequentand regular relicfa. Difficultywas however to be experienced in the matter of sufficientreliefs forgun layers. Signal Communication :- The telephone and telegraph to Corps was on buried cables and air line routes. Both were to give trouble owing to earths and the bombing. To the Flank Division there was a telephone by buried routes. Contact with the Brigade in the line was by two pairs on the Corps buried cable system on which ringing was possible. Buzzercalls had to be resorted 2155. to and owing to the noise of the bombardment at Brigade H.Q. it was occasionally to prove difficult to attract their attention. It was to be found that Sounder working was impossible and all messages would have to be sent by vibrator. Brigade to battalion : One pair and one laddered cable to each battalion. Brigade to artillery groups:- Nil. Battalion to companies :- Nil. Division to artillery groups:- Six pairs on the Corps buried route of which only two would be found to be working. Groups were connected by lateral lines. Despatch riders:- Horse despatch riders took messages to and from CHEDDAR VILLA and Artillery groups. Messages would be conveyed by runner betweenCHADD AR VILLA and Brigade Headquarters. There would be a motor cycle service to units in the rear of the CANAL BANK. Wireless:- One wireless station at HUBNER FARM working to Divisional Headquartersthrough Corps Directing Stations at ENGLISH TREES and CANAL BANK. Power Buzzer:- A station at ALBATROSS FARM working to Brigade Headquarters atHUBNER FARM. In addition a powerbuzzer station was established at BURNS HOUSES working to a power buzzerand amplifier station at WINCHESTER FARM, and this was to work satisfactoryduring operations. Visual:- A visual station was taken over at ARBRE which could receive fromBrigade Headquarters and forward stationsand transmit to CHEDDAR VILLA, whence messages were telephoned to Division. Telephone:- An additional pair was laid from Brigade to WINCHESTER FARM and two additional pairs from WINCHESTER FARM to BURNS HOUSES by the left battalion the 1s• R.M.L.I. Later these were to be taken over by the Brigade Section when this battalion moved forward to its advanced H.Q. at BURNS HOUSE. Pigeons:- 12 birds were supplied to each battalion on the 25th October. 2156. OPERATIONS OF 26th OCTOBER 1917. 188th INFANTRY BRIGADE. The 25th October and night 25th/26th were brilliantly fine, but at 3.30 am. on the 261h the weather suddenly broke and rain was continuous throughout the day. The already heavy going was thereby made considerably worse and the difficultiesof the attack proportionately increased. Thanks to the careful preparations which had been made, the assaulting troops were formed up without a hitch and practically without casualties. The attack was launched at 5.40 am. Two minutes later the enemy put down his barrage exactly on the line expected. As the troops had been assembled in frontof this line, little damage was done by the enemy fire, and the advance was not checked. Message timed 6.25 am from l 881h M.G. Company that our barrage was going well and that the enemy barrage seemed poor. However, it was to be found that the Germans were to carryout neutralising shoots at intervals during the day and this undoubtedly reduced the density and regularity ofthe British barrage by putting a certain number ofguns out of action. 6.59 am. The Anson Battalion reported a party of25 prisoners was being brought into its headquarters. Ten minutes later the informationwas that this had increased to 50. 7.12 am. Wounded men of the Anson Battalion reported that the attack was apparently going satisfactorily up to the third liftof the barrage, and frompersonnel observation at Brigade Headquarters this appeared to be correct. By 7.20. am. it was reported at Divisional Headquarters that the Anson Battalion (Lieutenant Colonel H. F. Kirkpatrick) had captured VARLET FARM and 50 prisoners after a stifffight and Machine Gun Post about V.27.d.2.6. Some time afterits capture this building, which was at first mistaken for the concrete building shown on the map as at VARLET FARM, proved to be a concrete pill-box some 200 yards furthereast, at the southernend of SOURCE TRENCH. The mistake caused a great deal of confusion at the time but was a very natural one. The concrete building shown at VARLET FARM did not exist in reality and, except fora few scattered bricks, all the farm buildings had completely disappeared. SOURCE TRENCH was also indistinguishable and owing to the flooded shell holes in the neighbourhood, the farm moat could scarcelybe recognised. 7.26. am Anson Battalion reported that their right Company had pushed on through WALLEMOLEN and reached the wire at SOURCE TRENCH but no report had been received of the trench being taken. 2160. 7.30. am 1st R.M. Battalion reported that wounded were coming back and that the first objective had been reached. Half an hour later a pigeon message ( despatched at 6.40. am.) was received from st Lieutenant Careless, 1 Royal Marines? saying that he had captured BAN:FFHOUSE and was consolidating a position 150 yards in front of it. 8.15 am. A report was received froma wounded Officerof the Anson Battalion that the Howe Battalion had gone through East of VARLET FARM, for which there had been stifffight ing. 8.25 am. The situation, as far as known, was that the 1st Royal Marines were still consolidating 150 yards beyond BANFF HOUSES, and the Anson Battalion had reached the south end of SOURCE TRENCH and that VARLET FARM had been taken after considerable bayonet work. 9 am. Unconfirmed report was received fromAnson Battalion, fromwounded men of Howe Battalion, that the PADDEBEEK STREAM had been reached, and the 1st Royal Marines reported that the 2nd Royal Marines had passed through with slight casualties. With reference to the question as to the position of VARLET FARN!; after going into the matter thoroughly with the commanding officersof Hood and Anson Battalions, together with a report of a StaffOfficer of the Brigade who had made a reconnaissance on the 27th, the Brigade was of the opinion that all references made in the ensuing reports to VARLET FARM in reality refer to the position immediately South of SOURCE FARM about V.28.c.50.15. About 9am the buried cable was cut near St. JULIAN, disconnecting the forward Brigade Headquarters and some artillery groups fromDivision. Owing to the shell-tornstate of the ground the break took some time to locate. Attempts were made to bridge the gap by running6 pairs of cable overland, but these could not be got through until about 2 pm. when the shellinghad died down. During this interval it was only possible to get reports through to Divisional Headquarters by visual or runner. Communications from Brigade to the Anson Battalion by telephone was to prove to be good throughout. One cable, via, TIRPITZ FARM was however, cut beyondrepair at 10 am. needing a new line which waslaid by the Brigade Signal Section on a difterent route. Communications to the 1 st R.M.L.I. on the left fromBrigade by telephone was found to be good as far as WINCHESTER FARM. However, between there and the BURNS HOUSES the lines were constantly cut. In the centre, the attack's progress had not been so marked, and appeared to be held up at about V.27. d. central, on the road between BRAY FARM and WALLEMOLEN. 2161. 9.40 amThe Anson Battalion reported that Map received showed position at 8.35 am as follows:- Ourtroops were in occupation ofV.28.c.20.85. -V. 28. C.25.75 -40.40., also a platoon was reported at V.27.d.4.5. and the Canadians on a line D.4.a.4.8. -D.4.a.5.2. 10.30 am The Anson Battalion reported partof a Company consolidating at VARLET FARM (this in reality was the position just South of SOURCE TRENCH) and the enemy was reported holding a semicircular line fromV.27.b.99.10. - V.27.d.7.6. Up until this time very little informationhad been received fromthe Left Sector, and a message was sent to O.C. of2°d Royal Marine Battalion to hasten their report on the situation on his front. 11 am. A report was received fromAnson Battalion that the Intelligence OfficerHood Battalion, the counter attack battalion, had been sent forwardto get in touch with the situation and had reported he came across a mixed party ofRoyal Marines about V.27.d.5.6. which was being held up by the enemy holding the bank running N. and S. about 100 yards East of the road, and that the Reserve Company was further West along the wire about V. 27. D. 1. 5. st 11.30 am. The Commanding Officer of 1 Royal Marine Battalion was instructed to get in touch with the Companies at V.27.d.5.6. and to order them to push on. About midday it was established that the Anson Battalion was consolidating in the neighbourhood ofSOURCE TRENCH and an unconfirmedreport stated that portions of the Howe Battalion had been seen pushing forwardtowards SOURCE FARM, all going well. The Howe Battalion allotted to the 2°d objective, had moved forwardin accordance with instructions issue in the Operational Orders. The right Company "C" appears to have passed through the Anson Battalion South of SOURCE TRENCH and met with heavy casualties during the advance. Wounded men stated afterwardsthat the PADDEBEEK had been reached in the neighbourhood ofSOURCE FARM, and also that small parties had actually crossed the Stream. This was corroborated by a Canadian Officer who informed Arthur Asquith, the Commanding Officer of the Hood Battalion, that during the early afternoon,he had seen fromthe neighbourhood ofBELLEVUE, a body of infantry across the PADDEBEEK STREAM advancing on SOURCE and TOURNANT FARMS. (Asquith had gone forwardto get in touch with the situation on the right Sector, and he had informedH.Q. that the 3 Pillboxes at the South West end of SOURCE TRENCH were held by Royal Naval Division troops, and that the enemy was within 100 yards North and North East ofVARLET :FARM. ) In fact a portion of thisCompany reached the position about V.28.c.9.4. under an Officerwho was later killed. The strength of this party was stated to be about 15 men. They were in touch with the Canadians on their right, and when, at 2 pm, the Canadian line was forced back this party appears to have side-slipped to the right and the survivors eventually rejoined their own battalion through the Canadian line, but many were to be reported missing. 2162. Due to the fog of war, it was some time until headquarters of the Royal Naval Division heard fromthe 3r st The Left Company "D" and a portion of the Support Company "A" of the Howe Battalion advanced past the locality marked as VARLET FARM, where they foundthe Anson Battalion were held up in the front of them. Here they appear to have come under heavy fire fromthe Pill-Boxes about V.28.c.5.7. - the troops consolidated in shell-holes on this line, this is corroborated by a report received at 12.20 pm fromthe Howe Battalion stating that a line ofmixed troops were just West ofthe Farm i.e. position South ofSOURCE TRENCH. There is no doubt that the two Battalions in this vicinity were much intermingled. The remainder of"A" Company are reported to have moved too far to the left and reached the position about V.27d.5.8. where they were held up by Machine Gun fire fromEast of a long trench South of BRAY FARM, thisis corroborated by a statement made by an Officer ofthe 2nd Royal Marine Battalion who said he was with a portion ofthe Howe Battalion on his right; he then himself was holding a line running from about 20 yards in the rear ofBANFF HOUSE to a point South East on the VARLET FARM - SOURD FARM ROAD. The half Company "B" in reserve reached a position astride the hedge about V.27.d.4.4. The situation ofthe Marine Battalions at this time was not quite clear but it appeared st that the 1 Royal Marines (Lieutenant Colonel H. Ozanne D.S.O.) had gained their objectives in the left but were still held up in the centre, just east of the \VALLEMOLEN -BRAY FARM ROAD. There was practically no news of the 2°d Royal Marines (Lieutenant Colonel G. C. Wainwright) but they had apparently been held up on the same st line, where their companies were now intermixed with those ofthe 1 Royal Marines. However, when communication was established details ofthe urgent need ofpushing on wasgiven as the enemy at V.27.d.8.7. and V.27.d.8.6. were enflading the division's troops just south ofSOURCE TRENCH. At 3.30 pm the General OfficerCommanding the Division arrived at 1881 Brigade Headquarters and afterbeing shown the General Situation he approved ofhthe Barrage being brought back to the line ofthe protective barrage ofthe first objective, and this was accordingly done. 2163. At this time the situation was roughly as follows :- The Royal Naval Division was holding a position South of SOURCE TRENCH from thence a line North West through V.27.d.5. 9. toBANFF HOUSES with a pocket of the enemy between BANFF HOUSES and BRAY FARM. Late in the afternoon, the th Commanding Officer of l 88 Brigade then saw the Commanding Officer of 1 st Royal Marine BN, who stated that he was uncertain of the position of affairsEast ofBANFF HOUSES as his runners had reported that the division's men had been seen withdrawing fromthat vicinityunder a heavy barrage. Towards nightfalla message was confirmed at Brigade Headquarters fromO.C. 1 stRoyal Marines that his troops inBANFF HOUSE had been forced to withdraw and that he now heldBERKS HOUSES as his most advanced post, whence his line turned back westward to theSHAFT. Orders were at once issued for the lineto be established by the reserve company, but this operation was only partially successful and our most advanced post on the left flank, during the night of26th/2?1h, was just west ofBRAY FARM. Later informationas regards the LeftBattalion, the 2°d Royal Marine Battalion had also moved forwardin accordance with their Operational Orders, the leading platoons of the Right Company, from statements of survivors, appear to have reached the line of the PADDEBEEK andcrossed it to the South East of where they consolidated. Later in the day these forwardparties came under heavy Machine gun fireand withdrew to the West of the Stream to a position South West ofBANFF HOUSE. It is reported that great numbers were killed in attempting to crossthe Stream and that numerous bodies of men of this Battalion were seen lying along the line of it. A Machine Gun crew, as already mentioned , also crossed but were later on compelled to withdraw having suffered s heavily. There was in the position withdrawn to already a portion of the 1 tRoyal Marine Battalion. The only surviving officer of this Company of the 2°d Royal Marines reported that he had in all about 100 men of both battalions, in a position atBANFF HOUSE, BRAY FARM and South of it. This was confirmedby the Adjutant of 2°dRoyal Marine Battalion (afterwards wounded) who went forward and got·in touch with the situation. The left Company of this Battalion reached the vicinity betweenBERKS HOUSES and BRAY FARM where they were apparently held up by Machine Gun fire from the North side of the LEKKERBOTTEBEEK and froma Pill-Box about V.27.a.9.9. In this position there were also elements of the 1 stRoyal Marine Battalion; the remaining Company of the Battalion consolidated in the vicinity East of BERKS HOUSES. That evening a heavy barrage was put down on the Marines forward positions on the left, causing numerous casualties, and certain parties of the linewere forcedback fromthe vicinity ofBANFF HOUSE andBRAY FARM in a South Westerly direction. Orders were issued to the Commanding Officer of2°d Royal Marine Battalion to re occupy the positions at BANFF HOUSE andBRAY FARM that night; this was only partially done. The furthestposition held by this battalion was by a platoon under a sergeant, in a line just West ofBRAY FARM extending to the South, and a few men under a Corporal in consolidated shell-holes 50 yards North East ofBRAY FARM. These parties were sent forward from the Support Company in the neighbourhood of BERKS HOUSES. 2164. th nd The 4 Company of the 2 Royal Marines did not take part in the operations, being employed on carryingduties from the Brigade dump to Batialion Headquarters and on Stretcher work. About 6 pm. information reached the G.O.C. 188th Brigade that the Anson and Howe Battalions had been suffering heavy casualties fromenemy fire and were much disorganised. He accordingly decided to relieve them by his counter-attacking battalion the Hood (Commander A.M. Asquith, D.S.O. ) This battalion was in a position of readiness near INCH HOUSES and had not been employed during the day. The relief was carried out without incident, the Anson Battalionbeing wi thdrawn to IRISH FARM while the Howe Battalion was kept nearAL BATROSS FARM as a reserve. 27111 OCTOBER 1917. The night 26t11/271h October and the day 2?1h October, were spent in improving and consolidating the positions won, and in linking up the flanks of units. At 9 am. the situation was as follows:- The Right Battalion reported:- 3 platoons at VARLET FARM (in reality in the vicinity ofV.28.c.5.2.). 1 Company were West of VARLET FARM on the line BRAY FARM and CEMETERY ROAD. 1 Company in trenches immediately South of INCH HOUSES. 1 Platoon about the hedge at V.27.d.4.2. The enemy was reported holding a Pill-Box 100 yards North of the Division's position at V.28.c.5.2.. nd On the left the 1 st & 2 Royal Marine Battalions were intermingled as set out below :- Half a Company about 100 yards East of VACHER FARM. One Platoon at SHAFT. Half a Company at BERKSHOUSE. One Platoon at BRA\' FARM. One Company on a line V.27.b.4. Land V.27.d.4.7. Half a Company at BERKS HOUSE was ordered to occupy the hedgerow North of 27 Central, which was rep011ed to have been evacuated during the night by the enemy. During the forenoon the Right Battalion reported that 2 Officersand 20 riflemen of the Anson Battaiion with a Lewis Gun were holding a position about V28.c.4.4. This was afterwards foundto be in reality South of the \'VALLEM OLENROAD at D.4.a.6.9. and that they were in touch with troops of the Canadian Brigade on their right flank; this party was relieved by Hood Battalion at dusk. 2165. Two small pockets ofGermans still holding out inside our lines were accounted for on this day. The general situation now was that the l 88th Brigade had gained practically the whole of its first objective with the exception ofSOURCE TRENCH and BANFF HOUSE and had captured 140 prisoners. In the evening the Nelson Battalion relieved the Hood Battalion and the Hawke relieved the Marine Battalion. On the leftsector some opposition was met with during the relief, but in spite of this the Hawke Battalion pushed forward and occupied the position at BANFF HOUSE and formed a defensive flank facing North, extending westwards along the line V.27.b.3.6. to V.27.a8.6. During their occupation ofthis line the Germans made a small attack fromthe direction ofV.27a.9.9. but were driven offwith loss by Lewis Gun and riflefire. The failureof the majority ofthe troops detailed for the second objective to make headway, and the heavy casualties suffered by those who did go forwardwould seem to have been primarily due to the mud. Hampered by the bad going the leading troops had rapidly fallen behind the barrage, and assoon as the barrage had passed over the final objective the enemy's supports had come out oftheir concrete pill-boxes and opened heavy rifleand machine gun fireon the advancing troops. 28tb OCTOBER 1917. As stated the night 2?1h/28th October had seen the line takenover for 24 hours by two fresh battalionsof the 189th Brigade, the Hawke Battalion (Commander B. H. Ellis D.S.O.) on the leftand the Nelson Battalion (Lieutenant Colonel F. Lewis, D.S.O. ) on the right. In accordance with previous arrangements, these battalions were attached to the 188th Brigade forthis purpose.The object of this plan was to enable the 188th Brigade to hold the line until the night 281h/29tt1, the date on which the l 90th Brigade wouldtake it over in anticipation of their attack on the 301h October. Just beforedaybreak the enemy made a small counter-attack against this flank but was beaten offby rifle and machine gun fire. On the 281h October it was reported that the enemy still held a concrete structure at V.28.c.5.4. close to our right flank, andthat considerable trouble was being experienced fromthe snipers in its vicinity. Orders were accordingly issued to the Nelson Battalion to capture this position at dusk before being relieved. This was successfully accomplished and the position was handed over to the 190th Brigade on relief. The relief of the 188th Brigade by the 190th Brigade was satisfactorilycarried out on the night 28th/29th October.The line was then held by the Artists Rifles (Major H.E. EdlmannT.D.) on the right and Royal Fusiliers(Major C. PlayfairD.S.O. ) on the th left.The BedfordshireRegiment (Lieutenant Colonel J.S. CollingsWells D.S.O. ) th 7 was in support4 and the 1/ 4 King's Shropshire Light Infantry (Lieutenant Colonel A.N.B. GarrettT.D., K.S.L.I. ) in reserve. 