Altered Destinies: Quantrill's Guerrillas and the Civil War in

Terry G. Foster

Department of History

Submitted in partial fdfirllment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

Faculty of Graduate Studies The University of Western Ontario London, Ontario September, 1999

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William Clarke QuantriU9sRaiders cannot be simply defined as guerrillas. Quantrill's command consisted primarily of members of the dominant class. They fought not to overthrow the existing social order and effect a revolution, but to preserve the existing hierarchical social structure and distribution of power which had given Corm to their aspirations and expectations. They were defenders of privilege and fought to protect the elite status their families had earned within the antebelturn western Missourian social stratum. They reacted to perceived and actual threats posed by the

Union army to themselves, their families and their way of We. Their exploits ensured both their infamy and folk hero status. In the context of the Civil

War in western Missouri, therefore, William Clarke Quantrill and his guerrilla band were counterrevolutionary social bandits.

iii Acknowledgements

This is dedicated to the memory of my mother, Sharon Foster-

I would like to express my sincere gratitude and indebtedness to my thesis advisor

Dr. Margaret Kellow. Without her sole and unwavering encouragement, support and insight, this project would never have been completed. Table of Contents

.. Certificate of examination U Abstract iii Acknowledgements iv Table of contents v List of maps vi a, Missouri vi-a b. Boonslick Region vi-b c. Western Missouri vi-c d. The Western Border vi-d

Introduction

1 . Tumult and Turmoil: From Border War to Civil War

2. 'What One Desperate, Fearless Man Can Do": William Clarke Quantrill Comes to Missouri

3- "Shot down like dogs": Guerrilla War in Western Missouri

4. "You deserve a better fate": The Death of Quantrill and the Experience of Reconstruction in Missouri

Conclusion

Bibliography

Vita List of Maps

a, Missouri vi-a b. Boonslick Region vi-b c. Western Missouri vi-c d. The Western Border vi-d Missouri Boonslick Region Western Missouri1

OSAGE ! INDIAN I 05- RESERVE - i [B

I Thomas Goodrich, Black Fkg: Guerril& Warfare on the Western Border, 123614862. (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1995): 3. The Western order'

I Thomas Goodrich, Black Flag: Guernllu Warjiare on the Wcstent Border. 1861-1865-(Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1995): 2, Introduction

Che Guevara envisioned the essence of a guerrilla band to be a group which, acting on its own initiative, bears arms against the existing government, is

"rural in character, and economically based on the desire to hold land."' In the

1950s, Guevara, an Argentinean-born revolutionary, fought in Cuba for a people to whom he did not belong. Nearly one hundred years earlier, so too had the enigmatic and elusive 'Guerrilla QuantreIl" in Civil War Missouri. The

Confederate guerrilla Leader William Clarke Quantrill led an equally determined but completely different class of people, the armed nucleus of the western

Missourian slaveholding minority, throughout the course of the Civil War. This minority had ruled the state relatively unopposed until the outbreak of war.

However, by 1861 changing demographics within Missouri and the national secession crisis threatened their hegemony. Quantrillians, as the guerrillas were known, were young men of slaveholding farming families who lived in the western border counties of Missouri and thus resemble many aspects of Guevara's

bouerrilla band. Unlike Guevara's forces, though, Quantrill's guerrillas were members of the dominant class. They fought not to overthrow the existing social order and effect a revolution, but to preserve their place in the existing hierarchical social structure and the distribution of power which had given form to their

1 Che Guevara, On Guerrilla Warjiiare, (NewYork: Frederick A, Praeger Publishers, 196 1), 7. aspirations and expectations? They were defenders of privilege and fought to protect the elite status their families had earned within antebellum western

Missouri society.

The war record of Quantrill's band earned them the reputation of having been one of the most ferocious guerrilla forces ever assembled. Yet Quantrill himself was an unlikely hero, an enigma of his own creation, a confidence man and an ideological chameleon. The truth about QuantriII, incIuding the correct spelling of his name, eluded even those believed to be closest to him.' He was a raised as an abolitionist and trained as a schoolteacher in Canal Dover, Ohio.

However, restless and dissatisfied with his life he traveled from place to place in

Don R, Bowen, "Guerrilla War in Western Missouri, 1862-1865: Historical Extensions of the Relative Deprivation Thesis," Comparative Studies in Society and History 19, no. L(1977): 33 -

There was some confusion regarding the spelling of QuantriLl's name among his contemporaries. He was referred to as the "Guerrilla QuantrelI" or simply "QuantreiY- Quantrill's name was misspe1Ied in this manner whenever it appeared in newspapers durhg the Civil War, whether it was in The New York Times,Louisville Daily Democrat, or Lawrence Daily Kcursas Tribune. An uncommon name, its correct spelling was not we11 known and, therefore, was cnisspelled for many years- It is likely that it was spelled phonetically based upon a Southern pronunciation; thus Quantd sounds like Quantrell. As for any speculation to the contrary, he signed letters to his mother, "Your Son W.C. Quanmll" and to his boyhood friend, W-W-Scott, "Your Obedient S. W.C- Quanuiil", The only report he ever filed during the war, on October 13, I863 to Confederate Major-General Price, was also signed "W.C- Quantrill". (See War Department. War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Oflcial Records of the Union arzd Corfederate Army series I, volume XXII, part I(Washington: Government P~tingOffice, 1880- 190 l), 701. Hereafter referred to as OR) The Census of 1850 and family headstones in the Fourth Street Cemetery in Dover, Ohio confirm the spelling of the family name as "Quanmll", (See Skrh Census of the United States, Schedule I-Free In habitants in Dover Township, Ohio (line 7), ISSO). Charley Quantrell, the name many of his foIlowers referred to him as, was an amdgamation of his real name and his alias, Charley Hart. There also is some controversy as to the correct spelling of Caroline Quantrill's maiden and William's middle name, Clarke- Les Williams, former Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Dover Historical Society, believes that Quantrill added the "e" to Clarke to make it more distinguished. (See Dover Times Repo~er,Dover, Ohio, October 10, 1992. Quantrill Coliection. Dover Historical Society.) This is unlikely as Mrs. Quantrill, after meeting with former Quantrillians at B Iue Springs, Jackson County, Missouri in 1888, allowed the Louisville Courier-JournaL to publish the names of her children exactly as she had recorded them into her family bible. She spelled Clarke with an "e" when she recorded William's birth in 1837. (See Louisville Courier-Jountal, Louisville, May 13, 1888. Quantrill Collection, Dover Historical Society, photocopy.) search of his destiny. Quantrill eventually found it as the 'GuerrUa QuantreLl,"

champion and defender of the slaveholding elite of western Missouri.

In his book Bandits, historian Eric J. Hobsbawm constructs a model of

outlawry that is best described as a form of pre-proletarian social protest. Social

bandits, as he called them, expressed the collective will of an oppressed people

and flourished during periods of crisis which signified a major historical change in

their sociew4 Although Hobsbawm only applied his paradigm to pre-industrial

European peasant classes, it becomes more fluid and dynamic when used in an

American context.' One such instance is western Missouri in the Civil War era,

which gave rise to a variant of social banditry previously unrecognized by

Hobsbawm; the counterrevolutionary social bandit.

William Clarke Quantrill's raiders cannot be defmed simply as guerrillas.

however. They were rural agrarian counterrevolutionaries whose primary interest was to preserve the status quo rather than effect revolutionary social reform.

Quantrill's command primarily consisted of slaveholders and other members of the dominant class. These social bandits struggled not to overthrow the existing social order and effect a revolution, but to preserve the existing hierarchical social structure and distribution of power which had given form to their aspirations and expectations.

--- -- a Eric J. Hobsbawrn, Bandirs. (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson Ltd.. 198 1)

Historian L. Glenn Seretan's critique of Hobsbawm's paradigm argues that. "'social banditry is more polymorphous and resilient than Hobsbawm supposed and that the vagaries of American historicat evolution [are] quite capable of casting up authentic variants-" See Hobsbawm, Bandits, 15 1- Quantrillians fought in a counterrevolution against the and their civilian suppoaers in western Missouri and . Western Missourian slaveholders perceived the Civil War as a revolt against their own Iocal and regional dominance. Their conduct during the Civil War can be interpreted as a direct response to threatening social change rather than simply bloodlust and plunder. The brutality of Quantrill's guerrillas was a reaction to the perceived and actual threat posed by the Union army to themselves, their families and their way of life. They made a conscious decision to stay close to home and defend their own interests rather than join the Confederate army and fight elsewhere.

The relative success of the band, especially in the early years of the war, and its distinguished alumni, such as members of the James-Younger Gang, ensured postbeilum infamy outside Missouri and fok hero status within. Their exploits in resistance to the disruption of an entire society reflected the resentment of the slaveholding community of western Missouri over the destruction of its way of life. In the context of the Civil War in western Missouri, therefore, William

Clarke QuantrilI and his guerrilla band were counterrevolutionary social bandits, not anarchic , united not to effect a revolution, but rather in self-defense and to prevent such a revolution from taking place.

Historical analysis of the Civil War in the Trans-Mississippi West, and

Missouri in particular, is underdeveloped. The fust attempt to chronicle the exploits of Quantrill and his guerrillas was John N. Edwards' Noted Guerrillas, or the Waflare on the Border. Edwards was a Southern sympathizing Virginian who had emigrated to Missouri. He sewed in Shelby's command during the war and was probably the host popular newspaperman west of the M.ississiPpi? Published in 1877, Noted Guerflas contains more fantasy than fact. It created new and entrenched old myths as historical truths. Edwards was a professional hero maker, whose book sought to justify the crimes of the lames-Younger gang in order to sway public opinion in their favour. He depicted Quantdl and his followers as brave, chivalrous and heroic.

It was not until 19 10 that a proper biography of QuantriU appeared.

William Elsey Connelley' s Quantrill and the Border Wars was based on exhaustive research and attempted to deflate myths surrounding Quantrill.

Cornelley was the Secretary of the Kansas State Historical Society and thus not without bias. He presented Quantrill as a "depraved" and "degenerate" criminal with a "thirst for blood" who was literally born to be bad due to the "immutable law of heredi~."~His assessment of Quantrill's men was not much better.

The fust biography of QuantrilI written by a modern scholar appeared over fifty years after Comelley's. Albert Castel's William Clarke Quantrill: His Life and Times, published in 1962, was written as an afterthought following A Frontier

State ~t War: Kansas 1861-1865 in 1958. Based on the research for his fust book,

6 Barry A, Crouch, "A 'Fiend in Human Shape'?: William Clarke Quanhili and his Biographers" Kansas History 22, no- 2 (Summer 1999): 144.

'William E. Connelley, Quantill and the Border Wars- (Cedar Rapids. Iowa: The Torch Ress, 19 10). 41. Castel was acutely aware of historical perspective, but was careful to be objective about the formerly politically-charged subject. Along the same lines is Edward E.

Leslie's me Devil Knows How to Rider The Tme Story of William Clarke

Qccantrill and his Confederate Raiders (1996). Leslie, however, is a professional writer rather than scholar. His is the most extensive and weU researched biography to date. Like Castel, Leslie attempts to remain objective without attempting an analytic study. He presents his materia1 as matter of fact and tries to identify and expose iingering myths. Although not properly documented, the depth of the material may stand one day as a building block of a historiography not yet written.

The most recent publication, psychology professor Duane Schultz's

Quantrill's Wac The Life and Times of William Clarke Quantrill (1996), continues the simplistic historiographic trend established by Edwards and

Connelley: Quantrill as either hero or vilIain. This work follows Comelley's lead and demonizes Quantrill. Schultz's book, however, based on secondary source material, is a collection of diatribes against Quantrill without any analysis or historical perspective.

With the exception of Edwards, these works concentrate mainly on

Quantrill himself. In efforts to expose either his heroic or villainous nature or remain totally objective, these works fail to contextualize either Quantrill or his followers. The most valuable studies to date are historian Michael Fellman's

Inside War: The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri' During the (1989) and political scientist Don R. Bowen's statistical analyses, "Quantrill. lames, Younger et al.: Leadership in a Guerrilla Movement, Missouri, 186 1- 1865"

( 1977), Guerrilla War in Western Missouri, 1862- 1865: Historical Extensions of the Relative Deprivation Thesis" (1977) and ''Counterrevolutionary Guerrilla

War: Missouri, 186 1- 1865" (1988). Feflman attempts a psychological interpretation of the behaviour of guerrillas in Missouri, but does not adequately explain why they chose %ushwhackingTT.FelIman's work contains Little about

Quanuill and his men as he tries to cover more territory than just western

Missouri, but he does state that they are social bandits? Conspicuously absent from Inside War is the work of Don Bowen. Bowen was the fust to advance the argument that the guerrilla war in western Missouri was counterrevolutionaryary9

His theories, however, are underdeveloped and his methodolo,~ slightly flawed.

Bowen uses statistics gathered from the Seventh (1850) and Eighth (1860)

Censuses to support his hypotheses in both articles. His data is sound, but his scope is too narrow. His guerrilla list is taken from an appendix in Carl Breihan's

Qrrantrill and his Civil War Guerrillas (1959) containing only 296 names and of which he only uses 194. There were many more guerrillas involved. L have collected, from various sources, the names of over 800 Quantrillians. Bowen's

8 Michaet Fellman, litside Wac The Guerrilla Conflict in Missouri During the American Civil War. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 260.

9 Don R. Bowen, "Quantrill, James, Younger, g &: Leadership in a Guerrilla Movement, Missouri, 186 1- 1865" Military Affairs 41 no, I. (February 1977): 42-48, "GuerriIIa War in Western Missouri, 1862-1865: Historical Extensions of the Relative Deprivation Thesis" Comparative Studies in Society and History 19. no. 1 (1977): 30-5 1 and "Counterrevolutionary Guerrilla War: Missouri, 186 1-1865" Conflict 8, no. 1 (1988): 68-79. statistical method is also flawed by focusing solely on Jackson County. The majority of Quantrill's guerrillas came from Jackson County, but not exclusively.

Many were natives of neighbouring counties. Despite Bowed s Limitations, his statistics stand as the starting point for a more comprehensive account.

This thesis extends the work undertaken by Bowen, providing a more comprehensive account. This work will also argue that the violence in western

Missouri before, during and after the Civil War was, with few exceptions, neither anarchic or chaotic, but rather a coherent response to fear of impending revolution.

In doing so, it will furthermore attempt to account for Quantrill's actions by locating them within that context- Chapter One

Tumult and Turmoil: From Border War to Civil War

Unrest and turmoil characterized Missouri society in the decade leading up to the Civil War. Endemic violence raged in the western border region of the state as Free-Soilers settled in the adjacent following the Kansas-

Nebraska Act of 1854. This act built upon the Compromise of 1850 which had repealed the provision of the (1820) that prohibited slavery in the Federal territories north of 36" 30'. The act permitted the extension of slavery where it had been previously barred by law and allowed the citizens of a given territory, when applying for statehood, to decide whether or not to permit slavery in their state. Slaveholders in western Missouri had initially seen the creation and proposed settlement of the Kansas temtory as a new market for slave raised crops and as an opportunity to buttress Congressional support for slavery1

Western Missourians believed that the act would protect the state's frontier and maintain the numerical balance of power between slaveholding and non- slaveholding states2 Pro-slavery Missouri Senator

' Harrison Anthony Trexler. Slavery in Mirsoun' 18041865 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press. 1914), 186.

Before the settlement of Kansas western Missouri was surrounded by free territory. Iowa was less than ninety miles from the northern boundary of Jackson County and the Nebraska territory was even closer. articulated the desire to extend slavery into the Kansas territory in order to ensure its survival in Missouri. "If the Territory shall be opened for settlement," said

Atchison, " we pledge ourselves to each other to extend the institutions of

Missouri [slavery] over the Territory at whatever the sacr5ce of blood and trea~ure."~However, prosperous established farms, strong community ties and established spheres of influence kept western Missourians from expanding their interests across the state Line into the new temtory. Despite the lack of arable land left unclaimed in the region, very few permanent settlers went from Missouri to

Kansas with their slaves.

An influ of Northern abolitionists into Kansas shifted the focus of slaveholding Missourians from expanding slavery into the new territory to protecting their interests at home.' Proslavery Democrats, who controlled state politics in the 1850's, experienced a deepening concern over whether or not

Missouri could remain a slave state if Kansas were to be settled by abolitionists.'

