A Case Study of Lincolnshire, Agriculture, and Museums
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SCHOLARLY AND PUBLIC HISTORIES: A CASE STUDY OF LINCOLNSHIRE, AGRICULTURE, AND MUSEUMS. Abigail Hunt A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Lincoln for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 2013 i Abstract This thesis is an exploration of the complex relationship between academic, popular and museum histories. A central theme to the research is that nostalgia currently keeps these categories of history quite separate from one another, as academic historians are critical of the use of nostalgia in presenting the past, whereas popular histories are often steeped in nostalgia, as are historical narratives presented in museums. I argue that nostalgia and nostalgic sources should not be viewed as problematic by historians, but embraced simply as another type of historical source. Popular histories, rich in nostalgia, and often reliant on memories should also be considered more favourably by academics as they serve to engage people with historical narratives as both contributors and consumers. The inclusion of nostalgic sources, such as memoirs and oral histories, in historical narratives can also result in the production of new or relative histories, which enrich the historical past presented to us, and open up fresh debates on well covered topics. Nor is nostalgia problematic in museums as it helps visitors relate to, and understand, the stories presented to them. Nostalgia can also motivate people to donate objects to museums, and therefore to have an active role in how the past is represented within museums. Once again this serves to produce a more complex narrative for the visitor that can broaden our understanding of the past. These ideas are presented through two case studies of agricultural change in Lincolnshire between 1850 and 1980, and a case study of museums in the county. The historical narratives were produced using a range of primary and secondary sources, including oral histories and memoirs. The inclusion of non- ii traditional sources aided in the production of new accounts of changes in the labour patterns of women and children, and of increased mechanisation during the period. Both chapters reposition agricultural modernity in history, demonstrating that the shift from traditional to modern practices did not occur immediately after World War Two, but over a period of 30 years from the 1930s to the 1960s. The museological case study explores how the past is represented in museums and the factors that shape this. Museums in Lincolnshire were surveyed, and professionals working in them were interviewed, to ascertain how they present historical narratives around agricultural changes, and how nostalgia relates to this. It was found that nostalgia had very little impact on how the past was presented in the museums, but the processes of donation and collection, the lack of specialist knowledge in the sector, and external political factors had a significant impact on the presentation of the past in these institutions. The thesis argues that those involved with academic, popular, and museum histories should work collaboratively to explore ways of incorporating nostalgic sources into historical narratives to develop new interpretations of the past. They should also work in partnership to move away from the traditional museological ‘nostalgia debate’ to resolve the issues that currently affect how the past is presented in museums. iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors Dr Kate Hill and Dr Andrew Walker for their patience, support, and invaluable advice throughout the research and writing process. I would also like to thank Professor Krista Cowman for her advice during the writing and editing processes. I am also indebted to those people who gave their time freely and generously shared their personal memories for the oral history element of this research, and to the museum professionals who contributed to the museum interviews. Without them this thesis would have been impossible to produce. I would also like to thank Catherine Wilson OBE who first introduced me to Lincolnshire’s agricultural history; her passion for, and knowledge of the subject has inspired me throughout the course of my research. I am also grateful to Ruth Walker from whom I learnt a tremendous amount in a short period of time whilst working at Church Farm Museum. My thanks must also go to my friends and colleague Margaret Hiley for her support and advice and expert editing skills, and to Bob Hatton and Jonathan Majewicz for their ongoing support, and for helping me to keep this undertaking in perspective. I am appreciative of all the encouragement and moral support I have received from my colleagues at PRC, especially during the