2166. OPERATIONSOF 30th OCTOBER 1917. 190th INFANTRY BRIGADE. The probable objectives forthe operations ofthe 30th October had been published before the Division came into the line, and, as already stated, the 190th Brigade had arranged and practiced every detail of its attack. The lack of complete success on 261h October, coupled with the extremely bad state of the groundafter the recent heavy rain had, however, necessitated a modification of the original army plan, and on the evening of22°d October instructions had been received that the Divisional objective for the next operation would be limited to a line approximating to the finalobjective planned for the 26th. The date of the operation, 301h October, would not be changed. This unavoidable modification of objectives had necessitated a complete change of plan forthe 190th Brigade and was an undoubted handicap. The new orders had only reached the brigadier 24 hours beforehe went into the line, and he had consequently had little time in which to interview commanding officersand make his new arrangements. The objective now allotted to the 1901h Brigade was bisected laterally by the valley of the PADDEBEEK STREAM, which according to the latest information, was likely to prove a serious obstacle to movement. Application was thereforemade to the Corpsthat the creeping barrage should pause for30 minutes when 200 yards beyond this stream, so as to give the infantrya good chance of getting across before the barrage moved on. The Corps was also asked to ensure that our initial barrage might open no furthereast than SOURCE TRENCH, positions of which were still in German hands. In order to comply with these requests the XVI 11 Corps arrangedwith the Corps on its right fora meeting ofstaff officers concerned on the morningof the 281h October, and, as a result of that meeting, a decision satisfactoryto all concerned was quickly arrived at. Later in the day it was reported that there was still at least one party of Germans west of SOURCE TRENCH, and arrangements were accordingly made for the barrage to open 50 yards furtherwest than originally arranged.The finalarrangements for the barrage thereforewas that it should open on a line 50 yards west ofSOURCE TRENCH BANFF HOUSE. This line was roughly parallel to the general line of the PADDEBEEK STREAM. The infantry were to formup 150 yards in rear of this line, and the garrisons ofany posts in front of the formingup tapes were to be withdrawn just beforezero. Careful patrollingwas ordered, to ensure that no enemy were in position between our forming-up line and the line of the initial barrage. All these arrangementswere communicated verbally to G.O.C. 190th Brigade andhis 4 battalion commanders at Brigade Headquarters about 11 am. on the 28th. 2167. The G.O.C. 1901h Brigade decided to make his attack on a three battalion front the th 7 th Artists Rifles on the right, the 4 BedfordshireRegiment in the centre, and the Royal Fusiliers on the left. Each battalion was to attack with two companies in front, each with a platoon in front line and two in support. A special box barrage was arranged for the pill-boxes on the right bank of the PADDEHEEK STREAM immediately th opposite the 4 Bedfordshire Regiment's front which were to be rushed simultaneously fromthree sides as soon as the barrage had lifted. Similar arrangements to those of the 1881h Brigade were made forbattalion reserves and extra stretcher bearers. The fourth Battalion 1/ 4 K.S.L.I. was detailed as counter-attack battalion. One battalion of189 th Brigade the Nelson Battalion was attached to 190 Brigade as a reserve, only to be used with the sanction of Divisional Headquarters. 1h As soon as the relief was completed on the 281h/29th October, units began to mark out their forming-upplaces on the line agreed. It was afterwards found however, that the right ofthe line handed over to the Artists was at least 200 yards furthereast than had originally been reported, and much of this work had thereforeto be done over again on Y/Z night. Soon after darknessset in on the 29th Octoberunits began to move up to their battle positions, and all battalions were inposition and ready to attack by 3.30 am. on the 30 October. Intermittent hostile shelling continued throughout the night, and several 1h casualties occurred, but no actual barrage was put down by the Germans during this period. At Zero hour (5.50 am.) our barrage was put down on the required line and the infantry began to close up to it. Almost immediately afterwards(the time is variously described as between 1 and 2 minutes) an intense enemy barrage was put down not more than 100 yards in rear of our own, and right in the middle of the attacking troops. Severe casualties were inflicted on the attacking units by this fire, especially on the right, and the leading companies ofthe Artists Riflesappear to have been practically wiped out within 5 minutes of zero. In the centre and on the left the Bedfordsand Royal Fusiliers tried to press forward, but the going was too heavy forthem, and aftertraversing a distance of250-300 yards they lost the barrage and literally got stuck in the mud. Despite all precautions their rifles and Lewis guns had now become choked with mud, and as soon as the barrage passed over the enemy's strong points the men found themselves finallychecked by heavy machine gun and rifle fire, to which they were unable to reply. Part of the firecame from enemy posts immediately in front, but by far the greater volume appears to have come from east of the PADDEBEEK STREAM and from the exposed flanks north of the LEKKERBOTTERBEEK. 2168. Owing to the heavy casualties amongst officers and N.C.O's, to the impassable nature of the country, and to the factthat a heavy barrage was maintained between battalion headquarters and the attacking troops, little or none of the informationreached Divisional Headquarters forseveral hours. Many runners appear to have been sent back fromthe assaulting companies, and forward from battalion headquarters, but none succeeded in getting through, and at 10 am. the only definite news which had been received was a pigeon message dispatched at 8.45 am. by the O.C. "A" company Artists Rifles stating that he was consolidating ''200 yards east of SOURCE TRENCH" and that his casualties had been 90%. Towards midday, however, it became apparent that at no point had we advanced more than 250-300 yards and that the enemy barrage, added to the bad going, had brought the attackto a standstill almost at the start. rd About 10.15 am. an unconfirmed report was received from the3 Canadian Division on our right that their troops had reached their final objective, and had also occupied SOURCE FARM, which formed the extreme right cornerof the final objective allotted to the Artists Rifles. The report added thatthe Artists Rifles were held up near SOURCE TRENCH and that the Canadian left wa5 thereforecompletely in the air. In view of the pigeon message from the Artists Rifles no great significancewas attached to this report but it was reported to the 190th Brigade with instructions that everything possible.was to be done to gain touch on the right. rd At 11.5 am. the 3 Canadian Division reported that Canadian reinforcements moving towards SOURCE FARM were being held up by fire from SOURCE TRENCH. It now became apparent, therefore, that we had not after all cleared SOURCE TRENCH, and at 11.10 am. the G.O.C. 190t11 Brigade was ordered to use two companies of his counter attacking battalion to capture SOURCE', TRENCH fromthe south-east, and to fill the gap between the right of the Artists Rifles and SOURCE FARM. This informationwas repeated to XVI 11 Corps and half an hour later a message was received from the XVI11 Corps Staffthat the Army Commander approved of the action taken but that he wished a third company dispatched through the Canadian area to reinforcethe Canadians in SOURCE ·FARM. On receipt of those orders it was at once arranged with the Canadian Division that a company of the King's Shropshire Light Infantry should be sent to SOURCE FARM via KANSAS HOUSE, where Canadian guides would be waiting forthem. Instructions in this sense were then issued to the 190111 Brigade and it was added that on arrival at SOURCE FARM the company should endeavor to gain touch with the two companies sent to capture SOURCE TRENCH. At the same time, as all but one company of the counter-attacking battalion were now employed, the Nelson Battalion was placed immediately at the disposal of the 190111 Brigade and, at the request of the brigadier, was moved forward to ALBATROSS FARM and CHEDDAR VILLA. 2169. About 7.30 pm. informationwas received from 190th Brigade that the two companies of Shropshires ordered to attack SOURCE TRENCH claimed to have reached their objective. Shortly afterwards, however, it transpired that this was not the case. The companies had lost direction and the trench which they thought to be SOURCE TRENCH was in reality the old Canadian frontline. r r A conference was now held with the 3 Meanwhile nothing of importance had occurred on the rest of the divisional front, and a reconnaissance by a General StaffOfficer ( Captain N .M. Vibart) during the night 30th/3 l st located the frontline posts in touch with each other on a general line about 200 yards in front of their jumping-off positions. Two consecutive attempts to advance beyond the PADDEBEEK STREAM by means of a daylight attack supportedby artillery had now failed, and with the ground in its present state it appeared unlikely that a third attempt with similar methods would have any better result. It seemed practically certain that the enemy had only a fewposts on the west side ofthe stream and that he was trusting mainly to fire from the opposite side ofthe valley and fromnorth of the LEKKERBOTTERBEEK for the defence of this area. In these circumstances the best plan appeared to be to organize a series of night attacks on the posts west of the PADDEBEEK STREAM and to advance our line gradually each night as these posts were taken. The essence ofsuccess would lie in surpriseand there should be no artillery support either beforeor during the operation. This policy ofnibbling our way forward was approved by the Corps and after a Corps rd Conference held on 31st October, orders were issued that the 63 Division was to capture the line of the PADDEBEEK STREAM by a series of minor operations before the main offensive wasresumed. th t The 189 Brigade, which was due to relieve the 190 Brigade on the night 31 /1s November,111 was consequently ordered to prepare plans forthe following distinct51 and separate operations. (a) The capture ofthe line of the PADDEBEEK STREAM, including the area known as SOURCE TRENCH. 2170. (b) The capture ofTOURNANT FARM and the pill-boxes in the immediate vicinity. The 190th Brigade was relieved by the 189th Brigade on the night 3181/1s t November and was withdrawn to POPERINGHE. The losses ofthe Brigade had been severe and the result oftheir efforts small, but in the greater part of the frontthe heavy going had made their task almost impossible. OPERATIONS 31st OCTOBER to 5th NOVEMBER. 189th INFANTRY BRIGADE. Commander: Brigadier General J.F.S.D. Coleridge, D.S.O. Brigade Major: Captain R.W. Barnett, M.C., StaffCaptain :- Lieutenant F.X. Andrews. 1891h Machine Gun Co :- Captain H.E. Sants. 1891h Light Trench Mortar Battery :- Lieutenant W. H. E. Matthews. The role allotted to the 189th Brigade were as under :- (a) Capture SOURCE TRENCH. (b) Clear up the situation fromthe existing frontline as far as the PADDEBEEK STREAM. (c) Capture TOURNANT FARM and establishment of a line from V.29.a.0.0. to SOURD FARM. Except for a certain amount of gas shelling, which caused casualties, relief of the 1901h Brigade had taken place without incident. The 1891h Brigade was disposed with the Nelson Battalion (Lieutenant Commander R.H. Shelton, D.S.O. gassed 2nd Nov. Major H.W. Barker, gassed 3rd Nov.) on the right and the Hawke Battalion (T/Commander B.H.Ellis, D.S.O.) on the left. The Drake Battalion (T/Commander W. Sterndale-Bennett, th th D.S.O. wounded 5 Nov. Lieutenant Commander H. B. Pollock 5 Nov.) was in support and the Hood Battalion (T/Commander A. M. Asquith, D.S.O. ) in reserve. Brigade Headquarters was established at HUBNER FARM. On taking over the line the O.C. Hawke Battalion discovered that our posts had again been driven out ofBANFF HOUSE, and that our most advanced post as handed over to him was once more at BRAY FARM. 2171. ·-- s As soon as they had taken over the line preparations were at once made for operations mentioned in para 47. These operations were so neatly planned and skillfully executed, and met with such practically unbroken success that the narrative of them will be given in detail. 1st NOVEMBER 1917. During the early morning of 1st November patrols fromthe Nelson Battalion on the right reconnoitered the concrete building at V.28.c.8.8. The building was foundto be situated in the middle of a marsh, strongly wired, and held by the enemy. The patrols were fired on by machine guns and rifles. Simultaneously patrols fromthe Hawke Battalion on the left found the enemy well entrenched about V.27.b.2.7. with a machine gun in the vicinity. The remainder of the day passed quietly except forartillery activity on both sides. EVENTS IN THE NIGHT 1st;2nd NOVEMBER. Action of the Nelson Battalion :- At 8.10 pm. 1 st November, Sub Lieutenant Bready and 11 other ranks from"C" Company of the Nelson Battalion advanced on the concrete structureat V.28.c.8.8. Brearly in the centre and an N.C.O., on each flank.The moon was just rising, but clouds made the night dark. The formationof attack was in extended line with three paces interval. When the line arrived within 80 yards of the position, strong wire entaglements and ditches were discovered and further advance became very difficult. The officer then sent one N.C.O. and three men to the left flankand one N.C.O. andtwo men to the right flankof the position, while he, with the remainder, continued to go straightforward. When about sixty yards fromthe position the enemy opened fire with a machine gun on the left flanking party. These men rejoined the centre party, and the whole worked round to the right, and eventually rushed the position fromthe enemy's rear. The enterprise was a complete success; one under officer, 11 other ranks, and 1 machine gun were captured, and 2 Germans killed. Our casualties were nil. Lewis guns had been placed in position to cover the advance, but were not required, and did not open fire. Directly the concrete structure had been captured "A" Company was brought up on the right and the remainder of"C" Company on the left, and the line was consolidated. At the same time, 8.10 pm. Sub Lieutenant Dolman of the Nelson Battalion and 30 O.Rs from"A" Company moved offto capture a concrete building at V.28.a.95.10, but failed to find it. (During these operations confusion was caused by the fact, that the concrete structuresmarked on the map at V.28.c.5.7. and 4.7. were believed to exist, in reality they did not: the nearest structures in the neighbourhood being at V.28.a.95.10 and V.28.c.8.8.; this, no doubt, caused Sub Lieutenants Dolman's party to lose its way. Action of the Hawke Battalion :- Simultaneously with this attack an attack was made by the Hawke Battalion on the hostile post line running fromV.27.b.2.7. to V.27.b.1.8. The forceemployed was one and a half platoons under Sub Lieutenant Perry, starting froma position due south of the objective, and about 150 yards fromit. The attackwas made at 8.10 pm. When the moon was just rising, but clouds made the night dark. Three 2174. sections advanced directly on to the position; 2 more sections were detailed to guard the right flank of the attack; and a Lewis gun section was in reserve to be brought up when the objective was taken. Entrenching tool handles and bayonet scabbards were leftbehind in order to move more silently. Each man carried a bomb, and the rifle grenade section carried 6 rifle grenades each. The attacking party advanced in extended order at 2 paces intervai proceeded by Sub Lieutenant Perry. A Petty Officer and a Leading Seaman had almost reached the enemy before they were seen. The position was then rushed, and 8 enemy unwounded, and one wounded, surrendered with their machine gun. A fewbombs were thrown to ensure the rest of the trench being clear, and then posts were immediately pushed out on each flank by the attacking party to north ofBANFJ? HOUSE on the right and to V.27.b. l.8. on the left, and the Lewis gun section was brought up. The prisoners stated that the positionwas an isolated one, garrisoned by 12 men, three men must thereforehave escaped. Of these 2 were seen in the vicinity shortly afterwards by another post of the Hawke Battalion, and were fired at. One was killed and the other wounded and captured. About 4 hours later anenemy ration party of 3 men arrived at the captured postwith rations. On being challenged 1 tried to run away, he wasshot, captured and later died of wounds, the other 2 sunendered. They had no knowledge that the position had been captured and expectedto find their own troops there. As soon as the 2 successful operations by the Nelson and Hawke Battalions, detailed above, had been completed, a post line was consolidated as shown in blue on the attached map "B" The line marked red shows the general line of posts taken over by the Brigade on relief the previous night. During the night the enemy was very active with gas shelling, notably the ALBATROSS FARM, where the whole of the Nelson Battalion's headquarters were poisoned. The day passed uneventfully. NIGHT 2nd13rd NOVEMBER 1917. On the night 2nd;3rd November the Hood Battalion relieved the Nelson Battalion and the Drake Battalion (less one company) and the Hawke Battalion. One company of the Drake Battalion remained at IRISH FARM in order to practice foran attack to be delivered later on TOURNANT FARM. The relief was again interferedwith by gas shelling, but passed offwithout other incidents. 2175. EVENTS OF 3rd14th NOVEMBER. About 2.0 am. a raiding partyof the enemy, six or eight strong, crossed the PADDEBEEK SWAMP under cover ofa hedge and attacked a postof six men of"B" Company Hood Battalionwho were defendingthe pill box at V.28.c.8.8. captured by the Nelson Battalion on the night 1st;2nd inst. Aftera lively encounter, in which two ofHood were severely wounded by stick bombs, the Germans were driven off Active patrolling was carried outduring the early morning of the 3rd November with a view to obtaining informationof the enemy's dispositions preparatoryto advancing our line to the P ADDEBEEK STREAM. There was a good deal ofartillery activity during the remainder of the night. The followinginformation was gained:- (a) The Hood Battalion discovered much enemy movement near the concrete structures in V.28.a., and the vicinity ofTOURNANT FARM appeared to be strongly held. (b) The Drake Battalion reconnoitered fromBANFF HOUSE towards SOURD FARM. About 15 to 20 ofthe enemy were seen, and a Lewis gun opened fire on them at very close range. The next night the bodies of 1 German officerand 7 other ranks were found here. This reconnaissance disclosed the locality ofthe enemy and the best route forthe attack. The day was on the whole quiet, with bursts ofartillery. NIGHT 3rd14tti NOVEMBER 1917. During the night 3r The plan ofattack was to advance with 4 platoons of"C" Company, 2 platoons being held in reserve. Two and ahalf platoons were to attackin a north-easterlydirection and one and a halfplat oons due east fromBANFF HOUSE. In each case a screen of bombers and riflemenwas extended to 7 paces interval, with the rifle grenadiers and Lewis gun sections following in the rear file. The advance startedpunctually at 9 pm. The right hand partiessoon met with opposition from bombs and machineguns. Riflegrenadiers and Lewis gunners were then advanced and opened fireon the enemy's position till his fire ceased. The position was then rushed and the farm captured. The one anda halfplatoons on the leftadvanced straight to their objectives on the leftof the farm, and protected the advance of the rightparty with Lewis gun fire. 2176. The whole position was in our hands by 10.15 pm. And by 11 pm. our patrols reported no enemy remaining on the west side ofthe stream. One wounded prisoner was captured, but the remainder of the garrison escaped, due to the difficultnature of the ground, pursuit was impracticable. Our total casualties were 2 killed and 2 wounded. SOURD FARM was found to consist of2 buildings, neither concreted. The cellar ofone building would make an excellent advanced headquarters, whilethe other is an exceptionally good O.P. A telephone had already been laid to within 20 yards of it. The building had been used by the enemy as a large S.A.A. and bomb dump. Eight boxes S.A.A., six large boxes ofbom bs, and two boxes oflight trench mortar ammunition, together with machine gun spare parts and rations were found. Simultaneously with the advance on SOURD FARM the Hood Battalion on the right advanced their lines with "D" Company of Drake on the left, and by the morning of 4th November the brigade front was as shown on the Map "B" in yellow. th EVENTS OF THE 4 NOVEMBER 1917. Early on the morning of 4th November reconnaissanceswere carried out by Commander Arthur Asquith, D.S.O. commanding Hood Battalion, and Lieutenant HaiTis ofthe Drake Battalion, for the operation against TOURNANT :FARM. This reconnaissance made it clear that the hostile position was formidable and consisted of a nest of mutually supporting concrete pill-boxes, with a screen of consolidated shell holes in front of them. TOURNANT FARM was supported by a concrete pill-box tothe north, which was in turncommanded by a largestructure at V.28.a.97.17., and a smaller one on higher ground 100 yardsbehind it. Verbal instructions had been received from the Corps that the capture ofTOURNANT FARM by the 63rd Division was not of paramount importance, and that unless it could be captured by surprise it would formpart ofa major operation to be undertaken after the Division bad been relieved. In these circumstances, and in view of the great strength of the position as disclosed by the reconnaissances it was decided to approach it by a methodical advance, and not to attempt to capture it unless the enemy were surprised. th On 4 November orders were received fromCorps Headquarters forthe reliefof the Canadian Division on our right, up to and including VAPOUR FARM, this relief to be 1h. carried out on the night 4th/5 The relief was not an easy one as the line to be taken over was separated from our present right by the marshy valley ofthe PADDEBEEK STREAM, and had to beapproached along the leftbank of that stream. The operation was, however, completed without incident by 5.30 pm. The enemy artillery was extremely active thisday, and put down 3 barrages at intervals. The most serious lasted from4.30 to 5 pm. and its nucleus was about BANFF HOUSE. It was during this barrage that CommanderStemdale-Bennett of the Drake Battalion was mortally wounded, by a shell, while visiting his forward posts. 