Throughout the regions most dependent upon slave labour and most vulnerable to attack, western Missouri and the Boonslick, the actions of the New England

Emigrant Aid Society gave cause for alarm? This abolitionist sponsored

Quoted in William Riley Bmoksher. Bloody Hill: The Civil War Battle of Wilson's Creek (Washington: Brassey's, 1995), 10.

' Trexler. Siavery in Missouri. 186 and 188.

Ibid. 187.

Boonslick is a colloquial term for the prosperous area of the valley where Chariton. Saline, Howard, and Cooper counties converge and include Clay, Lafayette, Callaway and Boone counties as well, Due to its large proportion of siaves and its agricultural prosperity this region was aIso organization strove to populate the territory with Free-Soilers and Missouri

politicians feared the prospect of their state becoming a "slaveholding peninsula jutting up into a sea of free-soil."7 This concern reflected the priorities of the men

who governed the state during this period, the slaveholding elite of the Missouri

River counties, the most well established, populous and prosperous area of the

state.* Notable men of that region such as and Claibome Fox

Jackson had turned their socia1 and economic controI into political controI. AIong

with other powerful slaveholders and merchants they formed an oligarchy, called

"Boonslick Democracy", which totalIy dominated the Democratic party and state

politics in the 1850s: The impending crisis posed by Free-Soil settlers in the

Kansas territory made those in power more conscious of the importance of slavery as the foundation of their society. The protection of their socid and economic order became the motivating factor for their political actions during the 1850s. lo

known as "".

7 Trexler, Slavery in Missouri, 173, The New England Emigrant Aid Society was organized by eastern abolitionists in 1854 to populate Kansas with Free-Soilers in an effort to shift the balance to their favour- s Robert E. Shalhope, "Eugene Genovese. The Missouri Elite. and CiviI War Historiography." Bulterin of the Missouri Historical Society 26, no, 4 (1970): 274,

9 Ibid.. 275- Democrats had ruled the state relatively unchallenged since 1820, Sterling Price, the governor of Missouri 1852- 1856, was among the most dominant political figures in the state during the 1850's. Other prominent members of the "Boonslick Democracy" were Thomas C-ReynoIds, Owen Rawlins, John Lowry, Joshua Redman, , Meredith M. Marmaduke, George Penn. William B-Napton, and Benjamin ShingfelIow. They were also cdled the "Fayette Clique" and the 'Central CIique",

'O Ibid.. 277. Emphasis on the importance of slavery in state politics grew out of the perception of an immediate threat posed by antislaveryEree-Soil settlers in Kansas and the rise of manufacturing in the eastern portion of the state. The influence of eastern Missouri capitalists grew throughout the 1850s. The face of Missouri's economy was changing. Slave-raised cash crops like tobacco and hemp which had dominated the economy in the past were slowly and quietly being supplanted, with help of the railroad, by commercial manufactures based in St. Louis. I' According to historian Stephen Carroll, non-slaveholding eastern Missourians, including more recent settlers, many of them liberal German political refugees from the

Revolution of 1848 with a scant love for slavery, were more "interested in building a new western society than in being tied to the older culture of the

South." l2 The state's economic interests were becoming increasingly tied to the

North and East rather than the South. Even more alarming to Boonslick

Democrats during this conflict was the politics of influential members of the emerging St. Louis business elite. They sided against slaveholders and tended to support free-soilism and abolitionism. I3

" The state government pledged $26 million to railroad construction in the 1850s. The Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad linked western Missouri and the Boonslick to Chicago and tines extending from St- Louis through central Missouri connected the state to cities in the east rather than the South.

" Stephen Carroll. "Loyalty or Secession? Missouri Politics and Sentiment Before the Civil War" Missouri Historical Society Bulletin 1 (1972):25.26- l3 James Neal Primrn. 'Yankee Merchants in a Border City: A Look at StLouis Business men in the 1850s." Missouri Historical Review 78, no. 4 (1 984): 386- Asserting the significance of slavery to Missouri was especially important to the existing ruling class. Slave property determined economic, political and social standing and formed the power base of Boonslick Democracy. In a letter to

Claiborne Fox Jackson, William B. Napton wrote of his concern regarding the looming crisis and its effect on the planter class:

.. .however unimportant this matter may be to numbers of our friends differently situated, it is vitally important to us individudy and alI others similarly situated - whose entire property consists in large bodies of land and considerable numbers of slaves.. . We cannot readily shift our position in life.. .14

Napton expressed the feaf of many slaveholders at the prospect of mass settlement of Free-Soilers in the Kansas territory. In response, slaveholders were willing to resort to violence in order to preserve their ''peculiar institution" in Missouri. L'

Thus, many slaveholders began to abandon their objective of the expansion of slavery into Kansas for a defensive stance at home. Slaveholders asserted their

- - 14 Letter dated October 3, 1857, Quoted in Shalhope, "Eugene Genovese, The Missouri Elite, and Civil War Historiography", 277.

Violent and often deadly reprisal directed at outsiders who appeared to threaten the established social order was not uncommon in Missouri. Mormons settlers were expelled from Jackson County in the early 1830s as they were betieved to be abolitionists and their numbers had reached the point to where Iocals feared they would dominate elections. Whig and Know-Nothing supporters rioted in St. Louis on election day, August 1854. Fearing the rise immigrant political power, nativists rioted through Irish neighbourhoods in St, Louis on election day in August of 1854. (See John C. Schneider, "Riot and Reaction in St- Louis 1854-1856," Missouri Hisrorical Review 68 ,no. 2 (1974): 17 1-185). The same disdain was shown for all political dissenters especially as the sectional crisis reached a fever pitch in Missouri, German immigrant Sette Bmns wrote to her brother in the spring of 1861 that. "in aimost every county vigilante committees have been formed, and they direct their anger against Republicans and foreigners. .-a few Northern people received notice to leave the state-" See Henriette Anna Elisabeth Geisberg Bruns to Heim-ch Geisburg in Adolf E. Schroeder and Carla SchuIz-Geisburg eds. Hold Dear. As Always: Jetre. A German Immigrant Lge in Letters. Adolf E. Schroeder trans. (Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1988), 176-177, constitutional right to hold slaves and were determined to defend their property by force if necessary.

In the western counties response at the local level was even more vehement.

In December 1854, a Gentry County, Missouri newspaper editor reminded his readers that it was their duty, ". ..to prevent if possible that beautiful country

Bansas] from becoming an asylum for abolitionists and free sailers." l6 The leaders of various western counties, including Jackson, Plane, and Clinton. answered by officially condemning the settlement of Kansas by Northern abolitionists and advocating proslavery action." The citizens of many towns in the western region enacted proslavery measures. On January 4, 1855, for example, the men of KeytesvilIe in Chariton County responded with a declaration, which read in part:

.. .we regard the interference of the abolitionists with the institutions of the South and West as a detestable attempt to Dictate to us, without authority and.. . we believe that we have the right to raise our stalwart arms in defense of our rights.''

Similar sentiments echoed throughout western and Boonslick counties, culminating in a statewide proslavery convention heid at Lexington in Lafayette

County, Missouri on July 12-14, 1855. This forum attempted to inform all slaveholders of the threat posed by the antislavery movement believed to be

16 Quoted in Trexler. Slavery in Missouri, 187.

" Ibid., 193.

I* Quoted in Roben W. Duffner. "Slavery in the Missouri River Counties 1820-1865" (Ph-D. diss.. presently "at work against their interests" in the state.Ig It further encouraged all

Missourians "to adopt measures to protect siave property."20 The delegates passed

a series of resolutions which revealed the fear Missouri slaveholders felt for their

personal safety at the prospect of active abolitionists in such close proximity.

Among the resolutions passed, the most impassioned proclaimed that,

".. .the slaveholding interest of Missouri would not wait tilIwc] the torch is

appIied to our dweIIings or the Weto our throats, before we take measures for

our security and the security of our friends."2t Another dealt specifically with the

perceived vulnerability of the western border and the economic necessity of

combating abolitionism:

.. .the eighteen counties of Missouri lying on or near the border of Kansas, with only an imaginary boundary intervening, contain a population of about fifty thousand slaves, worth twenty-five millions of dollars, and this large amount of property, one half the entire slave property of the State, is not merely unsafe but Valueless[s~,if Kansas is made the abode of an army of hired fanatics, recruited, transported, armed and paid for the sole purpose of abolitionising[sa Kansas and ~issouri.~

- - - - University of Missouri, 1974). 158.

19 Quoted in ibid., 166.

20 Quoted in ibid., 166. By 1860 slaves represented 10.8% of the total popuIation of Missouri, In the Boonslick and Jackson County, however, slaves made up one third and one quarter of the poputation respectively,

" Quoted in ibid., 168. "Quoted in ibid., 168. The convention supposedly represented the voice of all Missourians concerning

the situation unfolding before them. However, only twenty-six counties. mostly

from the Boonslick and western Missouri, of one hundred and fourteen

participated and of the ninety-nine convention delegates, all but seventeen had

emigrated from slave states? The resolutions revealed slavocracy's attempt to

propagate their mandate as the collective will of the people of the state. At the

same time it exposed the anxieties of the sIavehoIding minority, who stilI

controlled Missouri politically, but had begun to see their grasp on the state slip

away.

Determined to protect their interests, thousands of proslavery Missourians had already crossed the border into Kansas in March of 1855 to vote illegally in the territorial election. This attempt to coerce the territory to accept slavery by ballot resulted only in violent reprisal. After the Missouri state convention in the summer of 1855 the citizens of the border counties urged one another to take up arms against Kansas. Slaveholding western Missourians became convinced that the abolitionists in Kansas were at war with thelz. Broadsides published and posted in western Missouri communities by proslavery factions again revealed the anxieties of slaveholders and attempted to build upon the fears of the citizenry.

One posted in Lexington, Lafayette County, read:

Ibid.. 166. Shalhope. ''Eugene Genovese. The Missouri Elite. and Civil War Historiography". 276 and John McEtroy, The Struggle for Miksorcrr'(Washington: The National Tribune . 1909). 19- We say to you that war, organized, matured, settled war is now waged upon us by the Abolitionists, and we call on all who are not prepared to see their friends butchered, and to be themselves driven from their homes, to rally to the rescue [and] .. .drive him [abolitionist] from your soil.. . Now is the time for ACTION.. . Clp men of Lafayette! BRING YOUR HORSES WITH YOU, YOUR GUNS AND YOUR CLOTHING -all ready to go to Kansas.. . This is the decisive moment; for the sake of your lives, your children, your fuesides, your home -come up, and let us act in this matter decidedly. and put an end to Abolitionism in Kansas.. ."

Senator Atchison also cded men to arms, urging Missourians not to sit ".. .at

home and permit the nigger thieves [to] run off with [their] negroes and depreciate

,125 - the value of [their] slaves. .. Preemptive. offensive, and retaliatory strikes by

Kansas and Missourian against one another fueled the

fire of the border war and sustained mutual animosity.'6

The violence in "" reached its climax in May of 1856

when seven hundred proslavery men crossed the border and sacked the town of

Lawrence, razing most of it to the ground. Several days later abolitionist John

Brown responded by brutally slaughtering five proslavery settlers at Pottawatomie

'' Quoted in Duffner. "Slavery in the Missouri River Counties 1820- 1865". 163.

2s Quoted in Trexler. Slavery in Missouri. 187.

" During the border war of the 1850's Kansans were called Jayhawkers by Missourians and Missourians combatants were known as Bushwhackers or Border-Ruffians. Jay hawker raids were carried out by such as James H. Lane and fanatic abolitionists like John Brown, Daniel R, Anthony, Charles R. Jennison and James Montgomery, Most antislavery Kansans were opposed to raids because they saw them as an "impediment to economic development and civil order." See Gary L. Cheatham, "Desperate Characters: The Development and Impact of the Confederate Guerrillas in Kansas" Kansas History 14, no. 3, (199 1)' 146 and Albert CasteI, "Kansas Jayhawking Raids into Western Missouri in 186 1" Missouri Hisrorical Review 54. no. I (October 1959): 1-1 I, Creek. An enraged Brown declared that it was time to 'Yight fie with fxe [and]

.. .strike terror in the hearts of pro-slavery people."27

The violence on the border sparked debate among the politically-minded in eastern Missouri. In st. Louis, for instance, where less than one percent of the population were slaves, many were calling for an end to slavery. The conservative

St. Louis Daily Democrat regularly condemned the "peculiar institution". In

January 1857, the paper predicted slavery's end:

Who, that watches passing events and indications, is not sensible of the fact that great internal convulsions await the slave states. Dt is] better to grapple with the danger in time, if danger there be, and avert it, than wait until it becomes formidable. One thing is certain, or history is no guide, that is, that slavery cannot be perpetuated anywhere.'*

Clearly the threat to slavery in western Missouri was not just external.

Sporadic raids by Jayhawkers and Border Ruffians plagued the populace on both sides of the western border for the next two years until the fighting temporarily waned in 1858. The alarm and anger of proslavery Missourians, however, had not yet calmed when "Old Osawatomie Brown" struck again. He led two columns of men into Vernon County. Missouri in late December, killing a slaveholder and taking eleven slaves to freedom in ~ansas.~~Six weeks later three

'' Quoted in Stephen B. Oates. To Purge Thir Lond Wirh Blood: A Biography of John Brown (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1984). 133. za St- Louis Daily Democrat. January 28, 1857. Quoted in Herbert Apthe ker. American Negro Slave Revolts. (New York: International PubIishers, 1974). 52-

'9 Oates, To Purge This Lund Wirh Bhod .261-262. Kansan abolitionists carried out a similar raid, invading Clay County and capturing fourteen slaves.30 Western Missourian slaveholders believed they were once again under siege.

layhawker raids into Missouri continued throughout the remainder of the

1850s, but the previous abolitionist successes had been inconsequential in relation to the size of the slave population along the western border. After 1858, however, because of the few successful and widely publicized slave liberations by Kansan abolitionists, slaveholders of the border counties believed the slave system itself to be in jeopardy. Alarmist proslavery newspapers, such as 's widely read Marshal2 Democrat, created an atmosphere of insecurity, instability, anger, and fear among the slaveholding populace. Even in the east the Daily

Democrat reported that incidents of slaves killing masters were "alarmingly frequent."31The reactions may have been extreme, but the concerns voiced by slaveholders were not totally unreasonable, considering that slave escapes had increased every year throughout the 1850s and the runaway rate in Missouri was greater than the national averagem3' In December 1859 slaves revolted in Bolivar.

Missouri. They attacked their masters, killing one arid injuring several others before the uprising could be put down?3

30 Thomas G. Dyer, "AMost Unexplained Exhibition of Madness and Brutality: Judge Lynch in Saline County, Missouri, 1859," Missouri Hisrorical Review 89, no 3 (ApriI 1995): 274,

31 St. Louis Daily Democrat. July 8. 1859- Quoted in Aptheker, Slave Revolrs. 340,

" Trexler, Slaver). in Missouri. 203 and Dyer. "Judge Lynch in Saline County". 273.

33 Aptheker. Slave Revolts. 353- As internal unrest and Jayhawker raids continued, slaveholder concerns did not go unheard, even in Missouri academic circles. President Shannon of the State

University sympathized with the besieged Missourians and expressed his proslavery position in a speech:

...the whole state is identified in interest and sympathy with the citizens on our Western border and we will co-operate with them in all proper measures to prevent the foul demon of Abolition from planting a colony of negro-thieves on our frontier to harass our citizens and steal our property.34

Shannon's sentiments reflected the same commitment that the electorate of

Missouri seemed to have to the peculiar institution. Claibome Fox Jackson was elected governor and Thomas Caute Reynolds lieutenant governor in 1860.~~

They came into office on a strongly southern platform that held that slavery could not be excluded from the temtories either by Congress or by territorial

Thus, Missouri watched the secession of South Carolina and the various other Deep South slaveholding states in reaction to the election of Lincoln with growing alarm." However, in Jackson's inaugural address he did not call For

3.r Quoted in Trexler. Slavery in Missouri. 187.

