GAME PLAYER Facing the Structural Transformation of Cyberspace
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The Pussy Riot Affair: Gender and National Identity in Putin's Russia 1 Peter Rutland 2 the Pussy Riot Affair Was a Massive In
The Pussy Riot affair: gender and national identity in Putin’s Russia 1 Peter Rutland 2 The Pussy Riot affair was a massive international cause célèbre that ignited a widespread movement of support for the jailed activists around the world. The case tells us a lot about Russian society, the Russian state, and Western perceptions of Russia. It also raises interest in gender as a frame of analysis, something that has been largely overlooked in 20 years of work by mainstream political scientists analyzing Russia’s transition to democracy.3 There is general agreement that the trial of the punk rock group signaled a shift in the evolution of the authoritarian regime of President Vladimir Putin. However, there are many aspects of the affair still open to debate. Will the persecution of Pussy Riot go down in history as one of the classic trials that have punctuated Russian history, such as the arrest of dissidents Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel in 1966, or the trial of revolutionary Vera Zasulich in 1878? Or is it just a flash in the pan, an artifact of media fascination with attractive young women behaving badly? The case also poses a challenge for feminists. While some observers, including Janet Elise Johnson (below), see Pussy Riot as part of the struggle for women’s rights, others, including Valerie Sperling and Marina Yusupova, raise questions about the extent to Pussy Riot can be seen as advancing the feminist cause. Origins Pussy Riot was formed in 2011, emerging from the underground art group Voina which had been active since 2007. -
The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies
The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies Edited by Daria Gritsenko Mariëlle Wijermars · Mikhail Kopotev The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies Daria Gritsenko Mariëlle Wijermars • Mikhail Kopotev Editors The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies Editors Daria Gritsenko Mariëlle Wijermars University of Helsinki Maastricht University Helsinki, Finland Maastricht, The Netherlands Mikhail Kopotev Higher School of Economics (HSE University) Saint Petersburg, Russia ISBN 978-3-030-42854-9 ISBN 978-3-030-42855-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42855-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021. This book is an open access publication. Open Access This book is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this book are included in the book’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the book’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifc statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. -
Internet Exchange Points 2014 Report Contents
Internet Exchange Points 2014 Report Contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................................................ 3 1.1 Foreword ...................................................................................................................................................................... 3 1.2 Notes on this report .................................................................................................................................................... 3 1.3 Internet Exchange Point (IXP) ..................................................................................................................................... 3 2. About Euro-IX ............................................................................................................................................................. 4 2.1 List of Euro-IX Standard Members in 2014 ................................................................................................................. 5 2.2 List of Euro-IX Associate Members in 2014................................................................................................................. 6 2.3 List of Euro-IX Remote Members (Europe) .................................................................................................................. 6 2.4 List of Euro-IX Remote Members (outside of Europe) ................................................................................................ -
2015 BRICS Ufa Summit Compliance Report 10 July 2015 to 19 September 2016