2177. EVENTS OF THE NIGHT 4th/5th NOVEMBER 1917. "B" company of the DrakeBattalion under command ofLieutenant Harris, which had been training out ofthe line forthe capture ofTOURNANT FARM, moved up to SOURCE FARM after dark. The plan of operations decided upon was to employ this company on the right and also "C" company of the Hood Battalion on the left. The troops were to feel their way forward, to dig in on a line better fittedfor defence and offence than the one already occupied, and if the enemy was not alert to rush the concrete pill boxes. At 11 pm. the 2 companies advanced, "B" Companyof the Drake Battalion and "C" Company Hood Battalion, each in 2 lines ofsection columns. The task ofthe front line was to patrol and fight, while the second line was to reinforce andconsolidate the ground won. There wasa bright moon, occasionally obscured by clouds. After proceeding a short distance our troops were met by heavy machine gun fire. The enemy's advanced posts were then rushed, with slight casualties, and the enemy retired to his main line leaving 3 machine guns in our hands. A surprise was now out of the question, and as the machine gun fire from the front and northernflank was increasing, the capture of the concrete pill boxes was not attempted, and the line was consolidated as shown on Map "B" in redand blue. The followingis an extract from the report by Lieutenant Harris, the O.C. "B" Company Drake Battalion :- "Our line had been pushed forwardabout 120 yards on an average, and my company has established nine posts. "D" Company of the Hood Battalion on my right, pushed out their posts, and the one platoon of "C" Company Hood Battalion on my left pushedout and established themselves. We had good observation fromour new position, which was one that could make the life of the enemy in the neighbourhood of the pill-box and the locality of TO URN ANT FARM decidedly unpleasant. The Farm itself, of course, no longer exists as a farm, being merely a heap of debris. The new position took up so menaced the enemy at this pill box that he must in course of time vacate the position. Our men were met by heavy machine gun fire, my company alone sufferingtwo killed and three wounded. During the actual move forward my company captured two enemy machine guns, but the enemy got away, leaving one dead man behind. Afterwe had dug in our new position, one of our patrols working forward through the farm grounds captured a third 2178. SOME LESSONS LEARNED NORTH-EAST OF YPRES. BARRAGES & FORMING UP POSITIONS. 1. In semi-open warfare, in order to maintain direction, it is even more important than in trench warfare that the forming-up line should be parallel to the furthest point of the objective. This necessitates the barrageopening parallel to the objective. Early arrangements for this should be coordinated betweenflank formations, and detailed arrangements should reach battalion commanders not later than X/Y night. 2. To ensure that there areno enemy posts between the forming-up line and the line on which the initial barragewill open, careful patrolling 200 yards in frontof our forming-up line must be continued throughout Y/Z night. 3. Carefulrecord must bekept of the line on which the enemy usually puts down his barrage. This closely affectsthe choice of our forming-upposition s. On 30th October the enemy put down his barrage less than 100 yards behind our own, andinflicted heavy casualties. This is a risk which cannot be eliminated, but it can be reduced by not putting down a practice barrage the day beforethe attack on the exact line on which the barrage will open at zero. It is thought that the enemy is helped to distinguish between a practice barrage and a genuine attack by the fact that machine guns rarely co-operate in a practice barrage. If, as will usually be the case, the question of forward ammunition supply prevents machine guns being used in the practice barrage they shouldnot open fire in the real attack until zero plus 4 minutes. This may keep the enemy for an extra moment in doubt as to whether a real attack has begun, and thus give our own troops timeto advance before his barrage opens. Whatever the pace of our barrage is to be the first lift should be not more than 3 minutes afterzero. Otherwise, if the enemy barrage opensclose behind ours the troopswill be caught like rats in a trap. 4. No useful purpose is served by making a barragemove slower than 50 yards in 4 minutes. If infantry cannot advance at this rate the mere physical exertion of movement will make a successful attackimpossible. It is, however, useful to have an occasional long pause (say afterevery third lift) to enable parties of men delayed by patches of particularly bad going to close up. 2180. A report by the l 881 Brigade stated :- The barrage was reported to be good at the start and easily followed,hafter lifting about 500 yards it appeared to get ragged and our shrapnel barrage was bursting very high and it was difficult for the advancing infantry to mark the barrage line. Counter-Battery work appeared to have little effectas regards stopping the enemy shelling of particular localities and duck boardtracks. MINOR OPERATI ONS. nd (a) Minor night operations and surprise tactics as employed on the nights 1st12 and 3rd;4t1t Novem ber are most e ectlve ffi . agamst. enemy outpost 1mes· .m mars hy country, and are infinitelyless costly than set-piece attacks under a barrage. (b) A policy of minor night enterprises when holding battle lines is strongly advocated. Those enterprises increase the morale of our troops, and the constant movement of our posts prevents their being accurately located by the enemy's artillery. Further, if a set-piece attack is contemplated soon aftera series of such enterprises,the enemy will bein ignorance of the exact position of his own outpost line. This will cause him to place his initial barrage at a greater distance from this line than would otherwise be the case and minimize the risk of this barrage opening on our troops. (c) To make minor night enterprises successful special attention must be paid to the training of subordinate commanders in night work, minor tactics, and reconnaissance, as the success of such enterprises entirely depends on the initiative of subordinate conunanders. N.B. The new German tactics as described in a captured order of the 11th InfantryDivision received since these notes were written appears to make night enterprises of the kind advocated above more than ever valuable. The fewmen that the enemy employs to hold his forwardzone and the uncertainty that must exist in their minds as to how much resistance they areto offer should render posts in this zone particularly liable to capture by such enterprises. Further if a set-piece attack is contemplated it is more than every necessary to get as close as possible to the "line of resistance of the forwardzone" prior to the attack. Unless this is done our troops may be caught by the enemy counter barragewhen it is brought back at Zero plus 15 minutes. 2181. NIGHT OPERATIONS VERSUS DAY OPERATIONS. In the case of a strong position such asTO URNANT FARM there islittle chance of a minor enterprise succeeding unless the enemy is taken by surprise. In such situations the attack must be supported by artillery fire. It is, however, suggested that in swampy ground a night attack on a large scale following a preliminary bombardment will have more chance than a set-piece daylight attack, the success of which largely depends on the ability of the assaultinginfantry to keep up to the barrage. OFFICERS. 16 officers per attacking battalion are insufficient.On 30th Octobervery few officerswere left 5 minutes after zero. On a large portion of the front traversed by the G.S.0.3. on the night 30th/31 Octoberhe was told by the men that they had never seen an officer all day. Without officersst the men are apt to lose confidence,and fall back, as happened on two occasions during these operations. FORMATIONS. In country much cut up by shell craters small columns are infinitely preferable to extended lines, which are indeed impracticable. CONCRETE PILL - BOXES. In the majority of cases the enemy uses his pill-boxes as a barrack, and defends them fromneighbouring shell holes, or froma small trench just in rear. Pill boxes must therefore be approached from the flanks. MESSAGE MAPS. Message maps were issued on a large scale to all officers,but the mud and wet made it impossible to use them. Several arrived at battalion headquarters, but were illegible. COMMUNICATIONS. 188th Brigade reported:- Communications with D.H.Q. were not at all satisfactory. Owingto the line beingburied defects were hard to discover and remedy. Communications fromBrigade H.Q. to the front were on the whole satisfactoryand although there were intermittent breaks of the line repairs were quickly effected and the work carried out by the linesman of the Brigade Signal Section, under the direction of the Brigade Signal Officer 2nd Lieutenant Brand, which was highly satisfactory. 2182. Lessons in Communications :- If a division is to take over its communications on a buried system on Y day, there must beat least one man at each test point who is thoroughly familiar with the line, and he must have power to forbid access to all but the staffof the rest point. If units make their own connection.,;; to test points they usually upset existing communications. Test points should not be used as signal offices for formations lower than brigades, if it can be avoided. A pilot line should not be used for any other purpose than communication between test points. If this is used to bridge a break there is no means of carrying out a systematic test from point to point to locate defectsor to issue instructions to lincmen. Close attention should be paid to training linemen in test point duties, as experience has shown that half trained linemen ru·e the cause of most of the confusion at test points. Each test point should have a line book containing details of pairs allotted. This should prevent linemen from tapping in to see if a pair is in use. Sufficient cable should be in stock at test points in the shelled area to run an emergency pair over ground for work until the bury is repaired. During operations more satisfactorywork could be obtained if the battalion power buzzer personnel were placed under the orders of the division wireless officer. As this officeris responsible forp ower buzzer communication he should thereforedecide where the stations should be placed. To send the power buzzer personnel forward with the attacking wave usually means loss of equipment. With the present short objectives it will usually be possible to place the power buzzer at company headquartersbefore the attack, and move it forwardagain when the enemy barrage lifts. Taking 6 power buzzer men per battalion, two should be left at reinforcement camp, two should go forward with the power buzzer, and two should be kept in reserve at brigade headquarters in case of casualties. Battalion signal officersshould distribute their equipment to avoid the chance of being put out of communication by the destruction of the whole of their apparatus by a single shell. This happened on one occasion. It is suggested that each division should work to its own directing station. Probably a Wilson set with a mark 111 tuner would meet the case. PROTECTION OF RIF'LES ETC, It is absolutely essential in muddy country that rifles, Lewis guns, andmachine guns are protected from the mud by removable covers up to the last minute before it is required to use them. The importance of this cannot be exaggerated. 2183. DEFINITE ALLOCATION OF TASKS IN THE ATTACK. Though definiteparties must be detailed forthe captureand consolidationof every suspected strong point, a large proportionof the attacking forcemust be available to move straight through to the furthest line ofits objective, and to deal with the unexpected. ADMINISTRTIVEARRANGEMENTS. The 188111 Brigade reported:- The arrangements made for supply of ammunition and water and hot food were quite satisfactory under the conditions ofweather and ground. Pack transport was utilizedto carry supplies to the Brigade Dump, then water, ammunition and hot food containers were carried forwardby Brigade carryingparties each night. The carrying party was under the Command of Lieutenant Neville, 211d Royal Marine Battalionwho carriedout these arduous duties to Brigades entire satisfaction. DRESS & EQUIPMENT. For the troops who are to be in the line more than one night leather jerkins are invaluable. When the going is practically impossible however, everything must be done to reduce weight. It is suggested that when, as at present, objectives are strictly limited, the assaulting troops should only be brought into the line just before zero, and should be withdrawn on the evening followingthe attack, their places in the new line being taken by the troops holding the original front line, who, during the attack, would act as a reserve. If this were done the assaulting troops could be relieved of much weight, and need only carry one day's rations. It is, however, essential that assaulting troops should have had at least one day in the line at an earlier date in order to have their objectives pointed out to them on the ground. STOKES MORTARS. Stokes mortars were taken into action, but could not be used owing to the softb,rround. L.T.Ms. A report of the 1881h Brigade States:- At Zero 2 gunswere in position on the right flank and 2 on the left - these took partin the initial barrage, firing on VARLET FARM and BERKS HOUSES respectively, and afterwardswere held in a position ofreadiness for defensivepurposes. During the day ofthe 261h Octoberthese guns came under intermittent barrage fire, but held on to their positions and the casualtiesunder the circumstances were not excessive. However, considerable difficultywas experienced owing to the state ofthe ground in maintaining the position of the guns whilst actually firing and the same reason as this was that it wasnot practicable to make any advance with the guns themselves. 2184. ENGINEERS & PIONEERS. Engineers and pioneers should beemployed solely on the improvement of communications. Duckboard tracks are essential, and must be pushed forwardby every possible means. A small party of Sappers attached to Battalions with high explosives was not employed. STRETCHER BEARERS. Owing to the large carry, each attacking battalion supplied two platoons asextra stretcher bearers. This scheme worked most satisfactorily. The men worked with additional keenness for their units and the organiz.ation of other battalions was not interferedwith. The 188lh Brigade reported:- The work of the stretcher bearers was exceedingly difficult, and every available man, both of the attached infantry and bearersections wa<; fully employed. The work carried out by the Field Ambulances attached to the Brigade was also excellent. It was considered that the evacuation of the wounded was carried out most expeditiously. MACHINE GUNS. Throughout the operations all the machine guns of the Division were grouped under Major H.G.V. Roberts M.C., D.M.G.O. acting under the supervision of Divisional Headquarters. This system worked well, and it is considered that the bestorganization for the machine guns of a Division is a machine gun battalion of 4 companies commanded by the D.M.G.O., and forming part of divisional troops. 32 machine guns were used in addition to 8 others sent forward a<;co nsolidating guns. An interesting proof of the effectiveresults of our machine gun barrage was given in the nd Second Army Intelligence Summary dated 2 November, of which the following is an extract:- "Statement of Prisoners of 10th Bav. R.I.R.," "Our machine gun barrage wasso effective on 30° October that reinforcements were entirely cut off. Several attempts were made to1 get through, but proved unsuccessfulon account of the heavy fireof our machine guns." A report by the 188th Brigade states :- From reports received an effective barrage was put down by the stationary guns; those allotted to the attacking Battalion were well handled and succeeded in pushing forward as far aspo ssible under the conditions met with. On the leftsec tor one gun with its crew crossed the PADDEBEEK STREAM and put up a stout resistance; the entire crew eventually beingpractically wiped out, the Officeri/c only withdrawing on :findinghimself totally unsupported by Infantry. ******************************** 2185. References :- The report of these operations are fromthe followingpapers at the Public Record Officeat Kew. (1) R.N.D. number 17 ofJune 2001. Page 1583. ADM137/3931. Divisional report of operations of 63rd (RN) Division East of Ypres, during the h period 241 October to 5th November 1917. W095/3108. 188th InfantryBrigade - Report of Operations 26th to 27111 October 1917. 111 h W095/3 l 12. 189 InfantryBrigade - Report of Operations 31s t October to 6t November 1917. W095/3095. Artillery and Signals Communication Reports. Notes:- No report of Operations was produced by the 190111 Brigade. For further reading one should obtain a copy of 'Command in the Royal Naval Division' by Christopher Page. Published 1999 by Spellmount Limited, Publishers. ISBN 1-86227-048-1. Concerning the actions of Arthur Asquith the Commanding Officer of Hood Battalion at 3n1 Ypres. To carryout researchon the ground one could do no betterthan to stay on the battle fieldat Varlet I:;arrr..., pleasesee the map. Contact:- Charlotte Cardoen-Descamps "Varlet Farm" Wallemolenstraat 43 8920 PoelkapeJle Belgium Phone. 051/77 78 59. **************************** 2186. nd 2 BATTLE OF PASCHENDAELE th 30 OCTOBER 1917 .. EXPERIENCES OF PRIVA rfE 761643 ALFRED McLELLAND BURRAGE, 'A' COMPANY .. 