35 Thomas C. ReynoIds was a radical Southern sympathizer.

36 Stephen Carroll. "Loyalty or Secession? Missouri Politics and Sentiment before the CiviI War." Mirzor~ri Historical Society Bulletin 13, no. L (1972): 22- Missouri's most influential class. the slaveholding Southern diaspora tended to sympathize with the South during sectiond disputes. Many of these men were conservative by nature. preferring to stay in the Union. However, they were Union men with slavery, but not without it

37 Even though Douglas Democrats were among the minority of the Democrats who held political power in Missouri, Stephen A- Douglas won the EIectoral College vote of Missouri, the only state he carried, in the presidential election of 18fX. Of the five candidates in the race came a distant last the secession of Missouri. Instead, he asserted that the Union as a whole shouId

be dissolved and that Missouri must go with the ~outh.~~

Most Missourians did not share Governor Jackson's vision- The

Presidential election of 1860 showed the reIative conservatism of Missourians as they overwhelmingly rejected candidates of both the sectional parties?9 The slaveholding minority in Missouri did not vote for Southern Democrat John C.

Breckenridge, despite his radicd Southern pladorm. These voters believed the real contest lay between Stephen A. Douglas and Abraham Lincoln. They supported Douglas and passionately opposed "Black ~e~ublicanisrn"."~Support for Douglas indicated that the non-slaveholding majority in Missouri as a whole was unwilling to have the relative peace and security of their state disrupted by extremists, either Northern or southern." Nonetheless. this result did little to reassure those committed to the South and slavery.

in the popular vote of the state- Not one person cast a vote for LincoIn in either CIay or Saline counties and he received only 72 votes in all of the BoonsIick region, See R-Douglas Hurt, Agricnfture atrd Slavery in Missouri's Litrte Dirie, (Columbia Missouri: University of Missouri Press. 1992). 299.

'' Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone. eds., Dictio~~aryof American Biography. voI. V (New York: Charks Scribner's Sons, 1932). 538. During the presidential election of 1860 Jackson, who privately preferred John C-Breckenridge. pubticly supported DougIas as he beIieved he was the true nominee of the national Democratic party. See William H. Lyon, "Claiborne Fox Jackson and the Secession Crisis in Missouri." hlissonri Hisrorical Review 58. no, 4 ( 1964): 429,

39 Northern Democrat Stephen A- Douglas received 35.5 % of the popular vote of Missouri- Constitutional Unionist fohn Be11 came in a close second with 35.2 8, Southern Democrat Iohn C- Breckenridge third with 18.9 % and RepubIican Abraham Lincoln Iast with 10.2 %- See Lyon. "Secession Crisis in Missouri", 33 1.

JO Breckenridge did not receive a plurality in the counties with the largest numbers of slaveholders, See Lyon, "Secession Crisis in Missouri". 43 1.

J I Arthur R. Kirkpatrick. "Missouri on the Eve of the CiviI War." Missouri Historical Review. (January r 96 I ): go. Governor Jackson's public position was not always clear as his reaction to the secession of South Carolina can attest. He stated that:

So far as Missouri is concerned her citizens have ever been devoted to the Union, and she will remain in it so long as there is any hope that it will maintain the spirit and guarantees of the constitution. But if the Northern States have determined to put slaveholding States on a footing of inequality [then they should] not expect our submission to a government on terms of inequality and subordination."

Despite his "devotion" to the Won, Jackson rejected Lincoln's call for troops after the attack on Fort Sumter. In a letter to the President he argued that the proclamation was "illegal, unconstitutional and revolutionary," and added that,

"not a man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry out such an unholy deed against our southern sister states."" Jackson's loyalty to the Union was qualified at best.

A state convention called in February of 1861 attempted to decide the question of secession. In retrospect, the conclusions of the convention delegates seemed selfish and shortsighted as they strove to withdraw from national politics and detach the state from the national slavery debate. Slaveholding Missourians were scarred by the border war, but more recently by the loss of the frontier to free soil as Kansas was admitted to the Union as a free state on January 29, 186 1.

" Quoted in William E. Parrish. A 1860-1875- (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1973), 4.

'3 Quoted in Charles Harvey. "Missouri from 1849-1861." Missouri Hisroricd Review 92. no2 (January 19%): 132- 133 and Mi'ssouri Historical Review 57, no. 3 (April 1963). original reproduced i~zsiderhe back cover. Now, if they seceded. the state would stand alone, exposed to free soil on two sides. The delegates believed, therefore, that however ambivalent, the federal uuovernment offered the only protection for slavery in Missouri. Secession would harm rather than potect slavery even though seven Southern states had already left the Union. Secession, they feared, would drive down slave prices, cut

Missouri off from eastern markets, and leave the state isolated economically, politically, and geographically. Convention deIegates, the majority of whom were slaveholders, believed that their immediate interests were best sewed by remaining in the Union and relying on the security of its constitutional guarantees. such as the Fugitive Slave Law. In February of 186 1, despite the secessionist argument that remaining in the Union was tantamount to accepting abolition, the majority of Missourians, including all of the delegates, were not yet willing to fight a war over slavery.

The convention, however, forced Governor Jackson to reveal his hand. He miscalculated the outcome of the meeting and had already been positioning

Missouri for secession. Jackson had publicly and caustically denied Lincoln's request for troops. Secretly though, he requested to send heavy artillery to ~issouri." He anticipated internal resistance to his maneuvering and prepared to combat it.

U Chiborne Fox Jackson to Jefferson Davis. April f 7, 186 1. In Lynda Lasswell Crist and Mary Seaton Dix, eds.. The Papers of Jeflerson Davis- vol- 7 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1992). 107. The events of the early months of 186 1 had not yet completely divided

Missourians. However. in the East. Missouri Republican Congressman Francis

Preston Blair, Jr. had been organizing pro-Union forces in the state since the beginning of the year."s Blair offered his St. Louis based forces to Secretary of

War , who accepted, in order to fd Missouri's volunteer quota.J6

Boonslick Democrats still controlled the state government, but Blair had, in effect, usurped the governor's authority and propelled the polarization of Loyalty in

Missouri.

Frank Blair's command was put into federal service as the Union Guard under another Free-Soiler and passionate opponent of slavocracy, General

Nathaniel Lyon. Lyon had previously been posted to Fort Scott in eastern Kansas during the turmoil of the 1850's. There he had formed strong Free-Soil and anti-

'' ranc cis Preston Blair Ir. was the son of Francis Preston Blair (a founder of the RepubIican Party). He was active in the antislavery movement even though he had been a slaveholder. Blair left the Democratic Party to heIp found the Free-Soil Party in 1848 and established and edited The Barrzbrrrrrer. a free-soil newspaper. He had served in the Missouri state legislature (1852-1856) and had been critical of the Kansas-Nebraska Act as a violation of the Missouri Compromise- He served in Congress fiom 1857- 59 and throughout the Civil War. Seven regiments of troops fiom Missouri for the Union army were raised under Blair and he was commissioned a major-general. See Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone. eds., Dictionary ofAmerican Biography. vol, 1- (New York: Charies Scribner's Sons. 1932). 332,

It is also interesting to note that in order to consolidate pro-Union forces Blair organized a Committee of Safety and encouraged its members to spy on their neighbours in order to keep him informed of the movements of secessionists all over Missouri. In order to do this they sent out letters across the state, in early 186 1. requesting information and stressing the importance and urgency of forming 'a great Union party, opposed to secession and rebellion," It read in part: We should know our friends fiom our foes; we should know what facilities and means exist for promoting our common object. and also what steps are being taken,..to defeat our wishes, Has any organization been made or attempted in your county.,,If so, give the number of men, names of officers, numbers and kinds of arms. kind of oath taken. and any other such facts as you may deem materid- See James Broadhead, "'Early Events of the War in Missouri." War Papers atld Reminiscences 1561- 1865: Read Before the Cornmundery of the State of Missouri Milirary Order of the Loyal Legiort of tire Orired States. voI. 1 (St. Louis: Becktold and Company. 1892.), 6-8. slavocracy opinions.47 He came to Missouri to suppress the "treasonous

insurrection" Blair believed to be brewing in St. Louis and to press the antislavery

issue. As he embaiked upon a steamer for his new post, Lyon prophetically stated

that, "I shall not hesitate to rejoice at the triumph of my principles, though this

triumph may involve an issue in which I certainly expect to expose and very likely

lose my life.""

At the behest of Governor Jackson, an aggressive proslavery minority gathered in St. Louis early in May 1861. In response, Blair and Lyon were authorized to raise ten thousand troops, "for the protection of the peaceable inhabitants of ~issouri."~~They were instructed by Secretary Cameron to muster those troops from the "loyal citizens of St. Louis" and reminded by Union army commander General Winfield Scott that these were "revolutionary times."s0 At the same time, secessionist militiamen began drilling at Camp Jackson, named in

47 Lyon may have been transferred fiom Kansas to St Louis in February of 1861at the request of Frank Blair because they shared the same antislavery bdiefs, As early as L854. in a Ietter to his brother Lorenzo. Lyon accused Stephen Douglas of "*subserviency[sic] to the slave interest [and that]. if it were in my power to break up our relations [with the South ] and union.-. 1 would do so at once, and decIare our glorious Union at an end," In that same year he revealed, in another Ietter, his poIitical stance on slavocracy and foreshadowed his demise when he wrote: '?he aggressions of the pro-slavery men will not be checked. till a lesson has been taught [to] them in letters of fire and blood." Quoted in Christopher PhiiIips. Damned Yankee: The L$e of General (CoIumbia: University of Missouri Press, 1990), 143.54. 106-107,

'' Quoted in Phillips. Damned Yankee. 128.

19 Command sent fiom Secretary of War Simon Cameron to General Nathaniel Lyon. April 30, 186 1. Quoted in Parrish, A History of Missouri 1860-1875. 1 1-

50 Command sent from Secretary of War Simon Cameron to General Nathaniel Lyon, April 30, 186 1. Quoted in Harvey, "Missouri from 1849-186L,". 133- This command was endorsed by Scott and approved by Lincoln. the governor's honour. near the federal arsenal with intention of seizing it. Thus. in St. Louis the leaders of both sides of the issue edged closer to a fight over slavery.

The fust blow was struck on May 10 when Lyon's Union forces (largely composed of immigrant Germans) attacked Camp Jackson after the secessionists received a shipment of arms from Jefferson Davis. Lyon's action directly contradicted Lincoln's pledge against federal coercion in Missouri. but the secessionists surrendered peacefully. However. as Blair's regiment took the 669 militiamen into custody, an angry crowd gathered. They harassed the Union

Guard volunteers by spitting on them, yelling, "Hurrah for Jeff Davis," and pelting them with rocks, brickbats, and dirt clods? A number of the men in the crowd then opened fire on Blair's troops, killing two of them. The soldiers returned fie. killing twenty-eight and wounding seventy-five civilians. This was the fist incident in which Union troops turned on citizens, including women, but the trend would continue throughout the Civil War in Missouri.

The Camp Jackson massacre sparked the Civil War in Missouri and polarized loyalty in the state? For example, Sterling Price. hero of the Mexican

War, former governor, and president of the state convention, supported slavery,

Phillips. Damned Yankee, 191.

P' Ibid.. 20 1. The Camp Jackson Massacre caused a stir throughout Missouri. Thousands fled St- Louis as the incident: forced them to choose sides, One of the strongest opponents of secession at the convention in February. UrieI Wright decked after the incident that. "if Unionism means such atrocious deeds as I have witnessed in St- Louis, 1 am no longer a Union Man-" See Phillips. Damned Yankee. 193. but not secession in February of 186L. The massacre, however, enraged him and he responded by offering his services to Governor Jackson as the commander of the . Sarah Jane Hill, a resident of St. Louis, a Ioyal

Unionist, and a non-slaveholder, saw the Camp Jackson massacre in a different light. She wrote in her journal that:

.. .while deploring the shooting and the killing. .. there was a feeling [among non-slaveholders in St Louis] of satisfaction that at Iast the government was taking some action to protect its property and the city from becoming prey to the confederacy?'

Missourians now would have to declare their allegiances.

Hostility continued to mount after the Camp Jackson massacre. To defend against Lyon and Blair's troops, Governor Jackson called for the enrollment of every able bodied man in Missouri into the State Guard under Price. Slaveholder hegemony brought its influence and power to bear throughout Missouri as other prominent secessionist politicians raised troops to defend their interests against federal coercion. The mayor of St. Joseph, M. Jeff Thompson foreshadowed the course of the Civil War in Missouri in a letter to Jefferson Davis in June of 186 L.

"Our leading Southern men," wrote Thompson, "Fave] resolved on immediately throwing the State into a general revolution and [are] trusting to a guerrilla war until you can send us aid."" Lieutenant Governor Thomas C. Reynolds left for

Mark M. Krug. ed.. Mrs. Ha's Journal - Civil War Rerninircences (Chicago: Lakeside Press. 1980). 14.

Letter to Jefferson Davis from M. Jeff Thompson. dated June 3. 186 1. In Crist and Dix. eds.. The Paperr of JeffersonDavis- vol. 7, 188, Richmond to gain Confederate military assistance and Price raised troops to defend the interior. Secessionists rehsed to be caught unprepared as a confrontation with Lyon and Blair was inevitable.

Governor Jackson's stance would appear to have determined the destiny of

Missouri. However, influential moderates convinced Jackson and Price to meet with Lyon and Blair in a last effort to avert full-scale war wirhin the state. The

Planter's House Hotel Conference took place in St. Louis on June I I, I86 1, dominated by a determined and unyielding Nathaniel Lyon. Forewarned of the insincerity of Jackson's loyalty, Lyon's hatred of slavocracy and secession exploded into rage." Jackson's private secretary, Thomas L. Snead, recorded

General Lyon's impassioned words as his fury reached a crescendo:

Governor Jackson, no man in the state of Missouri has been more desirous of preserving peace than myself.. . Now, however, from a failure on the part of the chief executive [Jackson] to comply with constitutional requirements, I fear he will be made to feel its power.. .The blood of every man. woman, and child within the State should flow, than he should defy the federal government.. . Rather than concede to the State of Missouri for one single instant the right to dictate to my Government in any matter, however unimportant, I would see you [pointing at Jackson], and you [pointing at

- - '' Lyon. according to historian Christopher Phillips. was by nature argumentative and irrational. See Phillips. Damned Yankee, 106, Brigadier-GeneraI W-S- Harney, commander of the , received this warning from Washington on May 27, 1861: The professions of IoyaIty to the Union by the state authorities OFMissouri are not to be died upon ...[They] are too far committed to secession to be entitled to your confidence..-Whenever it is apparent that a movement. whether by color of the State authority or not, is hostile, you will not hesitate to put it down. See John G. Nicolay and John Hay, eds., Abraham Lincoln: Complete Works (New York: The Century Company, 1920). 52. Price], and you [pointing at Snead], and every man, woman, and child in the State, dead and buried- This means war.. .56

Jackson's delegation sat in stunned silence as the general stormed out of the room. bringing the meeting to an abrupt end. The probability of war had brought

Nathaniel Lyon to Missouri and Lyon had forced war upon the state."

Governor Jackson believed he had to save the state from domination by

General Lyon and his army. Lyon had made the threat of federal intervention explicit. Jackson replied to Lyon's threats the next day by issuing a proclamation calling for fifty thousand volunteers to join Price's my,"...for the protection of the lives, liberties, and property of the citizens of ~issouri."~~He also declared that Missouri wouId remain one of the United States, but that Missourians' first allegiance was to their state, not to Lyon or even to Lincoln.

In response, Lyon started proceedings to have Jackson and other prominent

Boonslick Democrats in the Misso& legislature indicted on charges of treason.59

The governor and a faction of the state legislature took flight to Texas and the gubernatorial office was declared vacant by the rurnp.6' The remaining members of the legislature appointed Hamilton R. Gamble governor and Lincoln officially

Quoted in Thomas L. Snead. The Fight for Missouri From the Efecrion ofLincoln to rhe Death of Ljm (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1886). 199-200.