2015 BRICS Ufa Summit Compliance Report 10 July 2015 to 19 September 2016 Prepared by: Mark Rakhmangulov, Andrey Shelepov, Andrei Sakharov and the Center for International Institutions Research of the Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, Moscow and Caroline Bracht, Alissa Wang and the University of Toronto BRICS Research Group Toronto 12 October 2016 2015 BRICS Ufa Compliance Report Contents Research Team .................................................................................................................................. 3 Introduction and Summary ............................................................................................................... 4 Methodology and Scoring System ................................................................................................. 4 The Breakdown of Commitments ................................................................................................. 5 Table 1: Distribution of BRICS Commitments across Issue Areas, 2009-2015 ......................... 6 Selection of Commitments ............................................................................................................ 6 Table 2: 2015 BRICS Ufa Summit Priority Commitments ...................................................... 7 Compliance Scores ........................................................................................................................ 7 Table 3: 2015 BRICS Ufa Summit Compliance Scores ........................................................... -
Full Study (In English)
The Long Shadow of Donbas Reintegrating Veterans and Fostering Social Cohesion in Ukraine By JULIA FRIEDRICH and THERESA LÜTKEFEND Almost 400,000 veterans who fought on the Ukrainian side in Donbas have since STUDY returned to communities all over the country. They are one of the most visible May 2021 representations of the societal changes in Ukraine following the violent conflict in the east of the country. Ukrainian society faces the challenge of making room for these former soldiers and their experiences. At the same time, the Ukrainian government should recognize veterans as an important political stakeholder group. Even though Ukraine is simultaneously struggling with internal reforms and Russian destabilization efforts, political actors in Ukraine need to step up their efforts to formulate and implement a coherent policy on veteran reintegration. The societal stakes are too high to leave the issue unaddressed. gppi.net This study was funded by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Ukraine. The views expressed therein are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation. The authors would like to thank several experts and colleagues who shaped this project and supported us along the way. We are indebted to Kateryna Malofieieva for her invaluable expertise, Ukraine-language research and support during the interviews. The team from Razumkov Centre conducted the focus group interviews that added tremendous value to our work. Further, we would like to thank Tobias Schneider for his guidance and support throughout the process. This project would not exist without him. Mathieu Boulègue, Cristina Gherasimov, Andreas Heinemann-Grüder, and Katharine Quinn-Judge took the time to provide their unique insights and offered helpful suggestions on earlier drafts. -
Data Centre Campus
A DIGITAL REALTY COMPANY Fact sheet Data Centre Campus Stockholm, Sweden INTERXION STOCKHOLM Enabling valuable communities of interest to support your business Interconnect directly with your partners, suppliers and cloud Stockholm is more than the economic heart of Sweden – it is consistently ranked as one 6 With Interxion’s growing universe of Connected Communities we enable an interconnected hub platforms within our data of the top three economies for technological readiness and ICT use by the World Economic centre. Highly connected for the world’s leading businesses. For over 20 years Interxion Stockholm Data Centre have Forum. enabled our customers to increase their market share, transform their services, connect their and secure data centres ■ Interconnect with business and extend their reach into new markets. businesses colocated Interxion Stockholm is the connectivity node of the north and home to some of Sweden's within Interxion and the world's leading digital businesses. Stockholm is furthermore the best strategic As a leading provider of colocation and interconnection solutions, Interxion allows customers to seamlessly connect to cloud platforms, connectivity providers and enable connection to ■ Build the ideal hybrid location for reaching the northern Europe and the rapidly growing Internet economies of a valuable Connected Communities of interest. This community is an organic IT ecosystem, cloud environment for Russia and the Baltics. within the data centre, that allow our customers to manage the complexity of a modern your business via direct distributed IT architecture, and to become flexible and adaptable towards the business and connections Our cloud- and network-neutral Stockholm data centre consists of six data centres and 80+ current needs. -
A Militant Reconfiguration of Peter Bürger's “Neo-Avant-Garde”