1/28 BArfTALION (COUNTY OF LONDON) 1,HE LONDON REGIMENT l�HE ARTISTS RIFLES, 190tb INFAN1.,RY BRIGADE. This account was published in the book 'War is War' by Ex-Private X. It is as moving as it is hard hitting. The action can be followed on the maps, remembering that Source Trench is situated under tbe large V near Varlet Farm. Burrage writes:- This book is a sincere attempt to put on record, albeit from memory, the experiences of one man as a private soldier in France and Belgium during the war, his own reactions to those abnormal conditions, and his observations. Its object is to give those who may be curious to know what war was really like, all the intimate details of the lives we led in and behind the lines. --- Many books about the war have been written, and will be written, by ex-officers; but, as all those who served must realise, an oflicer, of no matter what rank, saw the war from an angle farremote from the view-point of Thomas Atkins. I wm go furtherand state that a platoon commander, who practically lived with his men, was incapable of appreciating their sufferings and hardships unless he too had been in the ranks. They can record conversations in the officers' messes, describe battles, and tell anecdotes about us. But they were only with us, not of us, and they cannot get inside our skins. Unfortunately, Private Thomas Atkins is inarticulate. Few professional writers went on active servicein the ranks. So, as a humble exception, and quite conscious that my own experiences of war were limited and tame, I have ventured to set down what I remember. For reasons which will be obvious to the reader this book must appear under a pseudonym. Were it otherwise I could not tell the truth about myself and others. - Every incident is, to the best of my knowledge and recollection true. --- If any man should ask an old soldier. "Was it really like this ?" and the old soldier answers, "Yes, it's all true," this book will have served its purpose. And I shaH not mind if the young man exclaims, "What a very unpleasant fellowthe author must be !" Perhaps I am. ********************************** 2187. We were told that we are going to make an attack on Passchendaele, alongside a Canadian division, north ofPoelcapelle. Our Staffhad got every move in the game worked out twenty-fourhours ahead.Our jumping-offplace was already assigned to us, and we are to advance about five hundred yards, crossing a stream called the Paddebeeke. We are shown a clay model of the landscape, including the roads which were no longer there. We practised the method of attack every morning,and every afternoonthe specialists split up into sections and tried out their own respective murder tools. You saw little groups around Lewis guns - which invariablyjam - lines of men twenty yards apart bowling dummy bombs at each other, men firing dummy grenades out ofrifles. We all learn each other's jobs incase of an emergency, but I admit that the Lewis gun defeatedme every time. I rather like bomb-throwing, though. I foundthat, having played a bit ofcricket, I could very easily bowl "googlies" with my dummy bombs - which was horribly bad forthe shins of my opposite number.------ We entered Ypres in searchof billets. Oddly enough, I didn't know at the time that it was Ypres. All smashed up towns looked very much alike. Anyhow, we didn't stay. There were no billets forus, and we were marched offto a delightful resort called Irish Farm, where the greater part ofus had to bivouac. A bivouac, as distinct froma tent, is a long low canvas shelter with an entrance like that of a dog kennel, and in which it is impossible even to kneel upright. You have to enter on your hands and knees and, if your bed-place is at the far end, crawl over the fellowswho are alreadyin possession. Irish Farm is a multitudinous collection of canvas dwellings set in a waste of mud reminiscent of Southend at low tide. All residents of the Essex mud-side resort who arrived at Irish Farm must have been deeply moved and dreamed sentimentally of home. All thatis lacking are some automatic machines and a few whelk-stalls. But there are other drawbacks instead. The drawbacks consist mainly of air-raids. While Mr.Lloyd George is assuring a credulous civil population at home that our Air Force is in supreme command ofthe air and that no enemy' plane dares come over our lines, lifein Irish Farm consists ofone perpetual air-raid. The average Boche airman in these partsmust be very industrious. He works at least eighteen hours a day. He comes over and drops what he's got, goes back, snatches a hasty meal, and comes back with some more bombs. And so ad infinitum. Nor is he ineffectual. Hasty interments are going on all day, and any chaplain in the camp who doesn't know the Burial Service by heart and backwards ought to be reported to an Ecclesiastical Commission for mental deficiency. It was here that I foundthe old hero the Y.M.C.A. tent who, afterhaving had to blow out his one candle about ten times in thirty minutes, found that most of his stock was gone. 2188. We had one night in this health res01i, and on the followingmorning I was reminded that I hadn't yet made my will. I hardly knew if it would be worth while leaving anything that had to be prefixed by the sign which denotes a bad word or a minus quantity, but I gravely went through the motions in my pay-book with an indelible pencil, making (without his permission) a friend of mine who was an officerin the reserve battalion at home my literary executor. We are paraded late in the afternoonand march offto the real business. A nucleus of about a hundred and twenty men is being left behind as a peg on which to hang a new battalion if we should be completely chawed up. I imagined the marriedmen with the longest families would be on the nucleus, but not a bit of it. The lucky ones were probably picked out with a pin, and one or two really shameful mistakes were made. The marchup to the shell-holes-- I can't say trenches- on that drizzlingmid-autumn evening is still one ofmy favourite nightmares. Everything was grey and wet and beastly, and death lay everywhere besidethe muddy tracks which had once been roads. Dead horses, dead mules and dead men, a whole stretcher party blotted out-they lay in an almost monotonous rotation as we slushed past them. And our way was lit by the flashesof our own guns, already beginning to growlthe threat which we were supposed to fulfil. I had been talking to a gunner at Irish Farm. "Well, chum," he said, ''we've got six thousand guns to see you over with." This, of course, was an absurd exaggeration, but I never saw such a display ofordnance. Our gtms stood literally wheel to wheel, and when we got on to the very necessary duckboard track and began to wind our way among them we halfexpected to have our heads blown offfrom behind, while the noise was deafening. Even an eighteen-pounder going offjust behind you and firing over your head can make you jump. In spite ofthe terrificdin going on there is a curious, dream-like sense ofunreality about it all. We are proceeding now in single file, but of course the wretched man, fromwhich I can't escape, is within conversational distance ofme. He is much too brainless to be awed by this infernoof noise and lights and has a soul destroying taste in fatuousconversation. He is the bone-headed type ofP.G. Wodehouse characters, and he oughtn't to be here at all. He should be in the Drones' Club, listening to the love affairs of a fellow member, and longing to escape to the Albany and Jeeves. It was during this ghastly trek that I had a moment of prescience. I am not one of those people who call themselves psychic, for which I am gratefu� forit must be highly painful always to be aware of the unpleasant things that are about to happen. But there have been moments in my life- perhaps not more than three or four- when I honestly believe that I have seen through the DarkGlass. But I will own- to save the sceptic from pouncing on me -that this was certainly the time and place to inspire one of them. We had halted fora briefrest and were sitting on the edge ofthe duckboards. I had made some futile remark intended to be funny, which raised a little laugh. My platoon 2189. commander, a 2°d Lieut., who was passing at the time, heard it and smiled at me, and as he smiled I saw Death looking at me out of his eyes, and I knew that his number was up. I can't describe what I saw. It was just Death, and it made me afraidin a ghastly, shuddering way which was foreign to my present way ofbeing afraid.The momentary transfiguration was just as unpleasant as if his features had melted into the bones of a Death's head. He was killed in the first fewminutes ofthe attack. The"Job's comforters" who had already trodden those duckboards had warned us that getting into the line and coming out again were precarious adventures. The reason forthis was obvious. The Germans must have known what the duckboards were for, and as they were being attacked every other day they must have known that reliefswere frequent. Accordingly at night they cast their bread upon the waters - or their shells upon the duckboards -with prodigality and distressing accuracy. Shells began to burstin front ofus and behind us and all round us, and we ran the gauntlet through showers ofmud. The new men were jumpy, and communicated their jumpiness to some ofus -certainly to me. But luck was with us up to this point. I think we got into the line without a casualty. After much weariness of the fleshand spirit we had to leave the duckboard track. Then we knew what mud really was. We progressed at the rate of about halfa mile an hour, sometimes sinking thigh deep and helping each other out. I hope to see in the modernised geography books for the use ofschools :"Flanders is noted forits mud." My company went into the supports where we areperhaps lucky in not having to live in a string ofsh ell-holes. There is a breastwork about fivefeet high in frontof us which, while it affordsa certain amount ofprotection, attractstoo much attention. We relieve a battalion of marines, and we haven't been in ten minutes when the gentlemen over yonder proceed to let us have it. We receive generous samples ofpretty well everythingthat was made by Krupps. It is impossible to stand upright because swarms of machine-gun and riflebullets sizzjust over our heads. We crouch down and hope for the best. I get a dig in the ribs. Then an awful man is crouching beside me."I say!" he exclaims heartily and chattily."I say!" "What's the matter?" I grunt."You been hit?" On occasions when things are not going too well I was always a man of fewwords. I had no time forbright andairy conversation. I liked to crowd myselfinto the smallest possible space and have a nice think, but it was not so with him. "Oh," he said quite equably," I haven't been hit. But - ah- would you considah that we are under fire?" 2190. It was his first time in action, and he wanted to writehome and tell his mother that he had been under fire, but was conscientious about using this time-honoured phrase beforeits exact technical meaning had been made clear to him.I did not at the time understand the psychology which had prompted the question. Since everything around us seemed to be going up in the air and descending again in the formof stones and showers of liquid mud, accompanied by the noises of whining nose-caps and the mosquito-like hum ofroving splinters, the question seemed to me to be utterly uncalled-forand in very bad taste. "You stick your bloody fool'shead up and you'll bloody soon see, "I said. Rumbold subsided quite satisfied. He was under fire. When the worst of it wasover - andthe worst didn't last formore than halfan hour - the Cuthbert fromthe Admiralty came plunging past us. He was the lad with the staring eyes who had tried to sham madness. "That the kind ofwound to get," he said, and held out his right index fingeracross which a small cut such as one might get in sharpening a pencil. "Well, don't drip your stinking blood all over me,"I said. ''Do you think you're going to get away with that ?" The Captain sent me down to the Aid Post to get an anti-tetanus inoculation," he answered, andpushed on. The queer thing was that he did get away with it. He went to the Bedfords' Aid Post instead ofours. There the M.O. didn't know him, and by virtue ofhis staring eyes and some indifferent acting he got sent down the linewith shell shock, eventually reached England, and never came out again. By this time he is probably married, living in Purley or somewhere worse, propagating his awful species, and sustaining the reputation ofa hero. I myself, have precious little to boast about, but - ugh ! There were no working parties, thank God, and we get some sleep. A patrol goes out, but it doesn't concernme becauseI am not on it.In the morningwe get some comforting news. Our officershardly knew where we are. The lie of the land, which we have all been studying, is useless to us. Our proposed jumping-offplace hasn't yet been taken by our predecessors, and nobody seems to know what our objective is going to be.There is no learned member ofthe Staffto advise us. In that place! Not bloody likely. We arenot due to go over the top on the following morning. Zero is at six minutes to six on the morningafter. Dawn reveals to us a sight which nobody could visualise without having actually seen it. We can stand up and see round the horizon. It is like being on the sea, but our sea is a sea of mud. There is no a blade ofgrass visible nor a spot ofcolour anywhere. Only the least undulations tend to relieve the monotony ofcomplete flatness.In the middle distance there is something which might by exaggeration be called a "hill." We imagine that this must be the celebrated Passchendaele Ridge. Just beforeus our frontis hidden for some distance by a fold ofground which conceals the bed ofthe Paddebeeke. And the mud is pitted with craters ofvarious sizes and depths, most of them halffull of water, and set as close together as the pocketsof a bagatelle table.It used to besaid that no two shells fellin the same place, and this was generally true. The Somme and Passchendaele provided the exceptions. In both these favoureddistr icts there were shell-holes within shell-holes within shell-holes. 2191. We had a fairly quiet day, but in the afternoonI click for a rather rotten job. There is no telephone communication with battalion headquarters about two miles back, andmost of the runners have either been knocked out or are already engaged. So fourofus are sent with messages to B.H.Q. It is the same message, of course, but the Captain sends four ofus in the hope that one will survive and get there, for we must use the duckboardstrack which the German gunners have ''taped," and they have a nasty habit of sending over "presents fromPotsdam" when anybody is seen using the track in broad daylight. We walked at intervals of fifty yards and got there and back without the least inconvenience. It was only while we were actually in B.H.Q. and partly sheltered that some shells came over near enough to encourage our determination to lead better lives in future.I heard afterwards from an officer in the reserve battalion that we were all mentioned in despatches forcarrying out the order, forthe disobeying ofwhich we should have been shot. If this were so, I haven' yet received any of those bits of paper from the War Office, but at this moment of writing it is only twelve years ago, so there is plenty oftime yet ! My three companions, I am sorry to say, were all killed the followingmorning. Everything at Passchendaele was unique. The arrangement of our equipment - "battle order" it used to be called - was all differentfrom that of former and future occasions. We had to go over with our packs on. This was because we had to carry with us three day's rations, it being impossible forsupplies to be sent up. We wore our entrenching tools in frontinstead of behind, to protect a partof the anatomy which it would be indelicate to mention. When we attacked every man carried a spade stuck down his back between his pack and equipment, so that he could consolidate any position in which he happened to find himself Moreover, each ofus carried a hundred and eighty rounds ofextra ammunition hung round our necks, and I - being a rifle-grenadier- had to carry twelve grenades in an extra haversack, perforatedat the bottom to allowthe rods to stick through. A Mills grenade, ifI remember rightly, weighs about five pounds, three hundred cartridges weigh a bit, and there was one's rifle and the usual accoutrements, so obviously one was not quite a feather-weight. Yet, burdened like pack-horses, we were expected to fight for our lives with the bayonet if the occasion arose. No wonder that Haig afterwardssaid no troops in the whole history of war had ever foughtunder such conditions; and the square headed Hindenburg smugly observed that ''the British Armybroke its teeth on Passchendaele Ridge." It may be added that we had to wade through mud of various depths and ofconsistencies which variedbetween that of raw Bovril and weak cocoa We are to go over fromtapes laid by the Engineers. The whole thing must be done with mathematical precision, forwe are to followa creeping barrage which is to play forfour minutes only a hundred yards in front of the first"ripple" of ourfirst ''wave." I am in the second ''ripple" fiftyyards behindthe first.The first''ripple" is to go over in extended order, fourpaces apart, the second "ripple" is to start in artillery formation- sections in single file at a given distance apart - changingto extended order afterhaving covered two hundred yards. It is of the utmost importance that we should keep as close as possible to our ownbarrage and even risk becoming casualties from it. Well, ifwe know ourown gunners we haven't much doubt aboutthe risk ! 2192. The lance-corporal in charge of my section is a man much junior in service but considerably older than I am, and quite rightly promoted over my head. He is a conscript, a teetotaller, a non-smoker, a non-swearer, a hater of smutty stories, but a damned fine fellow. He is the fatherof a familyand the owner of a one-man business which has gone west. He has been dragged into the Army with a real grievance, and shows himself to be one of the stoutest-hearted fellows in the whole crowd. The mentality of this lance-corporal, with his pluck and his queer Nonconformist conscience, is of some professionalinterest to me. He tells me that he hates stories relating to the deed of kind because he thinks there is "something sacred" in it. This shows that he is a sensualist, although he hasn't the brains to see it, because when a man considers that something is sacred he does quite a lot of thinking about it. My bawdy talk, which annoys him very much, is just the scum on the surface of my mind, but having spoken I don't go on thinking. He doesn't take his rum ration, which is all the better forthe rest ofus. But he disapproves of rum. He has our ration in an extra water-bottle, but won't issue it overnight because he says we may need it in the morning. In the morning he gets wounded - and so the poor dogs have none ! We do not move up to the tapes until midnight, but crowd, fidgetingbehind our breastwork. Plenty of stuffcomes over. Jerry treats us to quite a lot of petrol shells- containing liquid fire- but they don't do much harm and, in fact, provide us with a really beautiful firework display. They remind the lance-corporal of the Crystal Palace in the days of his youth. He must have gone there often fora firework show was about the only kind of entertainment which wasn't considered immoral in the quaint creed in which he was reared. D Company, in reserve, came up anddug in just behind us, and immediately they start they are plastered with shells, forall the world asif Jerry can see them, until things quieten down. At midnight we move up to the tapes amid heavy shell-fire. Each section digs for itself a little pit in which to crouch. It is called intensive digging. Each man in tumdigs like furyuntil he is fagged out and flops,the others meanwhile lying on their bellies and waiting their turn to seize a spade. In this way quite a big hole, like a small section of trench, can be dug in a very fewminutes. Allthe while shells are screaming over our heads, throwing up great geysers of mud all around us and furthermutilating the ruined landscape. Our better 'ole is about big enough to accommodate us when there is a cry for help The section which includes a friendhas been buried by a shell. He had given up stretcher bearing for the time being and is a riflemanor bomber- I forget which. We dig them out again, swear at them heartily, and get back to our own slot in the ground. Ten minutes later they areall blown up and buried again, with worse results than before. My friendis the only one of them leftalive, and he is entirely unscathed but badly shakenand inclined to think that war is an over-rated pastime. I want some rest, and beg him not to make a hobby of getting himselfburied. One could always say light-hearted and stupid things even when one was frightened to death. 