57 Phillips. Damned Yarrkee. 214.

58 Quoted in Lyon. "Secession Crisis in Missouri'.. 139 and Snead. The Fighrfor Missouri. 205.

59 Broadhead. "Early Events of the War in Missouri". 22.

"Jackson died shonly thereafter and Lieutenant-governor Thomas C. Reynolds ascended to Governor. The exiled Confederate government remained in Texas without influence in Missouri for the remainder of the war. recognized him as the staterschief executive? His appointment was supported by

Frank Blair's inner circle, composed of influential St. Louisan capitalists, who

tended to support abolitionism and unconditional Unionism. There were two

governments of Missouri in the summer of 186 1, one in exile sanctioned by the

people and one created by the exigencies of war.

The exile of Governor Jackson's government drove Missourians even

further apart. On August 5, 1861, a formal declaration of secession, issued in

absentia by Jackson, made Missouri a state in two nations6* The Confederate

Congress formally recognized the state in the fall of 186L and approved one

million dollars for the people of Missouri to aid, "in their efforts to maintain

Constitutional ~ibert~."~~Gamble, appointed by legislators left behind, remained

loyal to the Union.

'' Gamble was a conservative Whig, born and educated in Virginia. He moved to Missouri after receiving a law degree in 18 18- He sat on the Missouri Supreme Court and had rendered a dissenting opinion on the case of Scott. a Man of Color vs, Emerson (1 852) Dred Scott's first unsuccessfu1 bid for freedom. GambIe decision was that "a master who takes his slave to reside in a State or territory where sIavery is prohibited, thereby emancipates his slave." He was also the brother-in-law of Lincoln's Attorney General Bates. He was not necessarily antislavery as he had delivered a pro-Union, but pro-slave property address in St, Louis in January 1861- He had pointed out that slave property was unsafe without the protection of the federal government and the fugitive slave law- See Duffner, "Slavery in the Missouri River Counties 1820-1865", L85 and Johnson and Malone, Dictionary of American Biography- vol. IV, 120- 12 1- and McElroy, The Snuggle fir Missouri, 49.

" Jefferson Davis anticipated the declaration and the Confederate government excluded Missouri from the category of enemy states in its formal recognition of war- See Robert McElroy. Jefferson Davk: The Real and rize Unreal vol. I (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers. 1937). 3 17- Missouri was officially recognized as the twelfth member of the Confederate States of America on November 12, L861- However, according to the state constitution, Jackson's faction did not contain enough members to constitute the official legislative body of Missouri, Therefore. the secession was illegal at both the state and federal levels and Missouri was never legally in the Confederacy or out of the Union.

63 Quoted in Crist and Dix. eds., The Papers of Jefferson Davis- vol. 7.265- Five days after Jackson's declaration, the Civil War in Missouri erupted in

blood. General Price and his Missouri units along with

Confederate General Ben McCulloch and his regular forces clashed with Lyon's

Union troops at Wilson's Creek near Springfield in Greene Five

thousand Missourians joined Price in the effort to liberate Missouri? The

resulting battle brought the fitst Confederate victory in the west and the death of

General o on?

The triumph proved to be short lived. A proclamation issued on August 30.

1861 recognized the tensions within the state. General John Charles Frkmont,

Union commander of the Department of the West, declared martial law in

Missouri and no quarter for rebels stating:

I do hereby extend and declare martial law throughout the state of Missouri. AU persons who shall be taken in arms [against the Union government] will be shot. The property, real and personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be c0nfiscated.6~

More importantly, the proclamation also included a clause that effectively emancipated all the slaves in Missouri, transforming the conflict in the state into a

Price had officially been given a commission by Jefferson Davis. Union troops included James H. LaneVs and C!iarIes lennison's layhawkers, mustered into the atmy in My.

65 Panis h, A History of Mirrouri 1860-1875.47.

" For a complete description of the battle see William Riley Brooksher. Bloody Hill: The Civil War Battle of Wikon's Creek (Washington: Brassey's, 1995).

OR, ser. I. vol. m. 466-467. war upon slaveholders and confirrming their wont fears. Frkmont intended this move to punish slaveholders for their perceived disloyalty by crippling them economically and increasing the chances of a slave revolt.

Fr&nont9sactions proved premature. Lincoln forced him to rescind the clause concerning confiscation of property and liberation of slaves as it conflicted with Congress' First Co~scation~ct6' The presidential intervention proved ineffective, however. Union troops in Missouri at that time consisted mainly of antislavery Missourians and Kansan Jayhawkers hostile towards slaveholders.

They had already adopted an unofficial policy of confiscation and emancipation.

These Union troops considered slaveholding proof of disloyalty. In this climate, lines of loyalty blurred. Union or Confederate allegiances were not as simple as slaveholder or non-slaveholder categories. Divergent interests and divided loyalties clashed and Missourians turned upon one another.

The effects of this unofficial Union army policy were felt most acutely dong Missouri's western border. These unprotected counties were exposed to hostile temtory and vulnerable to Jayhawker raids. Moreover, the actions of these

Kansans were now sanctioned by the Federal government as Union troops.

Lincoln appointed James H. Lane, leading radical Republican in Kansas, Major-

General of the Kansas State Militia and former leader of Jayhawker attacks against

Missouri in the 1850's. Brigadier-General of Kansas Volunteers with full authority

" The First Confiscation Act (August 1861) fied only slaves who laboured directly in the Confederate war effort. "to raise a force."69 Lane believed strongly in emancipation and in arming slaves.

Within a year of his commission he had raised two black regiments without the

permission or support of washington." A force of about 1500 troops under Lane

fought at Wilson's Creek and upon retreat, wreaked havoc in the border counties,

sacking and plundering several towns in Missouri, including Osceola, Butler,

Harrison, and CLinton. The attacks were reminiscent of the 1850s as Jayhawkers

burned scores of buildings and homes and murdered numerous citizens. Among

the property stolen were three hundred slaves who then allegedly fought alongside

Lane's soldiers as they moved into ~ansas.~'

Fremont, meanwhile, commissioned Charles R. Jennison, another

Jayhawker leader, to raise a volunteer cavalry regiment in the July of 1861 ."

They were with Lane after the Battle of Wilson's Creek, even though Jennison had declared that "no excesses would be committed by any soldier" under his command.73 Union patrols along Missouri's western border more often than not

69 OR. ser, III, vol. II., 959.

Handon B. Hargrovt. Black Union Soldiers h the Civil War &ondon: McFadand and Company. Inc.. I988), 52 and 54.

" Ibid., 54.

"lennison's Jayhawkers were mustered into the Union army as Company H of the 7" Kansas Volunteer Cavalry.

" Quoted in Stephen Z Stan, lennironJsJayhawkers: A Civil War Cavalry Regiment and its Commander (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Press, 1973). 22.87. During the 1850's Jennison' s Jay hawkers operated as the Mound City Sharp's Rifle Guards, part of the Kansas State Militia degenerated into Jayhawker raid4 Homes were plundered and burned

indiscriminately as "the possession of moveable wealth was taken as sufficient

proof of secessionist disposition.*'75 Jennison's forces did not discriminate

between allies and foes, even capturing a Union cache of arms on its way to Fort

Arbuckle in Indian T'erritoryZ6 Loyal or not, the citizens of the border had reason

to fear as Jennison's arbitrary actions were officially sanctioned and supported by

the federal government. J~M~so~,in a fmd act of edmity. issued an ultimatum to

the citizens of Jackson, Lafayette, Cass, Johnson, and Pettis counties:

I have come among you with my command under the authority of the'General Government, for the purpose of protecting.. .[the] property of the United States Government, and for the purpose of throwing a shield of protection and defense around all men who are loyal to the Government.. . Neutrality is ended. If you are patriots you must fight; if you are traitors you will be punished. The time for fighting has come. Every man who feeds, harbors. protects or in any way gives aid and comfort to the enemies of the Union will be held responsible for his treason with his Life and property.. . desolation will follow treason.. .and in no case will any be spared, either in person or property.. .77

From June through December 1861, there were no less than twenty-two

Jayhawker raids into western Missouri where property was destroyed and confiscated slaves and plunder were taken to Kansas .78 Slaveholding Missourians

74 Ibid,, 40.

75 Quoted in ibid.. 24.

76 Ibid.. 40.

Quoted in ibid.. 87.

78 Castel. "Kansas Jayhawking Raids into Western Missouri in 1861". living along the border were tom between a natural sympathy for the South and

the desire to avoid an expanded and bloody border war. Confederate forces were

too weak in Missouri to protect slave property as Price's troops left the state after

the Battle of Wilson's Creek. Many slaveholders had believed that their property

could only be protected effectively by remaining in the Union, but continued

Jayhawker attacks undermined their confi~dence.Thus many attempted "armed

neutrality": a policy whereby men armed themselves to protect their fdesand property from Union soldiers like Jennison's and Lane's, but in theory remained politically neutral. When taking this ambiguous position loyalty ostensibly went

undeclared. By these means Missourians prepared to protect slave property and defend against potential Union attack. This local response served the needs of the

slaveholding areas of Missouri. Those who intended to fight for the greater cause joined the Confederate army and fought in battles at Wilson's Creek and

Lexington and retreated with Price, leaving their family, homes and property undefended. Armed neutralists and "Haystack Secessionists" laid in wait at home.79 In these circumstances, the only truly effective recourse for slaveholders and other citizens subject to unprovoked attacks was-to form guerrilla bands and actively defend against and repel Kansan Jayhawkers and Union soldiers from eastern Missouri and elsewhere.

'' Haystack Secessionist was a colloquial term used in Missouri to described men who stayed home to protect their property and were outwardly loyal, yet sympathized with the South, secretly aiding their cause whenever he was abte to do so without putting himself in peril. See William Greenleaf Eliot, The Story of Archer A ferander From Shryto Freedom. March 30 I863 (: Cupples. Upham and The flight of Governor Jackson severed slaveholding western Missourians from conventional.political recourse representative of theu interests. The exile of the Boonslick Democrats marked the ascendancy of free labour urban capitalism over rural slaveholder hegemony. The victor of this conflict, one that had not yet seen serious discussion or come to a head in the state, was decided overnight with the exile of the Central Clique and the appointment of Gamble. At the end of

186 1 the occupying Union army and the non-~Iaveholdingpro-Union majority politically and physically controlled the state. No body politic was left in Missouri to articulate slaveholder values and no alternative legal means of resistance remained after General Sterling Price's army left Missouri in February 1862.8'

The political future of the state would not be decided on the battlefield, but in the fields, forests and hollows of western Missouri.

Company, 1885). 45-46,

" Price's army did not return to Missouri until September 1864. Chapter Two

"at One Desperate, Fearless Man Can Do": William Clarke

Quantrill Comes to ~issouri'

WiamClarke Quantrill was an unlikely hero. He was an unprincipled drifter without strong political convictions, as well as an ideological chameleon with the ability to adapt to any situation. No one in western Missouri had seen him or even heard of him before 1860, yet he quickly won the confidence of

Southern sympathizers and was able to organize a body of men who committed their lives to his leadership and followed him implicitly throughout the war.

Quantrill was born on July 31, 1837 in Canal Dover, Ohio, raked an abolitionist and trained as a teacher, teaching at several schools in Ohio and

Illinois, but never staying long in one place. In his early years he perfected the ability to slip away without suffering the full consequences of his actions, usually with a string of unpaid boarding house bills and nunours of murder behind him.

In the spring of 1857, Quantrill's recently widowed mother was eager to see her eldest son settle down and support the family. She convinced two local

I Elvira Ascenith Weir Scott, Diary (18604887). Western Historical Manuscript Collection, State HistoricaI Society of Missouri, University of Missouri-Columbia, photocopy of typescript. July 1862, 133- Elvira Scott was a Southern sympathizer living in Saline County in the summer of 1862 when she wrote in her diary that, "Quantrill has held his own in Jackson County, notwithstanding the big expedition against him, He is exemplifying what one desperate, fearless man can do." men in Dover, Harry Torrey and Hannon V. Beeson, to allow her son to accompany them to the newly opened Kansas Territory to stake a claim for the family. Beeson was reluctant as he did not have an 'elevated opinion of any of

[memberof the Quantrill family] except for their mother."2 However, this namd affection coupled with the assistance they would need to clear the land when they arrived in Kansas was incentive enough for Beeson to allow the nineteen year old

QuantrilI to come along.

Quanuentered into a contract with the two men. They would stake a claim for him in Franklin County, Kansas as long as he helped them clear and farm their landm3He planned to settle down and tried to entice his family to sell their property in Dover and join him in ~ansas?In his letters home he described the flora and fauna in vivid detail as well as the general tranquility of Kansas in order to persuade his family to join him. The plan never came to fruition.

Quantrill became restless and began to neglect his obligations to Torrey and

Beeson. A neighbour convinced QuantriU that they did not properly remunerate him for holding their claim. A "squatter's court" agreed and awarded him sixty- three dollars in compensation. Quanuill stole a yoke of oxen, pistol and some

'H.V. Beeson to W.W. Scott, November 27. 1878. Quantrill Collection. Dover Historical Society. photocopy,

3 H.V. Beeson to W.W. Scott, November 27, L 878- Quantrill CoIlection, Dover Historicd Society. photocopy,

4 W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quanmll, May 16, 1857, QuantriII CoIlection- Manuscripts Deparunenc, The Kansas State Historical Society. blankets from Torrey and Beeson after they failed to make the fmt of two

payments to him; Despite this indiscretion they allowed Quantrill to stay, but their

amity did not last long?

Soon after the theft, Beeson awoke suddenly one night to fmd Quantrill

leaning over him, his hand raised in the air, about to plunge a knife into the

former's chest. Angry over being reprimanded earlier that evening for constantly pulling the blanket off Beeson's son as they slept, Qbantrill had decided to kill him. They struggled and Beeson disarmed and whipped him. QuantriIl was forced to flee Franklin County, Kansas on the run from trouble once again.

QuantriU's anti-social behaviour, exhibited in this incident, frequently manifested itself in violence and the inability to forgive and forget. Alone and desperate, he exercised the only option he believed left to him and fled to

Tuscarora, a nearby settlement of former Doverites. His letters home never alluded to any of his problems. He portrayed himself as satisfied with his Life in

Kansas and eager to settle in Tuscarora. During this time, though, he lost another land claim and started stealing from the old "Dover boys" as welL6 He was ostracized by this community and the other squatter settlements surrounding

Tuscarora Lake.

------'JM.. Beeson to W.W. Scott., November 27. 1878. Quantrill Collection. Dover Historical Society. photocopy.

J.M. Beeson to W.W. Sco~.November 27, 1878. Quantrill Collation. Dover Historical Society. photocopy. By the fall of 1858, Quantrill had made his way to Foa Leavenworth and

got a job with the firm of Waddell and Russell as a teamster driving an oxen team

from the Missouri River to at , Utah in an effort to flee

~ansas.~He lost this job too, however, and began to spend most of his time

gambling under the alias, Charley ~art.8A soldier and member of the c~mmand

that had escoaed the teamsters remembered Quantrill's exploits in Utah. ''Among

the celebrities of the camp," he recaIIed, "1 had frequently heard the name of

Charlie Hart mentioned, whose notoriety seem derived from his reckless bettings and phenominai[sic] winnings."g His cocksure demeanor and use of his pistol to

"insure fair play" won him few friends in ~tah.~'When QuantriIITsluck finally ran out and all his money was lost, he left Fort Bridger for . Having exhausted all opportunities in Utah, he was lured to Pike's Peak by the .

However, after two months of scrabbling unsuccessfdly for gold he gave up? It was rumoured again that Quantrill had to leave because he killed a man. While he

7 W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, July 30, 1859. Quantrill Collection- Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society, QuantriIl got a job with Waddell and Russell who were under government contract to bring supplies to Federal troops stationed at Fort Bridger under General Johnson,

Robert Morris Peck to William E. Connelley. November 6. 1907. Connelley Collection, Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society.