Counter Cultural Production: A Militant Reconfiguration of Peter Bürger’s “Neo-Avant-Garde” Martin Lang Abstract This article re-examines Peter Bürger’s negative assessment of the neo-avant-garde as apolitical, co-opted and toothless. It argues that his conception can be overturned through an analysis of different sources – looking beyond the usual examples of individual artists to instead focus on the role of more politically committed collectives. It declares that, while the collectives analysed in this text do indeed appropriate and develop goals and tactics of the ‘historical avant-garde’ (hence meriting the appellation ‘neo-avant-garde’), they cannot be accused of being co-opted or politically uncommitted due to the ferocity of their critique of, and attack on, art and political institutions. Introduction Firstly, the reader should be aware that my understanding of the avant-garde has nothing to do with how Clement Greenberg used the term.1 I am aligning myself with Peter Bürger’s position that the ‘historical avant-garde’ was, primarily, Dada and Surrealism, but also the Russian avant-gardes after the October revolution and Futurism.2 These are movements that Greenberg saw as peripheral to the avant-garde. Greenberg did, however, share some of Bürger’s concerns about the avant-garde’s institutionalisation, or ‘academisation’ as he would put it. I borrow the term ‘neo-avant-garde’ from Bürger, but with some trepidation. In Theorie der Avantgarde (1974 – translated into English as Theory of the Avant-Garde 1984) he describes the neo-avant-garde of the 1950s and 1960s as movements that revisit the historical avant- garde, but he dismisses them as inherently compromised: The neo-avant-garde institutionalizes the avant-garde as art and thus negates genuinely avant-gardiste intentions. -
Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’S Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Center for Advanced Research in Global CARGC Papers Communication (CARGC) 4-2020 Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’s Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order Stanislav Budnitsky University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/cargc_papers Part of the Communication Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Budnitsky, Stanislav, "Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’s Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order" (2020). CARGC Papers. 13. https://repository.upenn.edu/cargc_papers/13 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/cargc_papers/13 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’s Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order Description CARGC Paper 13, “Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’s Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order,” by CARGC Postdoctoral Fellow Stanislav Budnitsky was initially delivered as a CARGC Colloquium in 2018. As part of Budnitsky’s larger research project on the relationship between nationalism and global internet governance, CARGC Paper 13 considers the cultural logics underlying Russia’s global internet governance agenda. It argues that to understand Russia’s digital vision in the early twenty-first century and, by extension, the dynamics of global internet politics writ large, scholars must incorporate Russia’s historic self-identification as a great power into their analyses. -
2.2. What Does the Balaclava Stand For? Pussy Riot: Just Some Stupid Girls Or Punk with Substance?
2.2. What does the Balaclava stand for? Pussy Riot: just some stupid girls or punk with substance? Alexandre M. da Fonseca 1 Abstract 5 punk singers walk into the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, address the Mother of God herself, ask her to free Russia from Putin and “become a feminist”. They are stopped by the security and three members are later arrested. The rest is history… Nevertheless, Pussy Riot have proven to be more complex. This article aims to go beyond the dichotomies and the narratives played out in Western and Russian media. Given the complexity of the affair, this article aims to dissect the political thought, the ideas (or ideology), the philosophy behind their punk direct actions. Focusing on their statements, lyrics and letters and the brechtian way they see “art as a transformative tool”, our aim is to ask what does the balaclava stand for? Are they really just some stupid punk girls or is there some substance to their punk? Who are (politically) the Pussy Riot? Keywords: Pussy Riot; Punk and Direct Action; Political Thought; Critical Discourse Analysis; 3rd wave feminism Who are the Pussy Riot? Are they those who have been judged in court and sentenced to prison? Or those anonymous member who have shunned the two persecuted girl? Or maybe it’s everyone who puts a balaclava and identifies with the rebellious attitude of the Russian group? Then, are Pussy Riot an “Idea” or are they impossible to separate from the faces of Nadia and Masha? This is the first difficulty of discussing Pussy Riot – defining who their subject is. -
2017 BRICS Xiamen Summit Compliance Report