2193. We went back to our little slot in the wet earth and I crouched down and proceeded to sleep like a hog. It would have been rather amusing if everybody had slept as I did, forthere wouldn't have been any attack. I don't think that even the barrage, terrific as it was, would have wakened me. And at the same time I was already the victim of tragedy. While doingmy share of intensive digging I heard an ominous snick behind me. When you are batting, and miss a ball, and hear that snick, you know that a bail has gone. In this instanceI knew that it was my rear trousers button, the survivor of two. Only men with very strong chins, such as "Sapper's" heroes, cankeep their trousers up by will-power alone. My braces were now a useless and invisible decoration, and I had to improvise a belt out of pack straps. This was very unsatisfactory, since there were no loops on the trousers to keep the belt in its place. I was not allowed to sleep peacefullythrough the attack. The lance-corporal woke me at about a quarterto six by sticking his elbow into my ribs and we went forwardto the tape. Ghostly figures ranged up on either side ofus, and a dead silence was broken by mutterings and whisperings and the snap ! snap ! snap ! of men jerking their bayonets onto their rifles. When one is in imminent peril some impressions are confused while others burntheir way into one's consciousness. The first pale fingersof dawn were in the sky, just beginning to show above the horizon. Having regard to what I imagined to be our front,I had supposed that the sun would rise somewhere on my right. But evidently it intended to rise in front of me and half-left. This was very mysterious, and I haven't solved the problem to this day. Two thoughts occupied my mind while I waited forzero - the sun was rising in the wrong place and my trousers were in danger of leaving me - fromat least one angle - naked to . mme enemies.. I salute the artillery. At ten minutes to six, hundreds, perhaps thousands, of guns behind us went offlike one gun. All the inhabitants of hell seemed to have been let loose and to be screaming and raving in the sky overhead. The darkness just in frontofus wasrent and sundered. Blinding flashes in a long and accurate line blazed and vanished and blazed and vanished, while the guns whichhad at first roared in unison now drummed and bellowed and thumped and crashed in their own time. Their din was half drowned by the variegated noises of the exploding shells. No maniac ever dreamed anythinglike it. Matters didn't improve. The German was not asleep, and within a minute hisown barrage had multiplied the inferno by two, while machine guns broke out with the rattling of a thousand typewriters. I stood dazed by the din and didn't notice that our barragehad lifted until somebody shouted, "Come on !" I must say, without meaning to praise myself, that it was a good show. Nobody hesitated or looked back. I was simply a sheep and I went with the flock. We moved forwardas ifwe were on the paradeground. But it didn't last long. With shell-holes and impassable morasses we had to pick our way. It was no use looking for"dressing" to the section on the leftor right, which was either in the 2194. same predicament or had already beenblotted out. Led by Edmonds my section made a detour, turning a little to the left and heading forsome higher and drier ground. Unfortunately most ofthe battalion were compelled to do this. I was in the rear ofthe section, and, through no fault ofmy own, kept ten yardsbehind the man in front ofme. My burden ofrifle-grenades pulled me lop-sided and I had to keep on hitching at my trousers. The lance-corporal kept on turning and waving me on, with the heroic gestures of a cavalry leader in the Napoleonic wars. I cursed him heartily, although he could not hear. Did the dammed fool think I was funking it ? No, my trousers were coming down. My trousers seemed a positive curse to me, but I believed they were a blessing in disguise. They may have saved me fromextremity of terror. The human mind is not capable of concentrating on many things at once. And mine just than was principally concerned with my trousers. We fell into mud and writhed out again like wasps crawling out of plums, we passed a pill-box (which we thought was in British hands), we staggered between a few shell-blasted trees, passed another pill-box and came out on to a little plateau ofabout the size of a small suburban back garden. From there the ground sloped down to the bed of the Paddebeeke, but there was no stream left. It had been shelled into a bog. The Germans had leftone long single plank bridge, and we should have known what was certain to happen if we attempted to cross it. But we went on to the edge ofthe plateau - and it was perhaps as well forus that we did- until the lance corporal noticed that nobody else was standing up. Then he signalJed to us to take cover. We floppedinto a shell-hole., lying around the lip, forthere was about six feet of water in the middle. We had already seen what had happened to the first "ripple." They had all made for that spot ofhigher and drier ground, andthe Germans, having retired over it, knew exactly what must happen, and the sky rained shells upon it. Shrapnel was bursting not much more than facehigh, and the liquid mud fromground shells was going up in clouds and coming down in rain. The first"ripple" was blotted out. The dead and wounded were piled on each other' backs, and the second wave, corning up behind and being compelled to cluster like a flock of sheep, were knockedover in their tracks and lay in heaving mounds. The wounded tried to mark their places, so as to be foundby stretcher bearers, by sticking their bayonets into the ground, thus leaving their rifles upright with the butts pointing at the sky. There was a forestofrifles until they were uprooted by shell-bursts or knocked down by bullets like so many skittles. The wounded who couldn't crawl into the dubious shelter of shell-holes were all doomed. They had to lie where they were until a stray bullet foundthem or they were blown to pieces. Their heartrending cries pierced the incessant din of explosions. The stretcher bearers, such as still survived, could do nothing as yet. 2195. Well, I foundmyself in a shell-hole with the rest ofthe section, strangely intact. I had lost merely a bit of skin fromthe bridge of my nose. I had been stung by something a minute afterwe started to advance and, having applied the back of my hand, found blood on it. This was a close shave, but a miss was as good as a mile. But a tragedy worse than the precariousness ofmy trousers had befallen me. I had lost my rations. While crossing the plateau it had seemed to me that somebody had given the pack on my back a good hard shove, and I had looked all round but there was nobody near. Then I was aware of things fallenbehind me. A piece of shell about the size ofa dumb-bell had gone through my pack, and all my kit and foodwere dropping out. I didn't stop to pick anything up. How my section had so far remained intact is a mystery which I shall never solve in this world. After a minute or two ofstupor we discovered that we were all as thickly coated with mud fromthe shell-bursts as the icing on a Christmas cake. Our rifleswere all clogged, and directly we tried to clean them more mud descended. Ifthe Germans had counter-attacked we had nothing but our bayonets. In the whole battalion only one Lewis gun was got into action, and I don't think that more than half a dozen men in the three attacking companies were able to use their riflesduring the first few hours. We saw Germans rise out ofthe ground and bolt like rabbits, and we had to let them bolt. They had been able to keep their rifles covered and clean, but we had bayonets on ours. Moreover their artillery knew just where we were, and our own gunners were now firing speculatively. We were getting the shells and the rain of mud and the German wasn't. Good soldier that he was, he soon took advantage of this, and we began to sufferfrom the most hellish sniping. The mud which was our enemy was also our friend.But forthe mud none ofus could have survived. A shell burrowed someway beforeit exploded and that considerably decreased its killing power. Our lance-corporal decided that our shell-hole was over-crowded and told me to get into the next one. I didn't like exposing myself even for a second, but it was only like rolling out of one twin bed into another, andbesides I wanted to get away fromthe awfulman who was quite likely, at any moment, to ask me ifwe were under fire. Half a dozen bullets spat at me in the second it took to make the change. There were two men in my new temporary abode, a fellowwho was in the Bedfords- on our left- who had got himselflost, anda chap in my company, but not in my section. I knew his company by the red squareon his shoulder. This man lay with his rifleat his shoulder in the attitude ofone about to fire. I spoke to him andhe didn't answer. Then I shoved him. Then I noticed that there was a jagged hole at the back of his tin hat and a thin trickle ofblood floweddown his neck. He had got it right through the head, and this - ifl had needed it-was a warning to keep mine down. I addressed myself to the Bedford. 2196. "Well," I said, ''we're in a prettynasty mess. Are we going to get out of it alive, do you think ?"I did not say this lightly : I am trying to make it quite clear that I was no hero, and I was just then one of the most hot-and-bothered men in the universe. The Bedfordrolled his eyes. "I put my trust in Almighty God," he said. The remark infuriatedme. I prayed myself - as I shall tell later - butI never ''trusted" in God in the sense thatI expectedas a right that He should do as I asked. To beg for something is one thing; to ''trust" you are going to get it is another. Thousandsof us had to be killed, and it was damnably presumptuous of this follow to say that he trusted in God to save his own wretched life. I pointed to the shambles behind us where half a million pounds worth of education was already beginningto rot. "You bloody fool!" I said. "Do you think some of those fcJlows didn't put their trust in God, too! He isn't up there just to look afteryou. The Bedford thoughtI wasblasphemous -- God knowsI wasn't - and obviously didn't like my company, forhe presently braved the hell which was raging outside the shell-hole and went offto findhis own people. I hope he did, but he was probably dead in less than a minute. Anyhow he would probably have been killed if he had stayed, forI don't think two men in the same shell-hole could have survived the narrow squeak which came to me immediately afterwards. There was still a tornado of shells raging around us, and one must have landed in the same shell-hole with me. I didn't hear it come, andI didn't hear it burst, butI suddenly found myself in the air, all arms and legs. It seemed to me thatI rose to about the height of St. Paul's Cathedral, but probablyI only went up about a couple of feet. The experience was not in the least rough, and I can't understand why it disturbed me so little. I think that by this timeI was so mentally numb that even fear was atrophied. It was like being liftedby an unexpected wave when one is swimming in the sea. I landed on all fours in the shell-hole which my lance-corporal had told me to leave, sprawling across the backs of the rest of the section. "And now," I said firmly,"I'm going to stop." My lance-corporaldidn't demur, and I asked him what aboutsome rum. The Nonconformistconscience prevailed, and he said that we might need it presently. Mercifulheavens, didn'tI need it now! We lit cigarettes andI began trying to think. I wondered ifI could smile, and, still having control of my face muscles, found that I could. After all, I was not very much afraid in that shell-hole, but I knew thatI daren't move from it. I dared not go out and try to do anything forthe wotmded - coward andhound thatI was. Afterall I wasn't a stretcher- bearer. A dammed good excuse! 2197. Nothing had stood up and lived on the space of ground between ourselves and the pill-box a hundred and fiftyyards away. I saw a stretcher-bearer, his facea mask of blood, bending over a living corpse. He shouted to somebody and beckoned, and in that instant he crumpled and felland went to meet his God. To do the enemy justice, I don't supposefor a moment that he was recognised as a stretcher-bearer. Another man, obviously offhis head, wandered aimlessly for perhaps ninety seconds. Then his tin hat was tossed into the air like a spun coin, and down he went. You could always tell when a man was shot dead. A wounded man always tried to break his own fall. A dead man generally fell forward, his balance tending in that direction, and he bent simultaneously at the knees, waist, neck and ankles. Several ofour men, most of whom had firstbeen wounded, were drowned in the mud and water. One very religious lad with pale blue watery eyes died the most appalling death. He was shot through the lower entrails, tumbled into the water of a deep shell-hole, and drowned by inches while the coldness ofthe water added further tortureto his wound. Thank God I didn't see him. But our C. of E. chaplain- who went over the top with us, the finechap ! - was killed while trying to haul him out. I don't subscribe to the creed of the Church ofEnglan d. The cognoscenti ofmy Church when they can be got to speak frankly- are dubious about the post-mortem fateof heretics and less than dubious aboutthe fateof heretic clergy. But I am very sure, ifl am to believe in anything at all, that our dear Padre is in one of the Many Mansions. I like to think of him feasting with Nelson and Drake, Philip Sidney, Richard of the Lion Heart, Grenville, Wolfe andDon John ofAustria. And perhaps when these have dallied a little over the wine they go to join the ladies - such ladies as Joan of Arc, Grace Darling, Florence Nightingale and Edith Cavell. Requiescat- but he needs no prayers froma bad soldier and a worse sinner. The lance - corporal and I held a sort ofcouncil ofwar. Ifwe were counter-attackedin our present circumstances we hadn't the chance ofmice against cats. My theory was that we ought to makea bolt forthe pill-box behind us, clean our riflesonce we were inside, and thus have a defensive position and a chance to fight for our lives if Jerry decided that the bit of ground we had won was worth re-taking. The lance-corporal agreed with me, but was loath to retire. I daresay he thought that an extra hundred yards or so ofmud was going to make a material differenceto the result of the war. Ifhe had had a Union Jack with him I think he would have stuck it in the ground as a kind of announcement that we were there. He wouldn't go back on his own initiative and at last told me to go and findcompany headquarters andget an order fromthe Captain. Company headquarters was any shell-hole that the Captain might be in if he happened to still be alive. I didn't want to wander about in an area in which nobody had been seen to stand up formuch more than a minute, so I told the lance-corporal that I didn't know where to look. He saw by my eyes that I was afraid to go, and before I could summon a little more resolution and stop him, he went himself. 2198. By a miracle or an accident he foundour Captain, who seemed to agree with my suggestion. The lance-corporal came lumbering back and waved us towards the pill-box, himself starting in that direction. But he hadn't gone ten yards beforehe rolled over, clutching at one of his thighs. I saw him crawl into a shell-hole, and I am glad to be able to say that eventually he got back to safety. That left me in command of the section. I was the senior private and I suppose by strict Army law the others were compelled to obey me. But not having the authority of even a single stripe, and knowing that whatever I decided was most likely wrong, I said that each of us ought to please himself as to what he did. I gave a brief harangue (without any "hear, hears")and ofcourse I don't remember exactly what I said, but the gist ofit was this : "Here we are, being shelled to Sodon and Gormorrah. Ifa small boy came over armed with a catapult he could pinch or murder the whole bloody lot ofus. We've been directed to retire to the pill-box but we haven't had an actual order. Once there we shall be fairlysafe, but it's the getting there. I think now it's every man forhimself, but what are you going to do?" The general opinion, aftera long argument, was that we should make forthe pill-boxone at a time. The next question that had to be decided was who should go first. Having the lance corporal' s wound on my conscience, I said that I would. I don't know if others attempted to followme or not. I saw only one ofthem again, and that was, of course the awfulcolleague that I was trying to ignore, who was unable to give a coherent account ofwhat had happened. I dumped everything except my rifle and the extra ammunition hanging around my neck and made a dash for it. I ran and ducked and dodged like an international three-quarter, slipping, falling, rising and plunging, and getting somehow over the mud and the dead bodies and between the shell holes. It amuses me now to think that during this mad dash it is quite possible that not a single shot was fired at me. Probably the spectators in field-grey were laughing too heartily to begin to take aim. It used to amuse us to see some poor devil of a German dodging about like a stoned rat, and their humour was at least as grim as ours. The little concrete blockhouse was approached by a sort ofslide leading to its only entrance. I skidded on the seat ofmy trousers down a muddy incline and into a pool of water which swam in an open doorway not much higher or wider than the entrance to a dog's kennel. I saw at once that the place was uninhabitable so far as I was concerned. There wasabout three feet ofwater inside, and the dead bodies of the late German garrison were floating about. I did not then know that it was in Gernmnhands when we passed it in the morning, that we owed a great many ofour casualties to the machine-gun crew who were now safely dead, and that we had to thank our own C Company for a really magnificentdeed ofarms. Since I was not in C Company and wasn't even aware that this phase ofthe fight was going on, I can tell ofit without being accused ofboasting. 2199. Thanks to our magnificent Staff- God bless them ! - we had gone over froma jumping-off place which we knew nothing about. The two pill-boxes in front ofus were supposed to have been vacated by the Germans. Nobody had orders to take them. C Company on our extreme leftbecame painfullyaware that one ofthem was in German hands but thought that the job ofobliterating it belonged to the Bedfords- on their left- since they had no orders. When the true state of affairs became known C Company went back and got that pill-box. It could only be got by being surrounded and by somebody heaving a few bombs through the kennel-like door. This was done. When C Company came out of the line it was twelve strong and led by a lance-corporal. The dead were found by a burial party - fromthe R.M.L.I., I think - in an accurate circle around that pill-box. I was fairly safein the half-fathomof water into which I had slid, but I could not stay there and I was feelingrather homeless. I scrambled up again and dodged round to the other side ofthe premises where there was a certain amount of cover. To my surpriseI founda sort of family gathering. All the wounded who had managed to crawl so far were congregated there, and I was delighted to findthat three of my old friends had "Blighty" ones. One of them, a very old man of nearly forty and a Boer War veteran, had been shot sideways through the seat ofthe trousers. He was in considerable pain but responded quite happily to badinage. I told him that he couldn't possibly show his honourable scarsto his lady friends and that he might findit difficult to convince the pretty nurses that he was facing the right direction when the bullet found him. I pulled his leg to buck him up, not to annoy him, and the brave fellow,who waslying on his stomach, laughed quite happily. I hate to record that his wound turnedseptic and that he died very shortly afterwardsin a CasualtyClearing Station. An Irish pal, who attributed all his misfortunesto the machinations ofProtestants, had a bloody bandage around one arm instead of a sleeve. He couldn't very well blame the followersof that strange but business-like bookseller,Mr. Kensit, forwhat had happened to him, but I believe that even to this day he is sure that it was a Lutheran Prussian who shot him. The boy with the almond eyes, who used to put me to bed in England when the bed revolved or miraculously multiplied itself, had one through the shoulder, and seemed not to be in very much pain. They were all waiting to be carried away, or fornightfall and the chance of crawling out on their ownlegs. The Captain had evidently thought that my suggestion to make forthe pill-box was a pretty sound one, forI foundhim already there. He had been wounded in the process of arriving, but not badly enough to necessitate his going down the line. He was calm but looked very worried and was, I suppose, beingbaffled by the problem ofhow to get together what remained of his company. I asked himwhat I should do and where I should go, and he told me to go and join D Company which had been in reserve to the other three companies and was now strung out in a long line ofshell- holes on either side ofthe rear pill-box. This was obviously to be our line ofdefence in the event ofJerry seeking to regain his lost ground. 