9 Robert Moms Peck to William E. Connelley. November 6, 1907. Connelley Collection, Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society-

'' Roben Morris Peck to William E. Connelley, November 6. 1907. Connelley Collection, Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society-

" W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, July 30. 1859. and Edward E. Leslie. The Devil Knows How to Ride: The True Story of William Clarke Quantrill and his Confederate Raiders. (New York: Random House, 1996), 59. was there he earned only $54.34, barely enough apparently to cover his expenses.L' It is more likely that economics and not fear of retribution forced his return to Kansas. -

Quantrill found his way back to Stanton, Kansas and took a teaching position during the 1859-1860 school year. This period marked a change in

Quantrill's political allegiance. In a letter he had written in 1858 to W.W. Scott in

Dover he stated that James HILane, the Ieader of the Free State movement, was

"as good a man as we have here" in ~ansas.'~At that point it appeared as though

Quantrill supported the same Free-Soil policy as Lane. One of Quanuill's students at the time, William Stockwell, remembered that he had even spoke in class of advocacy of that side.14 QuantriU also told Scott that Democrats, "are the worst men we have, for they are all rascals.. .but their day of death is fast approaching." l5 Nevertheless, in a letter written to his mother in January 1860 he apparently had a change of heart:

You have undoubtedly heard of the wrongs committed in this territory by the southern people, or proslavery party, but when one once knows the facts they can easily see that it has been the opposite party that have been the main movers in the troubles [and] by far the most lawless set of people in the country. They all sympathize for old

.--.- - . .- " W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, July 30, 1859. Quantrill Collection. Manuscrips Department The Kansas State Historical Society. l3 W-C. Quantrill to W-W.Scott, January 22. 1858. Quantrill Collection. Manuscripts Depanment, The Kansas State Historical Society.

I4 Charles Boer, Varmint Q. (Chicago: The SwaIIow Press hc., 1972). 46-

W.C. Quanail1 to W.W. Scott, January 22, 1858. Quanrrill Collection. Manuscripts Department. The Kansas State Historical Society. J. Brown, who should have been hung years ago, indeed hanging was too good for him. May 1never see a more contemptible people than those that sympathize for bin. A murderer and a robber, made a martyr of, just think of it?

The raid at Harpers Ferry may have changed Quantrill's political affiliation

or maybe it was the general tumult of Kansas during his time in the territory- In

addition, many of his letters home also reflected his unhappiness and a desire to

leave. "I do not feel my destiny is fixed in this country [Xansas]," he wrote in

February of 1860, "nor do I wish to be compelled to stay in it any longer than

possible, for the devil has got unlimited sway over this Territory and will hold it

until we have a better set of men in society generally."17 He had grown tired of the unpredictability of his life and had come to the realization that it was time for him to settle down. Stating fuaher:

I can see more clearly than ever in my life before, that I have been striving and working really without any end in view, and now, since I am more satisfied that such a course will end in nothing, it tells me that it must be changed, and soon, or it will be too late.. .One thing is certain, I am done roving around and seeking a fortune, for I have found where it may be attained by being steady and industrious. And now 1have sown wild oats for so tong, I think it is time to begin harvesting, which can only be accomplished by putting a different crop in different soil. l8

I6 W.C. Quantrill to CaroIine Quantrill, February 8, 1860- QuantrilI Collection- Manuscripts Department. The Kansas State Historical Society.

17 W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill. February 8, 1860- QuantriU Collection. Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society,

I8 W.C. Quantrill to CaroIine Quantrill, February 8, 1860- Quantrill Collection. Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society, Historian Michael Fellman believes that Quantrill's letters home reveal his

"desire to do something not ordinary but This only partially explains

Quantrill's motivation. The letters also reveal a son comforting his mother,

addressing her concerns and not necessarily disclosing what he was truly thinking

and feeling at the time." He never told her of his troubles with Torrey and Beeson

and the other Doverites, nor of his gambling exploits in Utah, or his failure at

Pike's Peak. His actions while living in Lawrence attest to Quanerill's continued

confusion over where his destiny was truly fixed and suggest that he never did give up seeking his fortune.

At the end of school year Quantrill left his teaching position. He was lonely, miserable, and dissatisfied with his Life in Stanton, but instead of leaving the territory, as he had apparently planned, he moved to ~awrence? Shortly after his arrival Quantrill resumed his alias Charley Hart, and led an enigmatic existence. He lived briefly on the Delaware Indian reserve just across the river from Lawrence before moving into the City Hotel on Massachusetts Street in town. He spent much of his the by the docks where the ferry landed, associating with people whom historian William E. Cornelley described as, "a hard Lot, tough citizens, border ruffi~ans,drunkards, carousers, fighters, brawlers, reckless of human Life. These people were kidnappers of negoes who came to Kansas .. .[and

[' Fellman, Inside War, 141.

" The letters written to Quantrill from his family and friends are as yet undiscovered.

" W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill. March 25, I860 and W.C. Quantrill to Mary Quantrill. March 25, then were] taken to Missouri and sold back into slavery, even if they were free.""

One of the men who remembered him in the summer of 1860 as Charley Hart

wrote that Qumtrill:

.. .did not appear to have any business or means of support. .. .I don't think he had any positive convictions on questions that were agitating the territory at the time; if he did, he certainly kept them to himself. One thing is certain, he was always willing to go into anything that turned up that had a dollar in it for Charley Hart.. . he did not appear to be permanentIy located in any place, adwodd frequently leave without warning.. .and be gone for days, and sometimes weeks, and then turn up again as unexpectedly as he departed?

Quantrill spent much of his rime playing cards with professional gamblers

and wagering on the occasional foot or horse race." Local residents believed he

was committing armed robbery, apparently skulking around the ferry landing

waiting for the passengers to depart, following them and robbing them at

gunpoint. 2s This is speculation. Quantrill may have used a gun to settle disputes

as he had in Utah, but probably did not do so for pew larceny.

------1860. QuantriIl Collection. Manuscripts Department. The Kansas State Historical Society, " William E. Connelley. MisceUaneous Interview Notes. Connelley Collection. Kansas State Historical Society, photocopy. WiI liam E. ConneIley's personal notes from his visit to Lawrence on Monday November 4, 1907 while gathering information for the book he was writing about Quantrill.

'f Jake Herd to W.W-Scott, undated. Quantrill Collection, Dover Historical Society, photocopy.

" Statement of H.B. Leonard to William E. Connelley, Miscellaneous Interview Notes. Connelley Collection, Kansas State HistoricaI Society. photocopy.

25 E.W. Robinson to W-W. Scott, May 9, 1881. Quantrill Collection, Dover Historical Society, photocopy. and William E-ConnelIey's undated interview notes from Box 13 - Connelley Collection, Kansas State Historical Society. Robinson claimed Quantrill would wait for people as they got off the ferry at Lawrence, follow them and Charley Hart was Quantrill's confidence man alter ego. As Hart he was able to deceive others through fdse appearances and the manipulation of surface

Men such as John Dean, who organized raids into Missouri to free slaves, easily fell prey to Quantrill's gambit. Quantrill's aforementioned frequent disappearances occurred most Likely because he was working for Dean and the

Underground Railroad.

An antislavery lawyer named Iagersoll fxst introduced Quaatrill to Dean.

QuantrilI may have even paid for letters of introduction from men in Lykins

County, Kansas in order to gain Dean's trust." Dean was suspicious of Quantrill from the time he had spent at the docks, but Quantrill managed to allay his apprehension. En Dean's opinion the people who gravitated to the docks were,

"law1ess and reckless neer[sic] do wells," but Quantrill told him he was spying on them.'8 He informed Dean of their plots to kidnap slaves and sell them back into slavery. What Dean failed to realize until it was too late was that Quantrill was aiding them in this.

Quantrill went to work for Dean and was given the task of hiding and guarding slaves liberated from Missouri until it was safe for them to travel north.

Because of his ulterior motives, many of the raids did not go as planned and Dean

rob them.

" Karen Ha1 ttunen. Confidence Men and Painred Women: A Study of Middle-Clm Culture in America, 1830-1870. (New Haven: Yale University Press., L982), 2 and 42.

" John Dean to W.W. Scott, January 26, 1879. Quantrill Collection, Dover Historical Society, photocopy.

'B John Dean to W-W.Scott, huary 26, 1879. Quanmll CoIlection, Dover Historical Society, photocopy- became suspicious of Quantrill at times. but never dissociated himself £?om him.

Quantrill would help kidnap and deliver a slave for the Underground Railroad one

day and then kidnap that same slave the next day to be sold back into slavery.'g

QuantrilI was a man of no Fied principles except those that were profitable

to him. The devil, it now seemed, had 'Wtedsway" over William Clarke

QuantliU. In December of 1860, his exploits led to a warrant for his arrest on

charges of theft, horse stealing, and kidnapping. As well, several murders in town

were linked to Charley Hart and he was forced to take flight once again?'

Quantrill hid in the woods outside of town, but was still in contact with

John Dean. He told Dean of a plan to raid the farm of a large slaveholder, Morgan

Walker, near Blue Sp~gsin Jackson County, Missouri. Still confident of

QuantriLLTsloyalty, Dean convinced some of his associates to go dong. Initially

Quanhill intended to sell the captured slaves back into slavery. The scheme

changed, however, on the way to Jackson County. Quantrill discovered that the

bounties offered by the slaveholders of the border counties for the lives of the men

in the raiding party were worth much more than the price of a slave? By forewarning Walker of the coming attack he hoped to find his fortune.

" John Dean to W.W. Scott. January 26. L879. QuantriIl Colkction, Dover Historical Society, photocopy.

Jake Herd to W.W. Scott, undated. Quantrill CoIlection. Dover Historical Society, photocopy.

'' The average price of a slave in Missouri in L859 was $1500 while the bounties on those in the raiding party ranged kern $300 to $5000. See John Dean to W-W. Scott, January 26, 1879- QuantriIl Collection, Dover Historical Society, photocopy, Unbeknownst to him, he was fmally taking the path on which he would meet the destiny for which he had been desperately searching.

Quanuill rode ahead of the party and told Waker's son, Andrew, of the

planned raid, and in order to gain the latter's confidence, the reasons for his calculated betrayal. He explained that his name was Charies Quantrill and that he had been born into a slaveholding family in Hagerstown, Maryland. He claimed to have lived there until his older brother, living in Kansas, persuaded him to move west in the summer of L857. He claimed that when he had arrived they decided to move to , but their trip had come to an abrupt end when a gang of twenty-one Jayhawkers viciously attacked them. Quantrill described how the ambush resulted in the death of his older brother and the how bandits had taken everything the boys had, including their slave. Quantrill told Walker that he had been wounded, but had recovered and vowed to avenge the murder of his brother.

To do this he had changed his name to Charley Hart and had joined James Lane's band of Jayhawkers in order to inf3trate the antislavery party. The charade had been successful and thus, he claimed, had slowly enabled him to exact revenge upon those who had killed his brother. Secretly he had killed every member of the band who had attacked them until only five remained. Quanuill then explained how he had persuaded the remaining five to allow him to join them on the raid of the Waker farm. He told Walker that they planned to kill the Walkers, liberate their slaves and steal their canle, horses, and money. Quanmll then told Walker that he wanted his help to kill the men in order to his vow to avenge the death of his brother-

Andrew Waker instinctively mistrusted Quantri11, but believed his story.

Years later he wrote that he, "was disarmed by the frank manner of the stranger, no less than by the fact that 1could think of no reason, in the range of ordinary probabilities, why he should seek to deceive me."32 Despite WaIker's cooperation,

QuantrilI's plan did not play out exactly as he had envisioned it. The Walkers, several of their neighbours. and Quantrill did kill the abolitionists, but he received no reward. Instead, the sheriff arrested Quantrill and jailed him in nearby

Independence. He recounted his supposed history to the sheriff and this, coupled with the influence of Andrew Walker, effected his release. Despite the endorsement of the Walkers and the sheriff, an angry crowd, suspicious of strangers and tired of Jayhawker attacks, gathered outside the jail and prepared to lynch Quantrill. Walker addressed the crowd and convinced them to let him go. 33

In appreciation for what he had done, the Walkers gave Quantrill some money and a hone. He then left Missouri in the company of a friend of the Walkers, Marcus

Gill, who, having decided it was prudent to move his slaves and livestock to a

"friendlier location," hired Quantrill to accompany him to ex as.^^

" Weekty Herald. (Weatherford Parker County, Texas), January 15. 1910. In Joanne Chiles Eaken. ed. Recollections of Quantrill's Guerrifias:As Told by A. I- Walker of Wearhe@ord Texas to VictorE.. Manin irr 1910. (Independence, Missou*:Two Trails Publishing, 1996), 2,

33 Andrew J. Walker to W.W.Scott, undated. Quanail1 Collection. Dover Historical Society, photocopy.

3-1 Andrew J. Walker to W.W. Scott, undated, Quantrill CoIlection, Dover Historical Society, photocopy and Weekly Herald, (Weatherford, Parker County, Texas), January 15, 19 10. In Joanne ChiIes Eaken. ed, The outcome of the Morgan Walker Raid in December 1860 confirmed to

Quantrill that his ability to deceive people could save him. As he rode out of

Missouri he was no longer the indecisive school teacher with no direction in Life; his self-doubt had t-ed to confidence in himself. He must have believed at this point that he could do anything he wished with impunity.

In the following months, Quantrill spent some time in the Cherokee Nation, where he supposedly schooled in the art of gueda'war?5 He resurfaced in

Kansas in April 1861. However, he was still a wanted man in the new state and was soon arrested, but secured his release after petitioning for and obtaining a writ of habeas cotpus? He then returned to Missouri with an euphoric feeling of

Recollections of QuanrnrnllS GuernmlIus:As Told 6y A, J. Walker of Weatherford, Texas to Victor E- Martin in 1910. (Independence, Missouri: Two Trails Publishing, 1996), 9.

'' Quantrill is said to have learned guerrilla tactics during this time from a Confederate sympathizer named Joel B. Hayes, who Iater joined General Benjamin McCulloch, C-SASee Atbert CasteI, WifliamClarke Qmnrrill: His Llye and Times- 1962- (Columbus: The Generai's Books, 1992). 64-65; Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 82; Leroy H-Fisc her and Lary C-Rampp. "Quantriil's Civil War Operations in ," ChronicLes of Okfdzoma46, no, 2 (Summer 1968): 155-18 1-

36 Affidavit of EIi Snyder concerning crimes committed by Quantrill signed by Samuel R Houser. Justice of the Peace, Lykins County, Kansas, dated April 2, 186 1. QuantriIl Collection- Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society. Warrant issued for the arrest of W.C- Quanail on charges of Larceny signed Samuel J. Houser, Justice of the Peace, Lykins County, Kansas, dated April 2, 186 1- QuantrilI Collection- Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society, Petition for a writ of habeas corpus signed W.C. QuantrilI, dated April 2, 1861- Quantrill Collection. Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historicai Society, Writ of Habeas Corpus signed by Thomas Roberts, Probate Judge, Lykins County, Kansas, dated April 3, 1861. QuantriIl ColIection, Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society- It read, in part: WCQuantriil is illegally detained and restrained of his Iiberty contrary to law,, .Ordered and ajudged [sic]that said W.C- QuantriIl be discharged &om further custody of the jailer of said Lykins County.,, invincibility out of which developed his new found charisma and courage. He had become fearless,

When the Civil War began in Missouri, QuanuilI maintained the Charley

Quantrill persona he had developed for the Walker raid and embraced the slaveholder's cause. He fought in the initial battles with General Price's

Confederate forces at Wilson's Creek and at Lexington. When Price's battered forces were compeIied to retreat, the general encouraged his men to go home.

QuanmlI returned to the Walker farxn near Bfue Springs. "He had no other alternative," according to historian Albert Castel. "but to exist on the hospitality of the still gratefid ~issourians."~~Quanhill had burned his bridges in Kansas. His fellow Doverites ostracized him and warrants for his arrest remained outstanding in Lawrence. It was in his best interest to "impose himself' on the Walkers and their neighbours?'

The retreat of the Confederate army left the border undefended against

Union attack. In response, Andrew Walker formed a patrol to protect the citizens of Jackson County from Jennison's and Lane's Jayhawkers who struck shortly after the Battle of Wilson's Creek. Walker, Quantrill, and thirteen others regularly confronted these Jayhawkers, now mustered into the Union army, in response to the latter's harassment of the Missouri populace. The fist federal soldier killed in

37 Castel. William Clarke Quanrriii, 64. jSWilliam E. Connelley. Quantrill's first bio,mpher. wrote that Quanail1 had. "voluntarily imposed hi mseIf on the South," See ConnelIey. Quanrriil and the Border Wars. 6. Jackson County in the Civil War was allegedly shot by Quantrill in retaliation for

razing Suawder Stone's house to the ground and pistol whipping his wife. The

death of the soldier resulted in the arrest of Mr- Stone and another Jackson

Countian, Billy Thompson, who had also been burned out in the raid?9 Quantrill

swore out an affidavit before a justice of the peace in Independence, assuming

responsibility for the murder, but authorities were subsequently unable to catch

and arrest him. Stone and Thompson were released and Quanuill had further

ingratiated himself in the hearts and minds of the Southern sympathizing residents

of Jackson County.