last stages of writing the thesis. Thank you to all my infinitely patient friends, who have forgiven me for ignoring them so often! iv Last, but not least I want to thank my family for their constant support and encouragement, and most of all understanding, without which I would not have been able to complete a PhD. Adrian, Toni, Gwynnie, Allen and Karen; words cannot express how much your belief in me during the course of this study has meant to me. I would not be where I am today without your love, patience, and confidence in my ability. v Contents pp v - vii Title Page Abstract pp i - ii Acknowledgements pp iii – iv Chapter 1: Introduction pp 1 – 24 Chapter 2: Historical frameworks pp 25 – 78 Chapter 3: Historical case study (changes in female and child pp 79 – 119 labour patterns) Chapter 4: Historical case study (changes in mechanisation) pp 120– 165 Chapter 5: Museological frameworks pp 166 – 225 Chapter 6: Case study (museums in Lincolnshire) pp 226 – 273 Chapter 7: Conclusion pp 274 – 289 Bibliography pp 290 – 370 Illustrations Figures Fig 1. Map showing the location of surveyed and non-surveyed p 11 museums in Lincolnshire Fig 2. Map showing geology of Lincolnshire p 76 Fig 3. Map of Lincolnshire’s historic landscape zones p 76 Fig 4. W.H. Turner’s Lincoln horse fair P 132 Fig 5. Postcard of Lincoln horse fair 1907 P 132 Fig 6. Graph of decline of the number of horses in Lincolnshire P 138 1925 – 1946 vi Figures Fig 7. Map showing last use of horses as captured by oral p 146 history Fig 8. Map showing introduction of combines as captured by p 157 oral history Fig 9. Table showing breakdown of responses into site types p 225 Fig 10. Table showing responses to questionnaire p 230 Plates Plate 1. Stow Horse Fair p 133 Plate 2. Displays at Normanby Hall Farming Museum p 221 Plate 3. Agricultural displays at Spalding Gentlemen’s Society p 224 Museum Plate 4. Waggon storage at the Museum of Lincolnshire Life p 235 Appendices Appendix 1. List of participants in oral history Appendix 2. Template of copyright and consent form Appendix 3. Interview themes Appendix 4. Letter to prospective interviewees Appendix 5. List of museums surveyed Appendix 6. Blank survey vii Appendices Appendix 7. Museum interview questions Appendix 8. Museum response codes 1 Introduction Chapter 1 Introduction This thesis is about the relationship between academic, popular, and museum histories, and the role that nostalgia plays in keeping these categories separate; I argue that these categories of history need to come together, and nostalgia should not be seen as a barrier to that process. The term nostalgia has strong negative connotations associated with it, which have prevailed until relatively recently. The word is ‘pseudo-greek, or nostalgically greek’,1 derived from ‘nostos, to return home, and algia, painful condition’, 2 and was coined by the Swiss Physian Johannes Hofer in 1688 in relation to ‘extreme homesickness’, or melancholia, witnessed in mercenary soldiers at the time.3 The word nostalgia, then, was originally medical rather than philosophical, literary, or political.4 In fact, nostalgia was considered a psychiatric disorder that whilst curable,5 could be debilitating or even fatal from the seventeenth century until the end of the nineteenth century.6 Whilst its original meaning and context changed during the mid-twentieth century it became to be recognised as a sentimental ‘yearning for the past’7 1 Boym, S., “Nostalgia and its Discontents”, The Hedgehog Review, Summer 2007, pp 7 – 18, p 7. 2 Davis, F., Yearning for Yesterday (New York: Free Press, 1979), p 1. Pickering, M. and Keightley, E., “The Modalities of Nostalgia”, Current Sociology, Vol 54, No 6, November 2006, pp 919 – 949. Boym, S., “Nostalgia and its Discontents”, The Hedgehog Review, Summer 2007, pp 7 – 18. 3 Davis, F., Yearning for Yesterday (New York: Free Press, 1979). 4 Boym, S., “Nostalgia and its Discontents”, The Hedgehog Review, Summer 2007, pp 7 – 18. 5 Ibid. 6 Irenebatcho, K., “Personal Nostalgia, World View, Memory, and Emotionality”, Perceptual and Motor Skills, Vol 87, pp 411 – 432. 7 Pascal, V.J., Sprott, D.E. and Muehling, D.E., “The Influence of evoked nostalgia on Consumers’ Reponses to Advertising; An Exploratory Study”, Journal of Current Issues and 2 (rather than for a place)8 not just on a personal level,9 but also a societal one,10 particularly in relation to consumerism.11 It also remained to be understood negatively as the antithesis to progress a ‘backward looking stance’ of sorts,12 as ‘reactionary, sentimental, or melancholic’, and ‘a response to the experience of loss endemic in modernity and late modernity’.13 The notion of nostalgia being a yearning for the past either by individuals or groups developed further during the twentieth century as it came to be understood as