2200. D Company was lucky. It had lost only about half its men. I faded away in the direction indicated and found a D Company sergeant who was pained because I hadn't shaved. He told me to get into a shell-hole - any one would do - clean my rifleand shoot anyone who couldn't properly pronounce the consonant "W''. Like a fooL Igot into a shell-hole just in front of the pill-box. It was now about two in the afternoon. Time is supposed to drag when one is in misery, This is generally so, but to me the past eight hours seemed to have gone in one. I settled down alone in my shell-hole and proceeded to have my "bad time," which, thank God, nobody witnessed. The Germans started a really appalling bombardment, quite as bad as the one we had endured in the early hours of the morning. Shells fellaround me like acorns dropping from a treeand the shock of every explosion was like a punch in the so Jar plexus. I had been through a great deal already, and now I felt that I couldn't bear it. I crouched shivering and whimpering in my extremity, and cried out on God. I don't think it was altogether funk;I think my wits were being blasted out of me. I didn't realise at the time that the Germans were shelling the pill-box and that I, beingjust in front,was getting the exclusive attention of a fewbatteries of field artillery. I crouched, moaning, "Oh, Christ, make it stop! Oh, Jesus, make it stop! It must stop because I can't bear it anymore ! I can't bear it !" It was the only time in my lifewhen, so far as I can be sure, I had a direct answer to prayer. I don't mean that the shelling stopped : that would have proved nothing to me, and besides the shelling hadn't. I rr1aynever again enter a branch of my infallible Church, and try to followthe Mass and go to Confessionand Holy Communion. I can't quite believe in a lot of it. I wish I could, forI should be a better and happier man. But I do believe in God, and do know that God, the Father ofus all, hears us and answerswith a father'sgentleness when we cry out to Him in our last extremity. I begged God to spare me formy mother's sake, while all the while I knew that I was only praying for the preservation of my own dirty hide. I made Him promises of the saintly life I would lead ifl got through - promises which I didn't keep, andHe knew that I wasn't going to keep them. But He was merciful, and His mercy came to me like a sudden shaftof sunlight. It happened all in a moment - a sudden change to peace and calm and perfect confidence. It was like a miracle and perhaps it was one. All in a moment I was changed froma raving. gibbering idiot to a calm and serene man, utterly fearless for the time being, and quite confidentthat I was safe. A five-pointnine crashed down not more than fiveyards away, drenching me with mud, but I did not mind it. I knew that God was going to save me. 2201. This, having regard to what I had said to the Bedford afew hours since, may seem paradoxical. But I only "trusted" God after He seemed to have spoken to me. I did not say in effect: "Well, I've prayed to You, and now it's up to You to get me out ofthis. Fair's fair."Believers and unbelievers may make what they like out of this. Sniffylittle short sighted doctors who attribute every malaise and cure of the mind to sex would probably give me some quite astounding explanation. I only know that if an angel had come and taken me by the hand I could not have been more assured ofmy present safety. I don't mean that I was never afterwards afraid. I merely knew that just for the present I wassafe. Physically I was still wretched enough, starving, mud-drenched and tortured by lice. My improvised belt kept slipping, andevery time I moved, lying on the incline ofthe shell-hole, my trousers, slack at the waist, scooped up mud which ran down cold along my belly and thighs. Strangelyenough I thought of a girl I had loved, asfinely as I knew how some two or three years since. Wisely, she had not cared forme and was now marriedto another man. I had stopped loving her but I revered her, asI still do. I felt that ifshe saw me now, filthy and verminous as I was, she could not but put her arms around me in compassion. Afterthis excursion into sticky sentiment I thought I had better findsome grub. There were plenty of freshcorpses lying about with foodin their packs or haversacks. However, I hadn'tto rob the dead forI had no sooner started on my food-hunt when I found two D Company fellowsin a shell-hole only a fewyards away who had plenty to eat. The shelling had died down a hit, hut I jumped into their shell-hole to dodge one which seemed to be coming uncomfortablyclose, and landed almost on top ofthem. I didn't know them but they were decent chaps who shared their foodwith me. Also they provided me with human society, which I needed more than foodand drink. They seemed to think they had had a pretty rough time, and were horrifiedwhen I told them that I didn't think there were fiftyofficers and men leftout ofthe three companies which had made the attack. Mine wasa pretty good guess. When we eventually mustered we numbered forty nine. My company (A) was eighteen strong, including two officers, there were nineteen B, and twelve ofC. Just beforenightfall, a signaller in my company that I knew, I saw threading his way towards us, and I hailed him. A little rosy-cheeked Welsh boy aged about nineteen who had joined the Army straight fromschool. I asked him what had become of the rest of the company, and he told me that, so faras he knew, we were the only two who had not becomecas ualties; and he looked at me out of the haggard eyes of an old man. We bothdecided that it would be a good idea to spend the night in the pill-box a stone's throw away if it happened to be dry enough inside. It would be safer in there, and there would be shelter ofa sort fromthe rather threatening weather. Since there were no shells coming over at the moment we went and prospected. It was beautifullydry inside, but a 2202. number ofwounded had crawled there, and the place stank of blood worse than a slaughter house. Still, we should have put up with that, but a loathsome officerwas in possession, and meant to spend the night there himself, so he turfedus out although there wasplenty of room. I hated this vulgar and domineeringperson , but I heard that he had behaved with the utmost gallantry, so all is now forgiven.He didn't worry us much longer forhe got a series of soft jobs and became, I believe, a chronic "town major." So, we began by camping in a shell-hole. I think it was the one in which I had had my "sticky time." We fired questions at each other, trying to get news, but neither of us seemed to know much. Then my partner answered unconsciously the question I had been afraidto ask. He told me that my great friendhad been killed. That was the last straw. I was still pretty badly rattled, and I began to cry like a baby. A dammed funny sight I must have looked ? Oh, are you really gone ? Shall we have no more meals and drinks together ? No more woman foryou ? No more love - as you understandlove since that wife of his was taken fromhim. Did God at the last moment stretch out His hand to him and re-unite him with her ? Or is he wallowing somewhere in a worse hell than this ? Whatever the change, he has gone somewhere else, and I am here am I, a filthy oaf, with the tears running down my dirty cheeks because of you. Owing to the conditions something like seventy per cent. ofthe casualties could be marked down as killed. We knew that it must be so. Nearly everybody that we knew and liked seemed to have gone west. We did not findthe slope of the shell-hole conducive to slumber so we decided to sleep in the open ifwe could finda dry spot. We founda corrugated iron arch called a "baby elephant" and used its support to top ofshallow funk-holesand dugouts. We crawled under this, andwith no protection against the cold of a night which ushered in the month of November, except the clothes in which we lay - without even our overcoats - we slept like hogs until a red sun winked in oureyes and finallywoke us. Only twice had these mud sodden, overgrown Babes in the Wood woke up during the night. Once we were roused by the screams of a wounded man who was being carried to the pill-box. He kept shrieking, "Oh, God! Oh, Christ!" -the same words over andover again. We were sorry forhim , of course, but forour own sakes we wished he wouldn't do it. On the second occasion my colleague nudged me and complained of the cold and asked me to lie closer. The pill-box presented a queer sight in the morning. We went in to see ifwe could do anything forthe wounded and found others trying to improvise a breakfast for them. Our Captain was feeding his own batman like a baby. The poor fellow had been badly hit and he died shortly afterwards. There was still that terrible stink of raw blood which smote our nostrils hard as we came in fromthe fresh air. The regimental Aid Post wasa mile or so back, and it took time to get the wounded there. Our M.O. whom I didn't particularly like - had worked like a slave, and when we passed 2203. the shelter on our way out that night there was a pyramid of shorn limbs standing outside. He had been busy with the casualties of other units beside our own, and had been rather a mark forstr etcher-bearers because of the dimensions of the Red Cross flag which floated above. There were quite a lot of field guns nearthat Aid Post. Query : were the guns too near the Aid Post or wasthe Aid Post too near the guns ? We both began to think rather wistfully about breakfast, but we hadn't so much as a crumb between us or a drop of water. I don't know what had happened to his rations. However, he had a Tommy Cooker and a tin of coffeecubes, so we decided to risk making coffeewith shell-hole water. He went out with our mess-tins to find the cleanest looking shell-hole and came back with them fuli and quaking like one about to vomit., He had found half a well preserved Highlander lying just outside a shell-hole from which he had drawn the water, and had had a good look at him and wished he hadn't. He kept on saying, "I wish I hadn't looked at that damned Scotsman." It wasn't until after we had drunk the coffeethat the horrid thought occurred to us that the other half of the Highlander might be in the shell-hole fromwhich he had drawn the water. This was probably not so, forwe sufferedno after effects. Soon afterwe had had our coffee my friendwas sent for.There was a job of some sort for him I remained in lonely glory for some hours. A fewshells came over, and during this period a terriblescarecrow came running and dodging towardsme. The faceseemed to me to consist entirely of gold-rimmed spectacles and teeth. It was the awful man I had been trying to avoid. I kept my head down, but with the unerring instinct of the bore who has scented his victim from afar, he came straight to me, flopped down beside me and said cheerfully: "Hullo, is that you?" I didn't tell him it wasn't,because he wouldn't have believed me, and he would have stayed all the same. He didn't seem to know where he had been during the past twenty-fourhours, what he had been doing, or what had happened to anybody else. Indeed, he was magnificentlyunconcerned with these things. Suddenly and quite chattily he asked me. "I say, what do you think of Lloyd George?" Now how could I tell him what I thought of Lloyd George? I didn't want to use such language. I might be killed at any moment and I wanted to die in a state of grace. I suggested that there was another shell-hole over there which looked awfully comfortable, but of course I couldn't get rid of him. He stuck to me closer than a brother until we were relived at night. We learned during the day that the Canadians on our right, advancing at the same time as ourselves on the higher and drier ground, had taken their objectives. Subsequently we were told ''unofficially" that we were not expected to get very far through the swamp and that we were merely being used to draw firewhile the Canadians did the job. Well, it wasn't the last time that I was used as cannon-fodder. The papers were loud in praise of the Canadians but had practically nothing to say about us - except in the casualty lists. Officially we were told that we were "too brave" and had 2204. gone too far; but Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, in his History of the War, dismissed us with the remark that we "seemed to find some difficulty in getting forward." The difficulty consisted of being killed in heaps. The remnants ofus crawled out dead-beat along the eternal duckboard track. Some ofus would have collapsed ifwe hadn't met a water-cart on the way. We got to Irish Farm and were greeted by a really hearty air-raid- as ifwe hadn't been through enough already. When it was over and we started looking fortents allotted to us I was struck by the kindness of the fellows who had remained behind. Our Q.M.S., whom I had always found rather military, met us and carried my rifle forme. "You've had a hell ofa time," he said with a catch in his voice." "Pretty bad," I agreed, "but it might have been worse." "\.Vorse !" he gasped. "Yes," I said. "We didn't see any of the bloody Staff. " That at least made him laugh. They had rationed forabout fivetimes the number of men that actuallyreturned, so fora change I got enough to eat The Q.M.S. than gave me three-quarters of a mess-tin fullof rum -neat, and proofspirit at that. It would have killed a man who didn't really need it. But I drank it and slept like a little child forsix homs. ************************** Notes & References:- Taken from 'War is War' by Ex-Private X. published in 1930 by Victor Gollancz Ltd of London. I would like to thank Derek Newton, Hon. Secretary ofThe Artists Rifles Association (Email [email protected]) forhis help in identifyingEx-Private X as Alfred McLelland Burrage who enlisted between 7/2/1916 and 17/2/1916. 2205. WESTERN FRONT. A COLLECTION OF LETTERS WRITTEN BY SUB LIEUTENANT JAMES CURZON HILTON. HOOD BATTALION. 4th July 1916 - 16th October 1918. (copyright R. E. Charter, nee Hilton) Transcribed by Guy Charter. November/December 1999. My dearestDaisy July 4th 1916 Ever so many thanks forthe parcel and two letters received this morning when I got my first mail since coming back. It seems ages and ages since I did come back, in fact I often wonder if I really have been home on leave & seen all your dear sweet faces again. Never in all my life has a week gone so quickly as the one I had at home, and it was such a happy one. Everyone says how pleased they were to see me but they weren't half as pleased as I was to see them, especially did I enjoy seeing all the kiddies again, they looked so well and happy. Really the only rest I got from "war" was when I was talking & playing with the children. I am glad they liked the small presents I got them, I wish they had been more suitable. Your parcel couldn't have come at a better time, as at present I am pretty well isolated from the rest of the Battn and am living on the bare rations my orderly cooks for me. There aretwo villages about 2 mls away but all one can buy there is chocolate (French) and "oeufs". You will probably be wondering what sort of job I am on so I will try to explain. I am in charge of a party consisting of 2 Subs and 150 men, and our work is digging. Every night we go out at 9.0 pm and dont get back till between 3 and4 in the morning, "the night cometh when no man can work" doesn't hold good in our case. This morning at 3.45 am I was having my breakfast which consisted of a cup of tea, some tinned haddock and a slice of bread with some rancid butter, but it went down like one o'clock. It was quite light when I turned in and I didn't get up till 11.0 am. At 12.0 noon I have a muster of the men, then they have dinner and we parade again for an hour or so at 2.30 pm. The gas helmets have to be inspected every day, which takes some considerable time. I dont know how long I shall be at this game, not very long I think, as we are expecting to go up to the line any day. 2206. Last night I was stood on a ridge a mile or so in rear of the famous Ridge, and I saw a most wonderful sight. In frontof me was stretched a number of miles of the actual firing line, both our own and the enemies. All at once our artillery commenced to blaze away at the German trenches until the whole sky line seemed to be on fire. The sky was lit up with rockets, red, green, and white, fired by the Germans mostly. The bombardment was very heavy & lasted exactly half an hour, then all was still. Strange to say not a single German gun replied to our batteries though they shelled our trenches pretty heavily with trench mortars. I dont think I shall forgetthat sight as long as I live. You will no doubt be surprised to hear that the two Hood Battns are being amalgamated so I think Asquith will revert to Lieut Comdr. It hasn't actually happened yet but probably will do in a day or two. I dont know what sort of job I shall get. You will no doubt have heard the news I got about Archie. It is very sad, but I hope Dorothy will continue to bear up bravely. She is very brave indeed, poor girl.Sidney I hear is out of hospital now & back with the Battn, I wrote to him yesterday. Of Charlie I have no news at all, dont even know where he is. Give mykindest regards to Gladdie With very best love& kisses to yourself& the children. Your affectionatebrother Jim. My dearest Daisy. Sept: 6th 1916. At last I have found time to write & thank you for your two nice letters, the last of which, dated August 31 st, arrived la<,t night. You didn't give me your address at Deganwy so I am sending this to Wigan and hope it will reach you safe& sound. I was pleased to hear you were all at Deganwy& having a good time & fine weather. How nice for Sylvia to have you to teach her to swim You must be quite a jolly party when the family goes down for a bathe. Does Gladdie go in with you or is mixed bathing not allowed. Poor little David if that is the case ! ! All these letters I get from people on holidays telling what a good time they are having make me very discontented. But it does me no good so I grin broadly & count my many blessings. I never forget what a lot I have to be thankful for. For nearly a fortnight now we have been having some beastly weather, so wet & cold& miserable. All yesterday I sat in the hut (we are out of the trenches at present) with my British Warm on&: smoked my pipe. For some reason or other we got no papers yesterday ie Mondays paper, but Kelly told me he had seen a French paper & that it said that there had been a raid by 13 Zepps on London. I hope they didn't do much damage, he said that one had been brought down in flames. Since writing the above I have seen the Times of Monday & yesterday & am glad the news is still good. Poor old Fritz, his days are numbered. I think things will soon be moving rapidly in the Balkans. To day the weather has changed for the better. I amsitting out in the sun writing this & have quite forgotten the bad days we have had. We have been living in huts this last week, very nice ones too, they are just on the edge of a lovely big wood. Everything is quiet& peacefulexcept that every now& then one of our aeroplanes goes overhead on 2207. the never ending patrol. We rule the air alright in this part of the line. We see a Bosch plane about once a week & then he tears along at a terrific rate, simply scared out of his life. We are having a slack time to day as we go up to the trenches again to night. I went for a walk to explore the wood & foundquite a lot of blackberries. Our side ofthe wood is very peaceful but when you get to the other side you can see nothing but trenches. I stopped to watch our shells bursting over the enemies lines. I suppose you will have heard about my week with the heavy artillery. Well at the end of it I asked ifI might stop another 3 days, so I only rejoined my Coy 2 days ago. I had a ripping good time, it was both a change & a rest. In one of your letters you very kindly offered to send me a steel "chest