Late in the fall of 1861 Morgan Walker asked his son, Andrew, to resume

his work on the farm and QuantriU took command of the patrol. His intelligence,

superb marksmanship and horsemanship, fearless demeanor, self-confidence, and

apparent loyalty made him a natural leader. He had gained the confidence and

admiration of the people of Blue Springs at the right time. His actions to exonerate Thompson and Stone and the myth he created to explain his conduct

during the Morgan WaIker raid made him, in their minds, the champion of their cause. They believed that Quantrill had come to Jackson County to avenge the death of his brother in December of 1860, but by the fall of 1861 it seemed he was prepared to protect and avenge them.

'' Thompson and Stone were residents of Jackson County who were among the fust to be harassed by Jayhawkers mustered into the Union army under Jennison and Lane- Chapter Three

L6Shotdown Like dogs": Guerrilla War in Western Missouri

The Civil War in western Missouri was primarily an economic and political struggle. The guerda war waged by Quantrillians in the western counties can be interpreted as a continuation of slaveholder political discourse, the outgrowth of the border war of the 1850s and a spontaneous uprising in defense of slaveholder property. Slaveholders also perceived their property was threatened by the Union sympathizing state government imposed upon them after the exile of Jackson. The flight of Jackson and Price effectively ended legal support for slavery in Missouri and occupying Union forces jeopardized the traditional social and economic position of the remaining sIavehoIders.

Civil and social order as slaveholders understood it, and slave and other property were in severejeopardy in the border counties by the end of 1861.

Jayhawkers mustered into the Union army had free reign in the area as they burned, plundered and liberated slaves indiscriminately. Old enemies of the border Charles Jennison and James Lane received official commissions in the

Union Army and General Fremont issued an emancipation proclamation for

Missouri. Although Lincoln quickly rescinded Fremont's order, for slaveholders the revolution they had been resisting for a decade was at hand. Slavocracy was effectively usurped. The aggressive response of the inhabitants of the border was a natural reaction. As Pmssian military theorist Karl von Clausewitz observed, "a

nation [or a people] on the brink of an abyss will try and save itself by any means."' The only instrument of defense left to the inhabitants of western

Missouri was Quantrill's guerrilla band. Quantrillians wielded tactics honed in the conflict over Kansas in the 1850s to defend the old order and to prevent the rise of the new dominant class and social structures that antislavery represented.

The aggressive response of Quantrillians evolved from their exposure to the violence in the Border War of the 1850s. Many of those who joined QuantriIl came to manhood in an environment where violence and aggression were deemed normal. acceptable and expected responses to actual or perceived attack. The brutal warfare employed by Quantrillians throughout the war grew out of behaviour learned in boyhood, through the direct experience of living on the border during the 1850s and observing the behaviour of those embroiled in that struggle? Moreover, after the departure of Jackson and Price, fighting with

Quantrill presented a better opportunity to defend one's family, home, honour and

I Karl von Clausewitz, On War. 1832.0.J. Matthijs Joles, trans. (Washington: Combat Forces Press, t 943). 483.

In contrast to inherent theories of aggression. sociologist Greg Cashman argues that aggression is learned from social environment,, This would appear to apply to the Quantrillian response to perceived injustice. 'The form that aggression takes, the situations in which it occurs, its frequency and intensity, and the targets against which it is demonstrated are largely determined by social experience, The socialization process is instrumental in determining the context in which aggression is permitted and the targets that are permissible." See Greg Cashman, What Causes War? An introduction to Theories of lnrernarional Corflict. (New York: Lexington Books, 1993). 32-33. personal interests than joining the regular Confederate anny and possibly being sent to fight elsewhere.

Price's retreat increased incidents of guerrilla resistance throughout the western border region of Missouri. As Union forces occupied the area, lines between combatants and non-combatants blurred. Inhabitants of the border counties were subject to the hostility and depredations of troops strongly opposed to s~aveholdin~.'Threatened by seen and unseen guerrilla bands and believing all slaveholding citizens to be rebels harboring guerrillas Union soldiers attacked civilians. According to historian Richard Brownlee, the conduct of Union troops further polarized loyalty and can account in part for the Quantrillian response:

The most direct factor contributing to the great insurrection which took place on the western border in 1861 lay in the abuses visited upon the civil population by the Union military forces.. . The population which was to create and support guedawarfare against the Union had grown larger and larger during the winter of 1861- 1862 because of the outrages perpetrated against the people of Missouri by occupational forces.. .3

Quantrill and his band provided immediate retribution on those perpetrating wrongs against slaveholders and their families.

Quantrillian accounts vary, but do seem to substantiate Brownlee's concl~sion.~ joined Quantrill in late 1861 at the age of seventeen.

The troops active in the border counties consisted of Kansan troops under former Jayhawker leaders James Lane, Charles Jennison, and James Montgomery, Many of the oher Union troops were mustered from the loyal citizens of Missouri.

J Richard S. B rownlee, Grey Ghosts of the Confederacy.- Guerrillas in the West 1861 - 1865. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 195%). 3 1.50, He became involved in a fist fight with a Union soldier, Captain kinWaUey, to defend his sister's honour at "'dancing party" in September 186 1. Later that evening WalIey went to the Younger farm and accused Cole of being a spy for

Quantrill and demanded he give himself up. After the incident Younger was labeled an . Jayhawkers targeted his family and confiscated $20,000 worth of property. Younger took to the bush with Quantrill to avoid arrest and to help defend his famiIy's ho1din~s.6On JuIy 20. I862 Capt. Wdey robbed and murdered Cole's father, Henry Washington Younger, as Younger Senior made his way home to Cass County from Kansas city.' An enraged Cole Younger sought retribution. "The knowledge that my father had been killed in cold blood," wrote

Younger years afterward, 'Zlled my heart with the lust for vengeance."'

"They wnion soldiers] burned and took everything I had," wrote another

QuantrilLian, Hiram George, "[they] killed my father, [and] hung my br~ther."~

Federal soldiers killed two of Sam Hildebrand's brothers and an uncle, burned

Accounts of the war were often romanticized by Quantrillians. Don R. Bowen srates that they were written, "anywhere From 30 to 60 years after the events [and are] - .. memoirs of old men trying to recreate a brief. exciting, and. to them. glorious period of youth." See Don R. Bowen, "QuantriIl. lames, Younger, g A,: Leadership in a Guerrilla Movement, Missouri. 186 1- 1865' Military Affairs, (February 1977): 43-

This expression as well as "took to the brush" and "'take to the bush". were contemporary colloquiaIisrns used to imply becoming a guerrilla orjoining Quantrill,

7 MarIey Brant, The Outlaw Youngers: A Confederate Brotherhood. (New York: Madison Books. 1992). 25-26-29 and Thomas CoIeman Younger, The Story of Cole Younger by Himelf, 1903. (Provo: Triton Press, 1988). 18- 19,34-35,

Younger. The Story of Cole Younger, 37-

9 Thomas Goodrich. BIack Flag: Guerrilla Warfare on the Western Border 1861 - 1865, (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1995): 35, down his house, and forced his mother off her land.1° William H. Gregg joined

Quantrill on Christmas day 1861 after Jayhawkers murdered his uncle. Gregg's uncle was on his way home fiom a mill in Parkeville, Clay County when Charles

Jennison shot him and butchered his oxen for his troops." "It all seemed hopeIess," recalled George Barnett in 193 1 explaining why he had joined

Quantrill's band, "but there was no choice. I saw my brother killed. I saw our farm home in ashes and my mother left desolate, robbed of all the livestock and provisions we had gotten together to keep her.. .,r 12

Similarly, a Union patrol hanged Kicks George from a tree near his home for his Southern sympathies. He survived the ordeal and joined Quantrill soon after.I3 joined Price's army and fought in the battles at Wilson's

Creek and Independence. He had contracted measles and had been left behind by the retreating army, only to be anested by Union Troops and then paroled. After being arrested twice more on charges of aiding and abetting the Confederate cause, in violation of his parole. James escaped fiom the Liberty jail and "took to

10 Carl W. Breihan. Sam Hildebrd Guerrilla. (Wanwatosa: Pine Mountain Press, 1984). 1 L22.24.

1 I William H, Gregg, 'ALittle Dab of History Without Embellishment." BJ. George Sr- Collection, Western Historical Manuscript Collection, Stare Historical Society of Missouri, photocopy of typescript, 1 and Transcript of an interview conducted by William E. Conneltey with WiIliarn H, Gregg on July 27, 1905. Connelley Collection, Kansas State Historical Society. photocopy.

I2 Kansas Daily Capitol. January 25, 193 1- Newspaper ColIection of the Kansas State Historical Society. l3 DonaId R Hale, We Rode With Quantri1I: QuantriIf and the Guerrilla WarAs Told By the Men and Women Who Were With Him, With a True Skerch of Quantrill's Lqe. (Clinton. Missouri: The Printery, 1974). 101. the brush with ~uantrill.'~Frank James' brother, Jesse and Don Pence joined

Quanail1 after federal soIdiers came to their respective farms to demand the

whereabouts of their older brothers who were already Quantrillians. Their fathers

were strung up by the neck and both James and Pence were beaten by Union

soldiers after failing to give up the iaf~rmation.'~

Federal authorities told John McCorkle that he must join the Union army or

they would put his female reIatives in jd. This onIawfoI coercion enraged

McCorkle:

1 could not.. .take up arms against the cause I loved and against my own people.. . m would no longer submit, and I then resolved that if I die, I must; I would die fighting for my own people and for their cause.. . I was going to fmd Colonel Quantrill' s command and join id6

A desire to seek justice and not simply revenge motivated Quantrill's men." Perceived injustice to western Missourians' material welface, coupled with anger at the usurpation of slaveholder power and thus, a loss of self-determination, motivated these men to fight with and support Quantrill. This perception created a unique sense of moral outrage among many western Missourians and in order to

'' Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 184-185.

l5 Hale. We Rode With Quanrrill. 138 and Homer Croy, War My Neighbor. (New Yorlc Dell Publishing Ltd., 1949). 3 1-32. l6 O.S. Barton. Three Years With QuontreN: A True Story Told by Hi3 Scout fohn McCorkle. (Armstrong Missouri, 19 14), 52,

" The justice motive of war is a model developed by sociologist Melvin Lerner. Lerner detines the desire for justice as, "the drive to correct a perceived discrepancy between entitlements and benefits." The entitlement, however, must be believed to be a right rather than simply a desire. See David A, Welch, Justice and the Genesis of War. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1993). 19- promote justice it moved them to extremes of self-sacrifice. Similarly it led to conflict and to an increased willingness to run risks, such as taking up arms against Union forces. It also increased the likelihood of violence, especially among those socialized in a violent environment. The socialization of

Quantrillians, therefore, predisposed their response, as they had to seek justice in order to defend the perceived rights and honour of their families within their community.

The majority of Quantrill's guerrillas came from wealthy and influential families in western Missouri. William H. Gregg wrote that, "Quantrill's command was composed originally of men and boys from the very best families of

~issouri."~~Similarly, Jim Cummins described his comrades as the "sons of the most prominent men in Jackson ~ount~."~~In 1909, Quantrillian Morgan T.

Mattox told historian William E. Cornelley that indeed, "all were from the best families in Jackson, Cass and Lafayette co~nties."~'Cole Younger wrote in 1903 that the typical Quantrillian. "was in many cases, if not most. a man who had been born to better things."u Quantrillian Harrison Trow reiterated Younger's

la For discussion of the correlation between Southern honour and violence see Bertram Wyatt Brown. Honor and Violence in the Old South- (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without Embellishment". 3

" Jim Cummins, Jim Cumminr' Book by Himsee The Life Story of the lames and Younger Gang and their Comrades, including the Operations of Quantrelt's Guerrillas by One Who Rode With Them, A True Brit Terrible Tale of Outlawry, @ewer: The Reed Publishing Company, 1903). 32-

" William E. Connelley. Mi~scellaneousInterview Notes- Connelley Collection. Kansas State Historical Society, photocopy.

" Younger. The Story of Cole Younger. 56. conclusion. He told his biographer that QuantriUTsband attracted, "a number of young men.. . gently nurtured, born to higher de~tinies."~

The Eighth Census of ths United States of America corroborates the recollections of these fomer guerrillas.24 Western Missouri was an agricultural region composed of fanners living and working on their own land with their slaves. They raised crops such as hemp, corn, and wheat mainly for a regional market, but had recently begun exporting to non-slaveholding states? According to political scientist Don R. Bowen, the majority of Quantrillians were the elder sons of wealthy western Missourian farmers, constituting the elite families in their c~mmunities.~~Families with sons with Quantrill enjoyed a mean propeay value of $1l,7 1 1, as opposed to $5,678 for the rest of Jackson county?' The fortunes of the guerrillas' families had been on the rise at the outbreak of war as their real property holdings had increased by 105% from 1850 to 1860 while the rest of the county had only risen by a mere 32% .28 This increase most likely resulted from

" Barton, Three Years With Quantretl. 26-27. '' The statistics were compiled by Don R. Bowen from the 1850 and L860 census returns for Jackson County.

'I Don R. Bowen. b'CounterrevolutionaryGuerrilla War: Missouri. L86 1-L865" Conflict 8. no.1 (1988): 72.

'6 The average age of a Quantrillian in 1860 was 20.3 years. See the Eighth Census of rhe Unired Srares- Free Schedules, Bates, Barton. Cass, Clay, Jackson, Johnson. Lafayene, Saiine, Vernon Counties-

" Don R. Bowen, "Guerrilla War in Western Missouri. 1862-1865: Historical Extensions of the Relative Deprivation Thesis" Comparative Studies in Society and Hisrory 19, no. 1 (1977): 46.

" Bowen, "Countemvolutionary Guerrilla War". 74. the rising value of slaves in ~issouri.'~Of families with one or more sons with

Quantrill, Bowen concluded that 55.6% were slaveholders, owning an average of

7.4 slaves each in contrast to 25.1% for the whole of Jackson County with an average of 4.1 slaves eachm30Therefore, Jayhawker invasions and Union army occupation represented a much greater threat to the families of Quantrillians than to the general population of Jackson county?

Property values and number of slaves owned were even higher among the families of leaders within Quantrill's band. Families who produced these leaders had a mean property value of $13,848 and 70.8% were slaveholders? With the exception of Quantrill, leadership within the group was local, reflecting the antebellum world of Jackson County, ~issouri." They held those roles under

Quantrill because they had occupied them in western Missouri society before the war. They had the most to lose and, thus, the most to protect.

- " The average price of a slave in Miwuri in 1959 was $1.514- See Duffner, "Slavery in the Missouri River Counties 1820-1865". 274.

30 Bowen, "bQuantrill,lames. Younger gt #. 43. Over 50% if Quantrill's guemllas had kinship ties (i-e. brothers. cousins) within the band itself. See Eighth Census of the United Stares, Free Schedules. Bates. Barton, Cass, CIay. lac kson, lohnson, Lafayette, Saline, Vernon Counties.

Bowen. bbCounterrevolutionGuerrilla War". 45. Those who joined Quantrill were more likely to have been born in Missouri than the general population of Jackson County (62.4% vs. 39.1%). 68% of the parents of Quanuill's guerrillas were born in the South in contrast to only 3 1.1% of rest of county were born in the South- See Bowen, "Counterrevolutionary Guerrilla War", 45.

" Bowen. "Quantrill. James, Younger g a'. 42. The Civil War severeIy threatened the weaith and status of the families of

Quantrill's guerrillas. The abolition of slavery, which they believed to be the outcome if they lost, wouId mean the end of their source of wealth and dominance.