2017 BRICS Xiamen Summit Final Compliance Report 6 September 2017 to 5 July 2018 Prepared by Alissa Xinhe Wang, Angela Minyi Hou, Brittaney Warren and the University oF Toronto BRICS Research Group and Irina Popova, Andey Shelepov, Andrei Sakharov and Alexander Ignatov and the Center For International Institutions Research oF the Russian Presidential Academy oF National Economy and Public Administration, Moscow 23 July 2018 2017 BRICS Xiamen Summit Final Compliance Report Contents Research Team .................................................................................................................................................... 3 University of Toronto Research Team ....................................................................................................... 3 Country Specialists .................................................................................................................................... 3 Compliance Analysts ................................................................................................................................ 3 RANEPA Research Team ............................................................................................................................ 3 Compliance Analysts ................................................................................................................................ 3 Preface .................................................................................................................................................................. -
Gerasimov Doctrine” Why the West Fails to Beat Russia to the Punch
FRIDMAN In August 2018, service members from many nations were represented in the Ukrainian Independence Day parade. Joint Multinational Training Group-Ukraine has been ongoing since 2015 and seeks to contribute to Ukraine’s internal defense capabilities and training capacity. (Tennessee Army National Guard) 100 | FEATURES PRISM 8, NO. 2 On the “Gerasimov Doctrine” Why the West Fails to Beat Russia to the Punch By Ofer Fridman he first week of March 2019 was very exciting for Western experts on Russian military affairs. On March 2, the Russian Academy of Military Sciences held its annual defense conference with Chief of the General Staff, Army General Valery Gerasimov, giving the keynote address. Two days Tlater, official Ministry of Defense newspaper Krasnaya Zvesda published the main outlines of Gerasimov’s speech, igniting a new wave of discourse on Russian military affairs among Western experts.1 The New York Times’ claim that “Russian General Pitches ‘Information’ Operations as a Form of War” was aug- mented by an interpretation claiming that Gerasimov had unveiled “Russia’s ‘strategy of limited actions,’” which was “a new version of the ‘Gerasimov Doctrine’” that was to be considered the “semi-official ‘doc- trine’ of the Russian Armed Forces and its General Staff.”2 Interestingly enough, this echo chamber–style interpretation of Gerasimov’s speech emphasized only the one small part of it that discussed information/ propaganda/subversion/nonmilitary aspects of war. The main question, however, is whether this part deserves such attention—after all, this topic was discussed only in one short paragraph entitled “Struggle in Informational Environment.” Was there something in his speech that deserved greater attention? And if so, why was it missed? Did Russia Surprise the West? Or Was the West Surprised by Russia? Since 2014, Western experts on Russian military affairs have been trying to understand the Russian dis- course on the character of war in the 21st century, as it manifested itself in Ukraine and later in Syria. -
INVESTMENT and BUSINESS CLIMATE Industry Breakfast
ST. PETERSBURG INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC FORUM JUNE 20–22, 2013 New Catalysts for Change THE RUSSIAN IT/INTERNET INDUSTRY: INVESTMENT AND BUSINESS CLIMATE Industry Breakfast JUNE 22, 2013 08:30–09:45, Pavilion 5, Business Breakfast Hall 5.4 St. Petersburg, Russia 2013 Moderators: Valentin Makarov, President, RUSSOFT Association Sergei Plugotarenko, Director, Russian Association for Electronic Communications (RAEC) Panellists: Pavel Adylin, Execitive Director, Artezio Igor Agamirzyan, Chief Executive Officer, RVC Igor Ashmanov, Chief Executive Officer, Ashmanov and Partners Serguei Beloussov, Senior Founding Partner, Runa Capital; Founder, Parallels, Acronis, Acumatica, Rolsen Arkady Dobkin, Chief Executive Officer, President, EPAM Systems Alexander Egorov, Chief Executive Officer, Reksoft Robert Farish, Vice President, Regional Managing Director for Russia and CIS, International Data Corporation Andrey Fedorov, General Director, Digital Design Maelle Gavet, Chief Executive Officer, OZON.ru Alexander Gentsis, Head of the Committee on Development of Business in Russia, Diasoft Dmitry Grishin, General Director, Mail.ru Group Alexandra Johnson, Managing Director, DFJ VTB Capital Aurora Natalia Kasperskaya, General Director, InfoWatch Michael Khitrov, President, Speech Technology Center Arkady Khotin, President, ArdinSoftware Alexander Kravchenko, Vice-President, SPIRIT Sergei Lavrukhin, General Director, RBC Sergio Pessoa, Global Business Executive, General Manager, Business Center, Apex-Brasil Alexander Pozdnyakov, President, First Line Software William Savage, Vice President, Intel Corporation Alexander Semenov, General Director, Korus Consulting Mark Shmulevich, Deputy Minister of Telecom and Mass Communications of the Russian Federation Andrei Terekhov, General Director, Lanit Sergei Tikhomirov, General Director, Kodeks Consortium Leonid Zilberburg, President, Bee Pitron S. Plugotarenko: Colleagues, I think that it is time to start. We only have an hour and fifteen minutes.