protector". Well I think that they will probably be issuing them out to us before long, so that unless you have already bought one, I dont think I should bother. Thanks very much all the same for offering to. I hope to come back safe& sound without using one. Whilst I was with the Artillery I managed to get my correspondence nearly straight. It is very hard work to please every one. We aren't supposed to writeletters in the trenches, & when we are out resting (I dont think) I am much too busy. How would you like to be responsible for the pay, food, & clothing of over 200 big healthy lads. When I get back I shall be able to give you all some hints on how to look after a large family. Last Sunday I went to a service at 7.0 am, followed by Holy Communion at 7.30 am. It is the first service I have been to since we came to France, but it is the padres fault not mine. Well it is nearly 4.0 pm & I have to have my tea & late dinner combined at 5.0 pm, so must begin to wind up this letter. I am thinking of you all now at Deganwy having a jolly time on the sands. Remember me to David (big) and Nannie, & give my best love & kisses to all the children. With lots oflove & kisses to Yourself (& Sylvia ifstill with you) Your loving brother Jim. [Picture postcard of imposing building with land falling away to estuary in the distance. See next letter. Name of place obliterated but entitled "Les Villas de la Falaise" and marked X = my billet] 2208. My dear Daisy, 15/12/16. Thanks very much foryour letter dated 6/12/16. We are still billeted at this place & will be here forXmas I think. In conjunction with the French we have arranged a big feast and concert forChristmas Day, so we ought to enjoy ourselves. I am kept very busy with the training of the Company & so haven't much time for writing letters. I am very disappointed that I can't get home for the wedding, but hope it goes alright. I am afraid I haven't had any time for buying Christmas presents, so they will probably be rather late. Give my best love to all the children. Kind regards to Gladdie. Your loving brother. Jim. BCoy Hood Battn. B.E.F. My dear Daisy. January6th 1917 Thank you very much indeed forthe lovely box of biscuits you sent me forChristmas. I have been trying to keep them for when we go back to the trenches, but a lot may happen in a week and perhaps the temptation will be too strong. Our training and rest programme is nearly finished, and in a very short time we shall be marching back to our old friends the trenches, and then I shall have to get my good things eaten pretty quickly. There is no doubt that 1917 is going to be cram full of excitement, and I only hope that things will plan out successfully. Unfortunately Mr Asquith has had to leave us to go to G.H.Q., but unless I am very much mistaken we shall have Freyberg back before very long. He is a wonderfulfellow & wouldn't miss a scrap forthe world. I think the mails must have been going wrong as everyone is writing to say they haven't heard fromme for a long time. A fewdays afterChristmas we had to leave om comfortable billets by the sea side, and are at present in a small & very scattered village about 8 mls away. My own billet is alright, but I am 3/4 of an hours walk from my Company and consequently spend most of the day in the saddle. 2209. I haven't seen Charlie since the first week in November, but perhaps I shall come across him when we move. Give my best love to all the children and regardsto Gladdie. Your affectionatebrother Jim. My dear Daisy. Jan: 31st/17. Very many thanks forthe box of cigars you sent formy birthday also foryour letter and good wishes. The cigars arrived whilst I was up in the front line, so you can try & picture me sitting in an old German dug out enjoying a very good cigar. I had to take my Coy up into the front line the night before my birthday and we remained there for several days. The weather was bitterly cold and the ground covered with snow, so we didn't have a very pleasant time of it. However we managed to survive it alright and are now resting for a few days in billets behind the line. The part of the line we were holding was about the hottest I have ever been in for shells. Narrow escapes were quite commonplace, but I thought the limit had been reached when a high explosive shell burst 3 yds fromme and did no harm beyond covering me with smoke and dirt. I thought my turnwas coming forleave when I got within three, but now all leave has been stopped again so I have to live in hopes. After all the great thing is to get on with the war and get it over. I am sorry I have not been able to write to the children lately but I am kept very busy with Company matters, & findit very difficult to findtime to write letters. I was very pleased to hear the wedding went offso well. Sylvia wrote to me from Harrogate & said they were having a good time. Give my best love to all the children and kind regards to Gladdie Your loving brother Jim. I enclose some cigarette cards forDorthy's collection. OfficersHospital. 29thC.C.S. My dearestDaisy. February24th /17 Very many thanks for your letter dated the 16th which arrived this morning. As you will see fromthe address, I am still in Hospital but all being well I am rejoining my Unit on Monday next. It will be a bit hard at first to go back to the land of mud and shells, but I cantgrumble afterhaving 3 weeks rest. At one time I had strong hopes of getting 2210. Arthur Asquith from the Hilton Collection. I would like to thank RE. Charter, nee Hilton for permission to reproduce this photograph. 2211. a fewdays leave in England before very long, but the rumour we got here to day ie that all leave fromFrance was cancelled until the end of the war, isn't very encouraging is it ? It's a bit 'ard after sticking it for 9 months, but I suppose all's fair in love and War besides "what's the use of worrying"? Now that the thaw has come the trenches are in a very bad condition, it is pitiful to see some of the men after 3 days in a bad sector. The "Hoods" are very badly offfor officers at present, and I heard yesterday that an officer is now in charge of the Battn who before the "stunt" was my second in command. So its possible that when I return the day after tomorrow I shall find myself in charge of the Battn. But I am hoping that Col Freyberg will have returned . Yesterday afternoon walkedI into Doullens which is only about 2 km away. There isn't very much to be seen there andit isn't half as nice as Amiens. Please remember me to Gladdie and give my best love to the children. Your loving brother Jim. Hood Battn. B.E.F. March 7th/17 My DearMary, I must apologise for not having written to you for such a long time, especially as your last letter was so long and interesting. My experiences since I last wrote to you have been rather varied, but no doubt you will have heard them from Aunties, so to avoid giving you a lot of "old news", I will not go into any great detail. Going over the bags was very exciting and before the Bosh knew what was happening we were all over him We got our objective without much difficulty, but the trouble was to convince Fritz during the next few days that "possession is nine points of the law". However we managed it alright in spite of the fact that weather was bitterly cold and we had to dig ourselves in. It was only when we had been relieved and were back in rest billets that I discovered I had rather a bad pain in my side. When I reported to the Doctor, he told me I had a touch of pleurisy and packed me offto Hospital at once. Here I remained in bed for 10 days, and luckily the pleurisy didn't spread at all so I soon picked up At the end of three weeks they gave me the option of rejoining my Battn or going down to the Base for a further rest. But remembering Sidney's experiences at the latter, I chose the former. When I got back I found that Col Freyberg had preceded me by one day. Everyone was delighted to see him back. He looks so fit and well and ready for anything again, although the wound he got in the neck has left a very nasty scar. 2212. BernardFreyberg fromthe Hilton Collection. I would like to thank R.E. Charter, nee Hilton for permission to reproduce this photograph. 2213. When I had been back two days I had a very pleasant surprise. Col Freyberg came into my hut and congratulated me on winning the Military Cross for something or other during the last attack. To add to my joy, nine of my men got the Military Medal and one the Distinguished Conduct Medal (DCM). So I think B Coy did very well. I don't think there is any harm in telling you we are out of the trenches now and are busy making roads etc behind the line. We areall hoping that they will take us a bit further back and give us a chance to reorganise and refit. All leave is stopped at present, but I am living in hopes of them starting it again in the sweet bye and bye. I try to console myself with the factthat the weather will perhaps be much nicer when I do get home. The firstthing I did when I came out of Hospital was to catch a chill which immediately turnedinto influenza. But I am glad to say it is almost better now. I hope Uncle is quite well., please give him my love. Your affectionateCousin Jim. [ Loose slip in diary] Gallantry in the Field. M.C. The Times March 27th/17 TernLt James Curzon HiltonR.N.V.R.- He handled his company in the attack with marked ability and maintained his position against several enemy counter attacks. He set a splendid example of courage and determination throughout April. 3rd 1917. My dearest Daisy. I hope this letter arrives in time to wish you very many happy returns of the day, long life,health, wealth and prosperity. I have been acting as Adjutant to the Battn for nearly a month now, & during this time have hardly had a minute to myself for writing letters. As a result I am afraidI shall be getting into everyone's bad books. As a rule my work isn't finished untilnearly midnight, and in the morningsI have to makean early start. Col Freyberg is one of the nicest CO's it is possible to fmd, which lightens my task considerably. This Battn has a very fme name out in France, and as a fighting Battn we are absolutely second to none. It is a great reputation to live up to, but with Col Freyberg at the wheel I think we shall manage it alright. In a few days time we hope to have Asquith back & then we shall be stronger than ever. 2214. Before I forget I must thank you very much for the very nice letter you wrote congratulating me on getting the Military Cross. Have you any idea who it was that stuck my photograph in the Wigan paper ? I want to know so that I can claim damages. Surely the first little paragraph that was put in was quite sufficient. I am sorry I haven't been able to write to the children lately, but I will do so the first opportunity I get. How are they all ? Dorothy must be getting quite a big girl. Tell David that nexttime I write I will write to him. I saw a letter from Asquith a fewdays ago saying that Sylvia & Sidney were in London, & that he was going to ask them out to dinner. The weather has improved considerably during the last fewweeks , but this morningwe had quite a heavy fall of snow. Kind regardsto Gladdie & best love & kisses to Yourself & the children. Your affectionate brother Jim. 1 st Army Rest Camp. A.P.O. S.40. B.E.F. My dearest Daisy. July21st 1917. Please forgive me for being such a long time in writing to you. I was pleased to get your letter, thanks very much for all the nice things you said. I heard from Dorothy that you had written to her, it was very good of you. You ought to go over to Wood Cottage sometime and takethe children with you. How is the baby I wonder ? Now that I am in civilised parts I hope to send her a small christening present in a few days. Will you write and tell me what the young lady's name is ? I was very pleased to get Marjories letter, please give her my love and tell her I will send her a ppc beforeI go back. I have been in Rest Camp two days and hope to be here foranother ten days or so. The Camp is situated on the top of the Cliffs and is only about 5 minutes walk from the sea. It is a very nice place and one has a thoroughly good time. There is only one parade a day and that at 10.0 am. After that you are free to do what you like, bathe or play tennis or go into B . I went to the latter place yesterday. It was finefor sitting in a deck chair on the sands and watching people bathe. On a clear day you can see the white cliffs of Dover. The day before yesterday I only got as far as W where Sidney was once in Hospital. B is fullof English girls, VAD's and WAAC's. The promenade yesterday was like Wigan Lane on a Sunday afternoon. I left the Battn in the line, Sidney and Jack were both very well. Give my very best love to all the children. Kind regards to Gladdie & much love to Yourself Ever your loving brother. Jim. 2215. [Telegram fromAdmiralty, London. 8 Nov '17] Mrs Melling Laureston House EmlfieldRd Wigan Beg inform you Lieut James C. Hilton wounded (Gas) 3rd inst any further information received will be immediately communicated Admiralty C. W. Admiralty, 9th. November 1917 Madam I am commanded by My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint you that the following information has been received today respecting the Officer named. Name. James C. Hilton Rank. Lieutenant RNVR. Nature ofreport :- Transferred to England on the 7th instant. Suffering fromsevere Shell gas poisoning. Name of Hospital to which admitted not yet reported I am, Madam, Your obedient Servant, Charles Walker Horton War Hospital Epsom Surrey My dearDaisy, 10/11/17. 3.0 pm I thought I would write you a short note to let you know how I am getting on. I am still in bed & shall probably remain here for a few days yet. I think I have been lucky enough to only get a slight dose of the gas, & the first 3 days were much the worst. I can see quite well with both eyes now but still have to wear a shade over them. They ache still & have a very "drawn" feeling. The gas has caused a rash on parts of my body which is rather annoying. But to sum things up I dont feel very ill & hope to be back again with the Battn before very long. From here they will probably send me to a convalescent home somewhere or other & aftera short time there I hope they will give me 3 weeks leave at home. I hope you will forgive me fornot writing to you forsuch a long time. Kind regards to Gladdie & best love & kisses to Yourself & the children. Ever your loving brother. Jim 2216. Admiralty, 13.11.1917. Madam, I am commanded by My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint you that the followinginformation hasbeen received today respecting the Officernamed. Name. T. S [ !!].Hilton. Rank. Lieut R.N.V.R. Nature of report :- Admitted to Horton (County of London) War Hospital, Epsom, Surrey. 7th. November 1917. I am, Your obedient Servant, Charles Walker B Ward. 1 st Western. General Hospital Fazakerley. Nr Liverpool. My dear Daisy. January4th 1918 Thank you very much for your two letters and the nice Christmas present you sent me. I have sampled the fruitsand found them very good indeed. I am sorry that you have had all that trouble aboutWinifred's present. Harrods seem to have made a regular mess up of things, I don't know why as I explained everything very carefully to them. It was certainly my intention to give her something nice and also suitable, and I am very glad indeed that you have sent the beads back. I had sent them a cheque for £1-1-0, thinking that would be enough for some small coral beads, but I evidently hadn't allowed for the War. Anyway I am writing to them today andasking them to forwarda gold locket and chain, and if necessary I will send them another cheque. Please thank Marjorie forher very nice letter, she is getting very clever at drawing and colouring. I wanted to send David a small birthday present, but didn't quite know what to send. Can you offer any suggestions ? Poor little David, I do feel sorry for him being cooped up all on his own, but am glad he is getting on well and hope he will soon be alright. The scarlet fever scare we had here, turned out to be nothing more than an "asperin rash" so visitors areallowed to come again. I expected to have a letter from Olive to-day saying whether she was going to meet me in Liverpool tomorrow, or whether she would 2217. rather I crune to Wigan, but I have had no word. Would you mind telling her that unless I hear fromher between now & tomorrow morningI shall arrive in Wigan about 1.20 pm tomorrow. This afternoon I am going to Highfield for lunch and tea. I am glad to say I am getting on very nicely and hope to have finished with Hospitals beforevery long. I think I have reached the stage now when I require something to tone me up a bit. Give my love to everybody. Your affectionate brother. Jim. Fazackerley Mrs. Melling, The Cottage, Colinfield, Wigan. My dear Daisy. January25th 1918. Thank you very much for yourkind letter andgood wishes, also for the cigarettes which came at a time when my stock was getting very low. I got some very nice presents and letters on my birthday and now I am having a busy time writing letters of thanks. I spent my birthday at Highfieldand had quite a good time till 9.0 pm. Yesterday I went to the Panto at Liverpool with aboutten other officersfrom my Ward. It was a special show of "Little Red Riding Hood" for wounded officers & men. We all enjoyed it very much. But a speech by Major Stanley after the show fellvery flat. He said that the idea of the entertainment was to get us all well so that we could go back to the front again. Also that no one had done their bit until the war was over etc. Of course what he said was true no doubt, but mock heroics don't go down wellat a Panto. I am still in communication with Harrods about Wyn' s present. In their last letter they asked me whether I would like a small gold heart shaped locket set with pearl, or a small round locket. Which do you think ? Of course the gold chain presents no difficulties. Next time I go to Liverpool I will look out for a book for David and will bring it round to the Cottage. I was thinking of coming out next Wednesday if that will suit you both, if not please drop me a p.c. I do hope the children are getting better. I know what it is like to be a prisoner when you aren't feeling well. Please give them my love. I had a Medical Board last Friday and they gave me another month at Fazackerley, ie 3 weeks to-day or thereabouts. They will Board me again and then I shall get my three weeks leave at home before departing for La Belle France. I am going to write to the War Office and claim my right as Adjutant to be sent straight out without going to Blandford& stopping there till the cows come home. Please thankDorothy very much for the lovely box of fruit and the cigarettes. I will be writing to her in a day or two, or betterstill I will thank her on Wednesday. Best love & kisses to all. Ever your loving brother Jim. 2218. Fazackerley. My dear Daisy. March 13tb 1918. Thank you very much indeed foryour letter and kind invitation forDorothy and myself. I am sorry that I can't get late leave for this Saturday, but I hope to get my discharge from Hospital either next Tuesday or Friday which will leave me quite free for either Saturday or Sunday next week. So I will consult Dorothy this week end and will drop you a p.c. saying which day we will come. This afternoon I took two of my fellow Officers round the Iron & steel Works at the Top Place. Vernon Abbott very kindly showed us round & we had a most interesting time. I was very pleased to get the children's letters and will be writing to Marjorie and David in a day or two. Please give them all my love. Your affectionatebrother Jim. "L" I nfantryBase Depot. B.E.F. My dearDaisy. April 14th 1918. I thought you might like a short note to know how it fared with the "silly ass" as everyone has been calling me since I volunteered foractive service again. I arrived in France on the 11th and was sent to this Depot by the sea under protest. However I don't suppose I shall be here more than a few days and by the time you get this I shall probably be well in the middle ofNo 1 bull fight. There are a lot ofRNDOfficers at this Depot, mostly SubLts, and all new faces to me. I went into the town yesterday and had the best lunch I have had for years. It is wonderfulwhere these French people get the food from. I won't tell you what we had for fear of making your mouth water, but I will just say that the hors d'oeuvres were a meal in themselves. It is a great treat to get real white bread and an ample supply of butter again. I can't say I enjoyed my first night in a valise on the hard floor of a tent, after 5 months of a feather bed. But it never takes me very long to settle down to active service conditions again. Haig's message in yesterdays paper shows very clearly the true state of affairs. But woe betidethe Hun when the tide does turn in our favour. 