These men aspired to wield the same level of power and influence, monetarily, socially, and politically, as their fathers had. The Civil War, however, according to Bowen caused an "acute discrepancy between [these] valued goals and [their] enjoyment thereof.'T3q The war thwarted their expectations of wealth and a position in society which would have been "considerably greater than the general

~tandard."~' Thus, they intended to preserve the pre-war social order of Missouri rather than succumb to what they perceived as impending revolution.

Quantrill's band cannot be defined narrowly as guerrillas, however. Their existence reflects the disruption of an entire society. Their resistance constituted the response of the entire slaveholding community of western Missouri against the potential destruction of its way of We. Quantrillians defended the traditional

Southern order in western Missouri against the social and political breakdown which they perceived to be taking place as a consequence of Union occupation.

The retreat of the Confederacy from the state left slaveholders exposed and vulnerable in a situation where they were ruled, oppressed, and exploited by Union troops and old Jayhawker enemies. These conditions which gave rise to counterrevolutionary social banditry.

- - " Bowen, "GuerriIla War in Western Missouri, 1862- 1865". 34.

35 bid., 43. Guerrilla warfare was the only viable option dissidents in western Missouri believed was available to them and the primary mode of resistance employed by

Quantrillian counterrevolutionary social bandits. After the flight of Price and

Jackson, the Confederacy effectively abandoned Missouri for three reasons. First, the Confederate government lacked the resources for a full-scale campaign in the state.36 Jefferson Davis wrote in The Rise and Fall of the Confderate

Government that his:

.. .wishes for the defense of Missouri were fully reciprocated by the Executive of the Confederacy.. . put] the Confederate Government could not supply them with arms, munitions. and e uipage necessary for campaigns and battles and sieges .97

Davis, buoyed by early the successes of Price at Wilson's Creek and Lexington, had initially promised one million dollars for military support.38 Despite this pledge, Confederate forces in the state never received it. Missouri's prospects looked too bleak and Confederate resources were spread too thin for Davis to make good on his promise. Second, President Davis and his military advisers had initially been reluctant to appoint Price to command in Missouri because he lacked formal military training and on account of his former strong Union sympathy.

36 George C. Rabl e, The Confederate Republic: A Revolution Agaimr Politics. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993). 1 18,

37 Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Governmenr. vol, I (New York: Thomas Yoseloff. 1958). 427,

38 'The victories in Missouri [Wilson's Creek and Lexington]. ..far exceeded what might have been expected from the small forces by which they were achieved,,.[and it] must be conclusive that the was the expression of popular will of Missouri. See Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. vol. I., 432. John Beauregarde Jones, who has been called the Samuel Pepys of the

Confederacy and who was privy to much Confederate "insider information" during the war, wrote in his diary shortly after the retreat of Price that, "Gen.

Price, of Missouri, is too popular, and there is a determination on the part of the

West Pointers to 'kill him off. I fear he will gain no more victories."3g According to Jones, Price's success became a point of contention and jealousy for his better trained, but less successful eastern counterparts. This may or may not have contributed to the Confederacy's seeming withdrawal of support from its "twelfth state". Last and most important, the Confederacy's main concern was the eastern theatre as it was there that the South was most vulnerable to invasion. Therefore,

Missourians sympathetic to the Southern cause and persecuted for it, felt they had no other option but to wage war themselves.

"Taking to the brush" was a conscious decision made by Quantrillians and not the outcome of anarchy or total war." They became perrillas at great personal risk to themselves as guerrillas and their supporters were outlawed and

39 John B. Jones. A Rebel Clerk's Diary. 1866- Earl S. Miers, ed- (New York: AS- Barnes and Company, fnc., 1961)- ix, 153. "West Pointers" is a reference to formally trained military commanders, Price had no formal military training, but, heroically commanded a Missouri regiment in the Mexican War.

" Several historians have argued that a state of total war existed in Missouri. see; Harry Soltysiak. "Anarchy in Missouri" Civil War Times Ilfusrrated. vol. 24. no. 8, (1985): 26-35., James M, McPherson. "From Limited to Total War: Missouri and the Nation, 1861-1 865" Gateway Herirage. vol, 12. no, 4, (1992): 4-19., Donald L. Gilmore. 'Total War on the Missouri Border" Journal of the West- vol- 35, no- 3, (July 1996): 70-80. Lines between combatants and non-combatants definitely blurred at times. It was not, however, the design of either side to wage war on civilians, although their actions at times belied this policy. 64 given no quarter in Missouri. Special Order Number 47 (April 21, 1862) stated that:

All those found in arms and open opposition to the laws and legitimate authorities, who are known familiarly as guerrillas. ..will be shot down by the military on the spot.. .AU who have knowingly harbored or encouraged these outlaws in their lawless deeds will be arrested and tried by a military commission for their offenses.. .41

As traditional social values and expectations of slaveholders were being overturned, understandings of where loyalty should lie changed. Western

Missourians did not think of themselves as disloyal. They were designated as such for opposing the Union forces that persecuted them. Troops such as those under

Iennison and Lane specifically targeted slaveholders. One concerned resident of

Saline County wrote in her diary that, "Gentlemen of the highest social and political standing a year ago are hunted down and shot Like dogs."42 Many had no other choice but to identify themselves as opposing the Union as the Union seemingly opposed them.

Once he assumed command of Andrew Walker's patrol, Quantrill's reputation as one actively protecting slaveholder interests spread quickly among western Missourians during the winter of 1861-1862 and his band grew rapidly.

The guerrillas initially protected Jackson County slaveholders from Jayhawkers

41 OR., ser. II, vol. IIT. 468.

" Elvira Ascenith Weir Scott. Diary (1860-1887). Western Historical Manuscript Collection. State Historical Society of Missouri, University of Missouri-Columbia, photocopy of typescript. April 26. 1862, 105. who had been molesting the populace throughout the border region. Lane.

Iennison and Daniel Anthony commanded the Kansan Union forces which preyed on the area." These troops consisted mainly of the same Jayhawkers who had harassed and attacked western Missourians throughout the border war of the

1850s. In late 1861 and early 1862 they attacked and destroyed the towns of

Osceola, Butler, Harrison, and Clinton in Missouri. The guerrillas responded by attacking Union patrols occupying the border region.

Quantrifians learned the art of offensive guerrilla warfare by engaging

Union troops in skirmishes throughout the course of the fitfew months of 1862.

The shooting skills they had learned as boys coupled with this early tactical experience transformed them into accomplished killers." Success was measured in enemy casualties. Guerrilla casualties were relatively few, even though they regularly opposed Union troops superior in number." Quantrill's men were untrained and relatively inexperienced, but they had an advantage in terms of fire power and mobility. Each guerrilla was an expert shot and carried as many as twelve six shot, -36 caliber 1851 Navy Colt and -44 caliber 1860 Army Colt revolvers? These pistols, however, were inaccurate unless fued at close range?'

" Daniel R. Anthony was "a hot-headed abolitionist", the editor of the Leavenworth Daily Conservative the most radical abolitionist newspaper in Kansas, and a brother of abolitionist and suffragist Susan B. Anthony. See Castel, William Clarke Quantrill, 58.

Castel, William Clarke Quant'll, 84.

" Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without Embellishment?. 5.

46 Castel, William Clarke QuantriIf. 113. and Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 179.

47 As William H-Gregg observed, "ourmen were armed with pistols and couId do but little execution at To overcome this ~cdty,Quantrillians often wore Union uniforms in order to draw in the enemy and get as close as possible. This blue-coated pistol warfiue

was very successN as the guerrillas were able to get off multiple rounds in a very

short span. Federal cavalry men found themselves at a distinct disadvantage as

their main weapons were one-shot muzzle loading carbines which were impossible

to reload on horseback. Given this tactical advantage Union cavalry were easily

slaughtered by the sure-shot guerrillas.a

In his memoirs, Quantrillian Wiam H. Gregg described an encounter of about one hundred guerrillas with Union troops at Black Jack Point, Kansas in

1863:

...when we came in sight of Paola, where in the broad sunlight, glittered the guns of fifteen hundred cavalry, we were near the timbered heights of Bull Creek, the enemy could see this force as well as we.. . [and] the whole earth was blue behind us. "Halt",says Quanmll, %ace about", the men faced about, not a single man disobeyed, the enemy were within sixty yards. "Steady men, charge!", rang out upon the Kansas breeze. The men charged, the enemy stood, our men were thinning their ranks, the enemy were falling thick and fast, their line began to break, QuantrU ordered another charge, our boys went at them again, and drove them pell-mell like sheep for a half a mile or more, the fi ht in Kansas was ended.. . Quantrill only lost one man.. .f

long range," See Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without EmbeIlishment", 9-

58 Castel, William Clarke Quantrill, 114. and Leslie, The Devil Knows Haw to Ride, 180.

C 59 Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without Embellishment". 25-26, This account, although perhaps slightly exaggerated and self-congratulatory,

typified a QuantrilIian attack on federal troops. The circumstances that brought

about skirmishes varied. but the strategy usually did not: multiple charges into the

Union line for close range shots to kill or force the enemy to break ranks and

retreat.

Quantrill's men did not back down when they encountered superior

numbers. Although this contradicts one of the cardhal rules of guerrilla warfare, namely, to avoid combat unless you have an overwhelming advantage, Quantrill's forces were generally more mobile and better anned than their Union adversaries." They tended to go into battle with well-rested, fresh mounts and were not bound by rigid attack formations. Quantrill's men would charge headlong into bade, swarm the enemy, discharge their weapons and then scatter to avoid effective pursuit by the Union cavalry." This tactic ensured that the entire band would not be wiped out or caught in one fell swoop. Cole Younger wrote,

"Captain Quantrell believed that it was harder to trail one man than a company, and every little while the company would break up, to rally again at a moment's notice."52 Thus, the whole band never traveled together. At times the band worked in small factions and it appeared as though Quantrill was everywhere.s3

SO Samuel Payne Jr., The Conduct of Wac An Introduction to Modern Wa$are. (New York: Basil Blackwell Inc., 1989), 227.

" Gregg. "A LittIe Dab of History Without Embellishment". 14.

Younger. The Story of Cole Younger, 58.

'' The Oflcid Records of the War of the Rebelfion is rife with reports of Quanail1 present at two Quantrill's men flourished in the remate and inaccessible areas that made up the landscape of the border." Edward Leslie described the Sni-A-Bar River country of the border as, "a region of deep, narrow ravines and high hills with steep, rocky slopes, thickly covered by dense woods and tangled thickets and pocketed with leaves."" The Quantrillians ' intimate knowledge of the countryside contributed to their stealth and survival, enabling them to escape easily from any pursuer. As Jackson County natives, many of Quantrill's men, seemed to vanish into their surroundings while Union troops searched in vain for them on main roads and well known trails. Quantrill's band also benefited from what Bowen described as the "benevolent neutrality', of the local slaveholding and Southern sympathizing population.56 This helped concealment of guerrillas during times of pursuit and scatter.

Individuals from the slaveholding commu~tiesof the border became the guerrillas' quartermasters. Quantrillians depended on kinship connections within their communities for intelligence on Union troop movements, munition, shelter, horses, and food. For example, the women of Jackson and other counties

-- comptetety different piaces at the same time.

5J Hobsbawm, Bandiirs., 21. Hobsbawm describes the ideal landscape for social banditry as, "mountains. trackless plains, fenland, forest or estuaries with their endless labyrinth of creeks and waterways."

" Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride. 180. See Map C "Western Missouri". vic.

Bowen. bCounterrevolutionaryGuerrilla War': 69. regularly bought caps, lead, and powder for Quantrill and his men? Their support proved invaluable. Years later, Quanuillian William H. Gregg remembered their assistance and sang their praises. "Heaven bless the Women," he wrote, ""they were friends in need and indeed, no braver and truer Women lived than the

'Southern ladies' of Missouri. We often owed our lives to them, so I say again to them, Heaven bless them."'* The guerrillas found shelter on the property and food in the homes of western Missourian farmers- Frustrated Union commanders were well aware of the situation. One complained that:

[There is] an old lady in Missouri in whom the fedemls have the utmost confidence, but who cooks for and secrets Quantrill's men.. . she told her rebel friends she loves the bushwhackers better than any other class of men. She gives Quantrill most of his inf~rmation?~

In hun, some non-combatants paid with their lives for their support as a Union report filed on Dec 6, 1864 can attest. While searching for Quantrill in Saline

County, '"one McReynolds, near Miami, confessed to have fed and aided him all he could voluntarily. The scout shot him."60 Despite this, Southern sympathizing families were notorious in western Missouri for passing along intelligence to

Leslie, The Devil Knows How m Ride. 121. and Dorothy Brown Thompson. ed.. "AYoung Girt in the Missouri Border War" Missouri Hisran'cal Review 57, no- 3 (October 1963): 63.

'* Gregg, "ALittle Dab of History Without Embellishment". 5.

59 OR., ser. II, vol- Vm., 302, When the families were unable to help the guerrillas for fear of arousing the suspicion of occupying federal troops they would send their slaves with food and messages- See George P-Rawick, The American Slave: A Composite Auto biography. vol, 7,part 8 (Missouri Narratives), (Connecticut: Greenwood Publishing Company, 1972). 166, 195,

OR., ser. I, vol. XLT., 960- QuantriIlians. George S. Park, a loyal resident of the area, wrote to the

Department of the West voicing his concern. ccQuantrill'sassassins are scouting all through the woods. We see them on the bluffs. Secesh receive them with open arms, and they hide and feed them when they scatter.. .[.J"~' A pro-Union newspaper in Jackson County agreed. "One of the greatest difficulties the military have to encounter, is the constant and correct information which families of the bushwhackers give of every movement the troops make..-[.]"62

Quanhillians quickly developed a special relationship with the Southern sympathizing and slaveholding population of western Missouri: support by any means possible, self-sacrifice by both parties, and, at times, unmitigated adoration.

Despite the reputation that preceded them, Quantrill's men were generally well received by Confederate minded supporters. Elvira Scott was impressed by them when they ate dinner at her home in Saline County. She wrote in her diary that:

They were nicely dressed, very clean, fme looking men; polite, refined, and courteous in their manners, their language correct and gentlemanly.. . L expected to see dirty, ruffidy(sic] desperate wretches, judging from what I had heard of thernP3

An encounter with QuantriII himself prompted a resident of Jackson County to recollect that he, "always robbed, destroyed and comported himself debonairly and

- '' OR.. ser. I. vol. XLI, part II.. 102.

62 Kansas City Daily Journal of Commerce. August 13, 1863, quoted in Charles F-Hams. "Catalyst for Terror: The Collapse of the Women's Prison in Kansas City" Missouri Historical Review. (April 1995): 295.

" Elvira Ascenith Weir Scott, Diary (I 860- 1887). Western Historical Manuscript Collection, Stare Historical Society of Missouri. University of Missouri-Columbia photocopy of typescript, June 1363,203. polite~y."64SimiIarly, Mrs. R.T. Bass of Kansas City remembered Quantrill as.

"modest, quiet.. . gentle of manner and courteous as well."6s The actions of

Quantrill's men were not so important as the perceptions of their supporters. In this beleaguered society their exploits soon made them fok heroes.

Gradually, Quantrillians shifted their focus from simply protecting slaveholder property and skirmishing with Union troops in Missouri to bringing the Civil War to Kansas in the same manner as it had been brought to western

Missouri. Many Missouri towns had been sacked and plundered by Kansas troops.

Guerrilla raids into Kansas by Quantrill's band were usually retaliatory. The f~st one, on March 7, 1862 in Aubrey, was a reprisal for the burning of Dayton and

Columbus, Missouri by the Seventh Kansas Cavalry (Colonel Jennison's troops) led by Daniel Anthony. Quanta and forty guerrillas plundered every store and house in Aubrey and robbed aIl the men they could before returning to Missouri.

A similar retaliatory raid on September 6, 1862 in Olathe, Kansas avenged the execution of Quantrillian Perry Hoy under the no quarter provision of General

Henry W. Halleck's Special Order Number 2P6 Quantrill and one hundred and

64 Edward Miller Jefferys. Family History, Volume I. Jackson County Historical Society, photocopy of typescript.

R.T. Bass. "Recollections of Quanmll" in Missouri Division. United Daughters of the Confederacy. Reminiscences of the Women of Missouri During the Sixties. Jackson County Historical Society, photocopy, 234.