2219. There is one little private affair I want to mention to you. Since I made my will, Winifred & Jack Dickson have appeared on the scene. It is my wish that they should share whatever is left to my other nieces and nephews in the way of money. Also I want Dorothy Ramwell to have my M.C. Give my kind regards to Gladdie & my best love & kisses to all the children. Ever your loving brother Jim. [ On Hood crested notepaper but no address ] [PS] Sidney & Charlie are both very well. The latter will be home on leave very soon. My dear Daisy. August 15th 1918. Thank you very much indeed foryour parcel and letter of the 19th and foryour letter of the 2nd. The parcel was most useful in satisfyingthe hungry spirit on the long marches we have been having. Since I came back we seem to have done nothing but move and now to day we have arrived back not far from where we started from. I was sent on aheadto day to findbillets forthe Battalionand a pretty wearisome time I have had too. It is a long village and very scattered, and the Town Major ( a Capt from Ashton-under-Lyme) had only just taken on the job and knew next to nothing about the place. So all he did was to give me a string of numbers representing the numbers of the billets and another string of numbers showing the numbers of Officers and men that ought to go in each billet. It was about 15 minutes walk between the first billet on my list and the second and then the third was back somewhere near the first, and so on. But this wasn't my only trouble, in many of the billets the owners jabbered at me for about 10 minutes telling me that there was no room in the barn as it was full of corn, so I asked them for a drink of water and moved on elsewhere. In some cases I smiled at them sweetly and they discovered that their barn was not full of corn. However after 6 hours solid work and tramping from one end of the village to the other I managed to find billetsfor everyone, andnow I am sitting in my billet waiting for the Battalion to arrive. It is 10.35 pm but I don't expect them foranother 2 hours, so Jimmy won't get much sleep to night. The funny part about it is that probably in a few days time I shall have the same thing to do all over again. But it's all in the days work and someone has to do it. My own billet in this place is the nicest I have struck for a long time, which is a sure sign that we shan't be here very long. The owners of the house are very nice indeed. The husband is ·an ex-bandmaster in the French Army. They have lost their son, an only child in the present war. Please thank David very much indeed forthe fruit cakes, they are most handy things to carry in the haversack and are very palatable. I was very pleased to get letters from Dorothy and Marjorie, they are both very good at writing letters and are very clever with their drawings and paintings. 2220. I hope they all have a good time at Newburgh. Please give them my best love and give Baby a big kiss from Uncle Jim. Leave is in full swing now and I have great hopes of beinghome in November. We sent two Officers last week and another one is going this week. I can hardly believe that I have been back over fourmonths. Last week I saw more Hun prisoners than I have ever seen before. All s01ts and sizes fromGenerals to Privates. The old Hun is getting just about as much as he can stand at present, and it delights my heart. I only hope that when we have really got him, we will keep on hammering him till he doesn't know where he is. Kindness is absolutely lost on him, and a good hiding is the only thing that will teach himbetter manners. I don't wantto have to fightagain I would rather make a good job of it now. You can take it from me that the moral of our troops is A. I., we are winning as we have never been winning before. But for heavens sake don't let's spoil it by strikes at home. Ifs the fellows out here that suffer not the blighters that strike. I was very sorry indeed to hear about Tim Poor old Tim he was a fine dog and a very good companion. Best love & kisses to Yourself and the children and kind regards to Gladdie. Ever your loving brother Jim. [A picture postcard of Folkstone] Folkstone My dear Daisy. 18/9/18 12.0 noon Sorry I could not get up to see you yesterday, and am very glad I managed to see you all on Sunday. The weather here is beautiful so we ought to have a nice passage this afternoon. Please give my best love to all the children & kind regards to Gladdie. Ever your loving brother Jim. [ On Hood crested notepaper] In the Field. My dear Daisy. 23/8/18 Just a short note to let you know that we went over the top again at dawn on 21 st. I am quite alright so far and am still going strong. Very tired and very thirsty and a touch of gas but otherwise O.K. Sorry to say our Doc (McCracken) got a nasty bullet wound in the head. Prisoners and guns are streaming in. I think the tide has turned at last. The thick fog made going very difficultat first, but you will have seen all about that in the paper. Very best love to all. Your affectionate brother Jim. 2221. The Hood Battalion October 16th 1918 My dear Daisy. 11.0 pm. Just a short letter to thank you very much for your letter of the 2nd. I would have written before but we have been rather busy lately. I just got back in time to go over the top on Sept 27th and we had some pretty stiff fighting for some important ground lasting till October 2nd. Luckily I came through alright and we gave the old Hun a good thrashing. On October 8th we gaily went over the top again, starting at 4.30 before it was light. Our objective was a village which was the key position to a large town. The Bosch was expecting us and we had a real good fight before the village & the high ground beyond were ours. Then the Bosch counter attacked us with tanks and drove us out. But not for long. We rallied the men, and with a tremendous cheer and a shout of "Come on the Hoods" we swept forward again, and after hand to hand fighting with tank crews, in which no mercy was given or asked for, we got back the village and the high ground. We took a large number of prisoners, including some of our old friendsthe Naval Division. It was worth 4 yrs of discomfortto live to take part in this scrap. I never enjoyed one more. Of course there were times when the shell & machine gun fire were anything but comfortable, but the charge of the remnants of the Hoods was worth living for. The men were simply fine. The old Battalion has altered beyond recognition & is full of new faces but we still try to keep up our reputation. The Division has made a great name for itself in the recent fighting and is second to none as a fighting unit. Wherever there is some difficult work to be done you will find us. It was a great sight to see us coming back to dry dock with our tails in the air We are back in a quiet little village now having a weeks rest, but we are too good to be left out long. The great thing is to keep the Hun on the go, and to hit him till he has no option but to clear back to his own beastly country, and then to hammer him there. "Never again" ought to be our motto. I am still doing Adjutants work and Arblaster has come back as 2nd in command. He seems to be the only one I know. I was offered the job of 2nd in Command of another Battn a few days ago. But I started with the Hoods & I feelI want to finish with them. McCracken, Egerton & Asquith all write to me pretty frequently. Give my best love to all the children & my kind regards to Gladdie.. Best love to Yourself Your loving brother Jim. 2222. [Letter fromArthur Asquith dated August 18th 1939 - he died August 25th] 28, Sussex Square, W.2. My dear Hilton, I cannot tell you how much I appreciated the charming letter you wrote me. It is a great comfort to have the good opinion of persons whose judgement one respects. I was_y,_ glad to hear that the garage is having a good year. I expect as usual you and your wife will do yeoman service at the play. I am very sorry to miss it: and feel v. anxious aboutthe weather which today looks settled. Thank you again, I know you will always do your best for us and that it is a great comfortwhatever may occurs. Ys A.A. THE END. ********************** I would like to show my appreciation to Mrs Ruth E. Charter,nee Hilton for permission to use her father's diaries, letters and photographs in the R.N.D. Also, to her husband Guy Charter. LL.B. C. Eng. fortranscribing the work in November/December 1999. If a reader has any additional informationthey can be contacted by letter at :- Ravenhill Longdogs Lane Ottery St. Mary Devon EXll lHX. 2223. CLARENDON PLACE. HYDE PARK, == W·2 ====.I fv}4.D!GJL /-/� Of QU. hut • F�N hi� lftnvz/.) I � 9ave � � 7� ? {.24/-.U.JU • 7 .. � /t_4-L o/tri4 ·.··�· �V V1.<1 {�0 Wk� I M [c....,,.. I � /&_Cd- . u UJ 'ho . lnVl. '[ � of &nrws . I A� /..a.u �� y �drws °I ��w�� !LUu-k Lt� � !�UAA.c)� C..J) fui � k- OU� [u._ ...._�··t�,. ao I {CuJ-e (} �·· �Az�·��· d re_ c� G,.,c.CJ I� A� So mu,u.,y /1..�M Y� Ebv?.· ��oF�w.y 2224. .. J.C. Hilton of Hood Battalion, at Buckingham Palace after receiving his Military Cross. He is with his sister Sylvia, widow of the late Sidney Fish, Hood Battalion. Guy Charter writes :- Was she collecting Sidney's M.C.? I thank Mrs Ruth Charter, nee Hilton for permission to reproduce this photograph. 2225. James Curzon Hilton. Military Cross & Bar Born 23rd January 1895. Address:- Two address given:- Wood Cottage, Pemberton, Wigan, Lanes& Michwood, Church Lane, Merton Park, London S.W. 19. Next of Kin:- Sister Mrs Melling. Formerly Mersey Z/179. R.N.V.R. (Holder of 1914-1915 Star.) 31 st January 1915. Promoted to Sub Lieutenant and posted to Crystal Palace. 201h August 1915. Posted to Hood Battalion Dardanelles. 261h February 1916. Appointed as Adjutant of Hood Bn. vice Lt. Commander Egerton. (Div Order No. 435) 281h March 1916. Promoted to a Temp Lieutenant. R.N.V.R. Auth Div. Orders No. 420 dated 17.4.16. 16th May 1916. Embarked at Mudros on H.MT. Ionian.. 22"d May 1916. Disembarked at Marseilles. th 24 May 1916. Returnedto Company duties with 1st Hood Bn. 17th June 1916. To England for leave. 26th June 1916. Rejoined Unit from leave. 181 June 1916. Transferredto 211d Hood Bn. 5th July 1916. Transferredto from 2"d Hood Bn. to Hood Bn. 271h July 1916. Divisional Order. (Hood) Mentioned in Despatches. (Authority London Gazette dated 13.7.16. page 6953. 2"d February 1917. To 2nd Field Ambulance. Adm. 29th C.C. Station then to Hospital with Pleurisy. 27111 February 1917, To Unit fromHospital. 7th March 1917. Awarded the Military Cross. (Routine Order No. 1697.) "For conspicuous gallantry in action. He handled his company in the attack with marked ability, and maintained his position against several enemy counter-attacks. He set a splendid example of courage and determination throughout." (51h Supp. London Gazette, 26.3.17, page 2984. ) 23rd March 1917. Appointed Adjutant ofHood Bn.. vice Sub Lt. W. Arblaster,M.C. R.N.V.R. (To Regtl. Duty) Routine Order No. 2338. 211d May 1917 - ll1h May 1917. Leave to U.K. With ration allowance. 3rd November 1917. Wounded (Gas) 5th November 1917. GeneralHospital Camiers.(Gassed Shell severe.) 7th November 1917. To England on Hospital Ship - perBrighton. 7th November 1917. War Hospital at Epsom, Surrey. 7th November I 917. Mentioned in Despatch of G.O.C. in C. "Deserving special mention" ( 4t11 Supp. London Gazette, 11.12.17, page 12908.) (Also Routine Order 3394.) 19th November 1917. Medical Board at Horton (City ofLondon) War Hospital. Unfitfor General Service for 3 months. Remains in above hospital for furthertreatment. 7th December 1917. Mentioned in Despatches. B.E.F. Authority. (London Gazette No. 30421. Of7th Dec. th 18 January1918. Medical Board at 1st West General Hospital, Liverpool. Unfit for General Service to remain at Liverpool fortreatment. th 19 February 1918. Medical Board at 1st West General Hospital, Liverpool. Unfitfor General Service. Remains at Hospital forspecial skin treatment. th l 9 March 1918. Medical Board at 1st West General Hospital, Liverpool. Fit for General Service. 1 10 h April 1918. Embarked at Folkestone and Disembarked at Boulogne. Ordered personallyby War Officeto rejoin Hood Bn. B.E.F. 16th April 1918. Joined Hood Bn. B.E.F. To be Adjutant ofHood Battalion vice Sub-Lt. (Act. Lt) W. R. Gibson to regt. Duty. RNDOrder 9957 and also (HOOD) 40. 201h - 30tl' July 1918. Leave to Paris. 30th August- 18th September leave to U.K. via Boulogne. 251h August 1918. TempLieutenant Commander. 1 12 h November 1918. To Anson Bn. 251h November 1918. To be 2"d in Commandof Hood Bn. vice T/Lt Commander Arblaster. 291h November 1918. Awarded Bar to Military Cross. (DRO, 4552 ) Statement of service for which the Bar to Military Cross was conferred. "On October B'h 1918, at Niergnies, when the frontwas being driven in by enemy counter-attacks with tanks, he showed exceptional gallantry and initiative, jumping out in front of the line under heavy shell and machine-gun fireand within 200 yards of the nearest tank, which was also firing, be rallied the men and prevented a further withdrawal. When the leading tank was struck he rushed forwardwith a handful of men, killed the crew who were attempting to escape, and then rushed on the village, where with a fewmen he bad gathered together, he assisted in ejecting and killing those of the enemy who had reoccupiedit and then disposed the men in posts beyond. His gallantry and initiative at a most critical phase of the battle were mainly responsible for the regaining of all objectives. (London Gazette 30. 7.19, p. 9696.) 2226. GALLIPOLI CASUAL1,IES OF l1HE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION WITH NO KNOWN GRAVES. Names appear on the Helles Memorial. l'rom the database of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission. Oscroft, Able Seaman, J, KP/608. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 16th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15. 1h Osmond, Stoker l st Class, D, SS/108239. (RFR/DEV/B/5677)Nelson Bn. Royal Navy. Died 6 June 1915. Panel 1 & 2. Ould, Private, Herbert Henry, CH/396(S). Chatham Bn. RM.LI. Died 29th April 1915. Age 20 years. Son of Walter John and Adelaide Elizabeth Ould, ofLyndale Cottage, 13, Sun Lane, Gravesend, Kent. Panel 2 to 7. Owen, Able Seaman, E, Tyneside ZJ1960. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15. Oweus, Private,F. W. PLY/16366. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3r<1 May 1915. Panel 2 to 7. st th Page, Stoker 1 Class, J, SS/103294. HoodBn. Royal Navy. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 1 & 2. 1h Pagett, Private, W G. P0/485(S). Portsmouth Bn. RM.LI. Died 28 May 1915. Age 22. Servedas ARTHURS. Son of George Simpson Pagett and Kate Pagett, ofThe Chipping, Wotten-under-Edge,Glos. Panel 2 to 7. Parker, Able Seaman, GeorgeWalter, London ZJ744.Benbow Bn. R. N. V. R. Died 5th June 1915. Age 23 years. Son ofGeorge and CharlotteParker, of 95, Dalston Lane, Hackney, London. Panel 8 to 15. Parker, Able Seaman, H. A. Sussex 6/112. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15. Parker, Able Seaman, J. Mersey ZJ335. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 8 to 15. Parker, Able Seaman, Albert, KW/771. Drake Bn. RN.V.R. Died 16th July 1915. Son of George and Jane Parker, of 17, Windsor Terrace, Hunslet, Leeds.Panel 8 to 15. Parkin, Able Seaman, J. H. Tyneside 4/207. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 3rd May 1915. Panel 8 to 15. Parret4 Corporal, W J, P0/12161. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 24th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7. Parsons, Lieutenant Commander, Raymond Skricker . Hood Bn. Royal Navy. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 1 &2. Patrick, Able Seaman, James, KW/136. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4t1t May 1915. Age 19 years. Son ofJohn and ElizabethPatrick, of4, Main St.,Goldthorpe, Rotherham. Panel 8 to 15. 2227. Patterson, Private. Arthur. P0/614(S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.l. Died 6th May 1915. Age 25 years. Son of Aaron and Mary Alice Patterson, of12, Telford St., Bensham, Gateshead. Panel 2 to 7. Patterson, Able Seaman, A, KP/638. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 3rd May 1915. Panel 8 to 15. Patterson, Able Seaman, D. Tyneside Z/1772. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4lh June 1915. Panel 8 to 15. Patterson, Able Seaman, J. R. Tyneside Z/798. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4lh June 1915. Panel 8 to 15. Patterson, Able Seaman, ThomasBlench Dodds, Tyneside Z/1193. Hawke Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 22nd July 1915. Age 22 years. Son of Thomas and Elizabeth Ann Patterson, of 54, Portia St., Ashington, Northumberland. Panel 8 to 15. Pattison, Able Seaman, William, Tyneside Z/2020. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4tl• June 1915. Age 21 years. Son ofMartin and Isabella Pattison,of 7, James St., Kip Hill, Stanley, Co. Durham. Panel 8 to 15. Payton, Private, James Edward, CH/18705. "D" Coy. Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13lh May 1915. Age 17 years. Son of John Henry and Alice Matilda Payton, of 51, Nisbet St., Homerton, London. Panel 2 to 7. Pearce, Able Seaman, Charles, Tyneside Z/396. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 7lh July 1915. Age 18 years Son ofJesse and Kate Louisa Pearce, of 115, ThornabyRoad, Thornaby-on-Tees. Panel 8 to 15. Pearce, Private, T. H, CH/4944. (RPR/A/544) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died l stMay 1915. Panel 2 to 7. Pearce, Private,W. H, P0/403(S). Portsmouth Bn. RM.LI. Died 24th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7. Peebles, Able Seaman, Hugh, Clyde Z/5101. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 16tl' December 1915. Age 17 years. Son ofHugh Peebles,of 27, Cotton St., Paisley. Panel 8 to 15. Peet, Private, F. A, P0/17351. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7. Pemblington, Private, Stephen, P0/107(S), Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 13lh July 1915. Age 30 years. Son of Thomas and Margaret Pemblington, of58, SherwoodRoad, Sutton-in-Ashford.Husband ofthe late Elizabeth Pemblington. Panel 2 to 7. Pendrell, Private, A.C, PLY/16778. Plymouth Bo. R.M.L.I. Died lOth June 1915. Panel 2 to 7. Peory, Able Seaman, A.O. Bristol ZJ319. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 19th August 1915. Panel 8 to 15. Perry, Private, Frederick Ernest Horndon, P0/17017. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6tl' May 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Mrs Belinda Perry, of 161, Beatrice Road, Newfound Pool, Leicester. Panel 2 to 7. Petricher, Able Seaman, Joseph Oswald, Clyde Z/1523. Nelson Bo. R.N.V.R. Died 13tlt July 1915. Age 26 years. Son of the late Dr. L. J. and Mrs Petricher,of Port Louis, Mauritius. Panel 8 to 15. Phillips, Able Seaman, D. J. Hawke Bo. R.N.V.R. Died l l th September 1915. Age 28. Son ofMr. S. Phillips, ofWaterton Hall, Bridgend,Glam. Native of Pontycymmer,Glam, AssistantCounty Surveyor ofWest Suffolk. Panel 8 to 15. Phillips, Private, G. S, P0/394(S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 131h July 1915. Panel 2 to 7. Phillips, Private,M. H, CH/18448. Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 30th April 1915. Panel 2 to 7. 2228. If you have an article, papers or photographs on any subject concerning the R.N.D. I will be pleased to hear from you. Next issue, number 23 will be published in December 2002. It will contain:- Western Front- The Capture of Gavrelle, the Royal Naval Division's telephone messages, these give a very useful insight into the operations. 'In The Hell That Was Gavrelle' by Able Seaman Downe, M.M. Anson Battalion. Gallipoli:- Details of the R.N.D. Medical Unit. R.N.D. Personality, Surgeon Lieutenant C. F. Mayne of 2°d Field Ambulance. Including his experiences at the Suvla Bay Campaign and action at Chocolate ffill. Gallipoli:- War Diary of the Royal Marine Brigade. Antwerp:- The experiences of Reginald Godfrey Mayer. R.N.D. Personality :- The Diary of Able Seaman James Tyrer Caldwell of Howe Battalion. Note:- The service of the 2!4'h (Cityof London) Battalion has been put back due to lack of space, it willappear in a later issue. If you enjoyed the R.N.D. please tell a friend.Remember all back issues are still available. The photographs on the back cover are :- Top - Naval recruiting march in London, men of the R.N.D. to be reviewed by the Lord Mayor ofLondon. From 'The Great War' Edited by Wilson. Below- Inspection by the Lord Mayor outside the Guildhall Imperial War Museum Reference:- Q22900. 2229.