Special Order Number 2 (March 13, 1862) in reaction to Jefferson Davis' Partisan Ranger Act (April 21, 1862) states in part: Every man who enlists in such an organization [Partisan Rangers] forfeits his life and becomes an outlaw- All persons are hereby warned that if they join any guerriIla band they will not, if captured, be treated as ordinary fifty bushwhackers surprised Olathe and its inhabitants and proceeded to sack the town in the same fashion as Jayhawkers had sacked theirs. The guerrillas rounded up and put all the male citizens of the town into a cod. They scattered in dl directions, looting shops and homes, stealing horses and wagon and carrying away as much as they could? Those who resisted were immediately shot except women and children upon whom QuantrilI' s guemIlas, without exception, never preyed.

Dr. Thomas Hamill, a resident of Olathe, expressed his indignation in a letter to the commander of the Department of Missouri. "Wedo not care for being robbed," he wrote, "[Quanuill's guerrillas] killed our citizens in cold blood, taking our best citizens from the bosom of their families and shooting them down like so many hogs."68 At Olathe, QuantriU and his men struck another blow for the victimized slaveholders of Missouri, killing fourteen men to avenge HO~.~'This raid temporarily satisfied the resentment Missourian slaveholders had towards their Kansan Jayhawker oppressors.70

Quantrillians raided towns close to the Kansas-Missouri border in order to facilitate easy escapes. Many of the citizens of these town recognized Quantrill

prisoners of war, but will be hung as robbers and murderers- See OR- ser- II, VO~.m, 468.

Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride. 144- 14%

OR., ser- I, voI. Xm., 803.

69 Castel. William Clarke QuantriII* 96.

'O A vital element of the politics of social banditry is to satisfy the resentments of the exploited against their exploiters. See Hobsbawm, Bandits., 95. from his time in Kansas. During the raid on OIathe, Quantrill recognized E.W.

Robinson, a former acquaintance and invited him out of the corral where he had been confi~ned.The NO sat and talked for more than an hour while the guerrillas plundered the town. Robinson recalled that:

During the conversation I addressed him as "BiIl" [and] he very politely requested that I address him as 'Captain Quantrill" and took from his pocket and showed me what he claimed was a Commission from the Confederate ~overnrnent.?'

Despite Robinson's skepticism, Quantrill's commission may well have been authentic as Jefferson Davis passed the Partisan Ranger Act on April 21, 1862 which commissioned officers "with the authority to form bands of Partisan

Rangers" (i.e. perrilla~).'~In August 1862, Sterling Price submitted Quantrill' s name to the Confederate Secretary of War as one who should be authorized to muster Confederate troops in ~issouri.'~By the fall of 1862 QuantrilI and his guerrillas had received official endorsement from the Confederacy and, thus, operated under a thin veil of legitimacy. The federal government, however, explicitly rejected such commissions and Quantrillians were considered outlaw^.^'

" E.W. Robinson to W.W. Scott, May 9. 1881. Quantrill Collection. Dover Historical Society. photocopy.

" OR quoted in Leslie, The Devil Knows How ro Ride. 1 19. QuantrilI's name was submitted by General Price in 186 1 to the Confederate Secretary of War as one who should be allowed to muster troops in Jackson County.

73 OR., ser. I, vol. LIE, 823-824-

74 Special Order Number 2 (March 13. 1862) in reaction to Jefferson Davis' Partisan Ranger Act (April 2 1, 1862) states in part: Every man who enlists in such an organization [Partisan Rangers] forfeits his The hostility of Union authorities towards Quantrill posed a definite threat.

He realized that if captured he would be immediately executed. h November

1862 he left George Todd in charge of the band and traveled to Richmond,

Virginia to seek a higher commission. Quantrill obtained an interview with

Confederate Secretary of War James A. Seddon and asked that he be

commissioned a colonel under the Pardsan Rangers Act. Seddon apparently did

not care for the mode of warfare emptoyed by Quantrill and denied his request.

Undaunted, Quantrill returned to his men and used the rank anyway7'

Quantrill's guerrillas became infamous and feared among Kansans. Adela

E. Orpen, who Lived in Linn County, Kansas, wrote of the alarm of Kansans as

news of Quantdlian raids spread throughout the state, "'Quantrell! Quantrell !'

was the cry taken up by a hundred voices.. . in trembling fear [who] .. .fled before

the very shadow of Quantrell in unspeakable terror."76 'The cry of 'Wolf' had

been raised too often," wrote Reverend Hugh D. Fisher of Douglas County.

Iife and becomes an outlaw. A11 persons are hereby warned that if they join any guemlla band they will not, if captured, be treated as ordinary prisoners of war, but will be hung as robbers and murderers. See OR. ser- II, vol- III, 468.

75 Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 157- 1%. Quantrill signed the only report he ever filed during the Civil War as 'WC Quantrill, Colonel, Commanding and c.** , but is referred to in official dispatches as both captain and colonel- It is most Iikely that QuantriII received a fieId commission colonelcy from General Sterling Price or General E, Kirby Smith during the winter of 1863-1864. See OR-, ser, I, vol, XXE, part I., 701. and OR, ser- I, vol. XMCIV, part I., 853. and OR., ser I, vol. LIE, 908-

76 Adela E. Orpen, Memories of Old Emigrant Days in Kamas 1862-1865. ( London: William Blackwood and Sons Limited, 1926), 118,120-121. Kansas and many towns were, therefore. caught off guard without any defense?

No one ever knew where or when Quantrill's men would strike next and Kansans cowered in fear at the very thought of one of his "rapid and ruthless" raids.78

Rumours of his presence caused panic and mass hysteria. In Kansas the call of

"QuantreIl!" was an omen of death.

Quantrillians acted as what Hobsbawm described as, "terror bringing avengers" in ~ansas.7~Raids into Kansas served no strategic military function other than to tie up Union troops. Sacking undefended towns asserted the political position of western Missouri, but did not advance the Confederate war effort in the

West. It did, however, bring the Civil War to Kansas in the same manner as it was perceived to have been waged by Jayhawkers in western Missouri. Quantrillians were motivated by revenge, plunder, and the opportunity to strike terror into the hearts of Kansans.

The military authorities of the District of the Border, issued an order on

January 20, 1863 which they hoped would erode the guerriIIaTsbase of support. It stated in part:

All persons who shall knowingly harbor, conceal, aid, or abet, by furnishing food. clothing, information, protection, or any assistance whatever to any such emissary,

TI H.D. Fischer, Gun and the Gospel: Early Kansas and Chapfain Fischer. (Medical Century Company. 1897). 182,

'* Orpen, Memories of Oid Emigrant Days. 12L.

79 Hobsbawm, Bandits., 20. According to Hobsbawm's theory there are three types of social bandits: noble tobber or Robin Hood, resistance fighter or guerrilla unit. and the terror-bringing avenger- Confederate officer or soldier, partisan ranger, , robber, or thief, shd be promptly executed?' Its terms Mere defmed further on April 22, 1863: A person dwelling within a district under military occupation and giving information to the enemy is universally treated as a spy - a spy of a peculiarly dangerous character...... whosoever shall be convicted of holding correspondence with, or giving information to, the enemy, either directly or indirectly, shall suffer. or such other punishment as shall be ordered by the sentence of a court-martial. Persons engaged in carrying such correspondence will be held Liable to the same punishment as the correspondents themsel~es.~

Special orders from military authorities again blurred the line between combatants and non-combatants. Loyal Unionists called for action against the families of

Quantrill's guerrillas. An editorial in the pro-Union Jackson County Kansas Ciry

Daily Journal of Commerce read, in part:

It is an utter impossibility to rid the country of these pestilent outlaws, so long as their families remain.. . With the aid of these spies, dotted all over the country and Living in perfect security, a hundred Bushwhackers may defy the utmost efforts of five hundred soldiers to exterminate them.'* Disloyalty, especially by guerrilla bands, would not be tolerated by Union officials in Missouri.

OR-. ser. I. vol. XW. pt II. 65. The District of the Border was created June 9, 1862 to deal with guem*llaconflict in the border counties of Kansas and Missouri- See Harris, 'Catalyst for Terror". 293.

OR., ser. I. vol. XW. pt IT, 237.

'' Kansas Ciy Daib JoulMI of Commerce. August 13. 1863. quoted in Harris, "Catalyst for Terror*: 195. Coincidentally, on the same day that the above editorial ran, a building housing women prisoners collapsed in Kansas City. Several of those imprisoned there had brothers and cousins with QuantriIl. They had been arrested for aiding and abetting guerrill&.83 In the rubble lay the Lifeless bodies of Josephine

Anderson (sister of William Anderson), Charity McCorkle Ken (sister of John

McCorkle, wife of Nathan Ken, and cousin of Cole Younger), Armenia Crawford

Selvey, and Susan Crawford Vandevere (sisters of Riley crawford)." Two more of Anderson's sisters and McCorkle's sister-in-law were severely injured. In

Jackson County, rumours abounded suggesting that the structure of the building had been compromised by Union soldiers with the intent to kill the relatives of the

Quantrill's guerrillas. The incident was interpreted in western Missouri as the

Union making war on women. The deaths in Kansas City only heightened

Quantrillians' desire for justice and vengeance. They decided to attack Lawrence,

Kansas in an effort to put an end to the oppression by Union troops in westem-

83 The parents of Frank and James had been arrested on the same charges in May 1863, but reieased- See LesIie, The Devil Knows How to Ride. 186. " Also among the wounded were relatives of Quantrillians Matt Ken; Sim Whitsitt, and Reuben Ham-s. In May 1863 Bill Anderson's father was killed by local authorities in Kansas after disputing a charge of horse theft, Anderson never recovered £?omthe death of his sister which was. in part, his fault for taking to the bush. Albert CasteL best described Anderson's reaction: Already a merciless kilter of men,.. the death and crippling of his sisters seemingly unhinged his mind and transformed him into a veritable homicidal maniac. Henceforth. his sole object was to kill as many Yankees as possible. And the more he killed, the more he wanted to kill, It is said, even, that he at times literally foamed at the mouth and wouid go into battle sobbing with sheer blood lust See Castel, WiHiam Clarke Quantrill, 120. Bloody Bill. as he was known, tied a knot on a silk cord he wore around his neck for every man he killed after the colIapse of the women's prison in Kansas City, It was found still tied around his neck when he was killed in October 1864 knotted fifty-four times, See Carl W. Breihan. The Complete and Authenric Lge of Jesse James. (New York: Frederick Fell, hc.. Publishers. 1953). 8 1- Missouri. The raid on Lawrence on August 21, 1963 avenged the deaths in

Kansas City and demonstrated the destructive power of QuantrilITsRaiders. but it would also mark the beginning of the end for the guerrilla band.

Lawrence was the center of the antislavery movement in the West and the home of the New England Immigrant Aid Society and James H. Lane. The inhabitants of western Missouri viewed Lawrence as the center of Jayhawker activity in ~ansas." It was the perfect target. Tt was less than 50 miles from the border and undefended as a consequence of too many false almsin anticipation of a raid.86 Western Missourians also believed Jayhawkers stored slaveholder booty in Lawrence. QuantrilIian William H. Gregg later claimed he saw about forty shanties in the southern part of Lawrence containing cchouseholdeffects stolen from Missouri." He also stated that he recognized many of the ex-slaves guarding the plunder, as having been kidnapped from Jackson county.8'

Quantrill had tentatively planned a raid on Lawrence, Kansas even before the collapse of the jail. He had intended to sack the town as he had Aubry and

OLathe, but Lawrence was more personal to him. He had been driven out of

'* Lawrence was previously sacked and burned during the Border War in 1856. For a complete description of the 1 863 Raid on Lawrence see Thomas Goodrich, Bloody Dawn: The Story of the . (Kent, Ohio: The Kent State University Press, 199 1).

86 The Reverend Fischer wrote that in Lawrence. "the cry of wolf had been raised too often." See Fischer. Gun and the Gospel, 182-

87 Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without Embellishment". 23, John McCorkle also believed that he had seen the pianos of two Jackson County famities in the parlor of James Lane. See Barton, Three Years With Quanrrell, 126. Lawrence on charges of horse stealing and kidnapping and it was his turn to seek vengeance. Quantrill may have envisioned himself riding into the town ahead of his guerrillas so as to ensure that old friends and enemies could see that he had finally achieved soloe measure of success, despite them. He never forgot how his impending arrest in Lawrence had forced him to flee. The raid would exceed all expectations of vengeance Quantrill could have ever hoped to mastermind in his

Lifetime. It was the singIe largest massacre of the CiviI War and ensured that his name would ever exist as the ''bloodiest man in American history."88

It took three days to get to Lawrence from Blue Springs, Jackson County in

August 1863 and Quantriil gathered a force of approximately 450 along the way.

The guerrillas avoided detection by wearing federal uniforms and riding only at night. They entered the town unmolested at daybreak on August 21 and Quanuill gave the order, as William H. Gregg remembered, to, "Kill Kill, and you will make no mistakes. Lawrence is the hotbed, and should be thoroughly cleansed, and the only way to cleanse it, is to ill."^^ In Gun and the Gospel massacre survivor Reverend H. D. Fisher described what ensued after QuantriLl gave his command:

With demonic yells the scoundrels flew hither and yon, wherever a man was to be seen, shooting him down like a dog. Men were called from their beds and murdered before the eyes of wives and children on their doorsteps. Tears,

. - 88 Quoted in Albert Castel "BIoodiest Man in American History" American Heritage. (October 1960): 22- 25,97-99.

89 Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without EmbelIishment", 22. entreaties, prayers availed nothing. The fiends of he11 were among us and under the demands of their revengeful black teader they satisfied their thint for blood with fiendish delight. .. As affrighted people flew for safety, no matter what the direction, they were confronted by squads of guerrillas so stationed as to cut off escape. A cordon of death had been thrown around us while we slept.. .Not only was the torch applied for the destruction of stores and homes, but in many instances the bullet-pierced bodies of their owners were consigned to flames, in individual instances before the Mewas extinct- Such scenes of barbarity have never been witnessed.. .except among the most degraded tribes of the earth?

Quantrill and his men killed one hundred and eighty-five men and razed one

hundred and fifty-four buildings and houses to the ground. They destroyed and

plundered over one and a half million dollars worth of property?1 The guerrillas

sustained only one casualty, a drunken straggler who was shot in the back of the head by William Spear whose brothers had been killed in the raid?' The rest of

the command scattered throughout the countryside.

Fischer. Gun and the Gospel. 189- 190. Despite Reverend Fischer's obvious bias and hostility, his colourful description of the events of the morning of August 2 1, 1863 in Lawrence are accurate. Fischer lived in Lawrence before and after the raid and was there when it happened and barely escaped with his life. He was also the first to pubIish a true biographical section on Quantrill, predating Connelley by thirteen years- See Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 157-245, Goodrich, Bloody Dawn,Castel. Willram Clarke Quantrill, and Connelley, Quanfdland the Border Wars. 284-42 1 for complete descriptions of the raid,

9' Fischer, Gun and the Gospel. L9 1. The popuIation of Lawrence in 1863, according to Fischer. was one thousand two hundred. Eight hundred were women and boys as most men had joined the Union army. Quantrill's raiders had slaughtered over 42% of the male population and over 15% of the total population- The most noteworthy survivor was General James Lane whom they wanted to kill more than any other. He fled just before guerrilias overran his house.

92 Andrew Williams. Manuscript. Connelley Collection. Kansas State Historical Society. photocopy. Williams was a former slave from Vernon County who was living in Lawrence at the time of the raid and asked by William Connelley in the 1890's to write down what he remembered of that day: ..,thir was one of them that got So drunk he could not get a way he was Following the raid Quantrill's men reached Jackson County relatively

unscathed. Their pursuers gave chase too late. and with inferior numbers. When

the raiders arrived home, Quantdl had intended to distribute any money they

appropriated from Lawrence to the people in Jackson County who had supported

thernP3 He told Wiam H. Gregg just before the raid that he wanted to

"compensate the people who have and still will divide the last biscuit with us.""

Thus. Quantrill rode out of Lawrence not simply as a murderer. but as a noble

robber, the Robin Hood of western Missouri. His plan, however, was foiled when

an unscrupulous member of the band disappeared with most of the money?'

Nothing, therefore, had been gained by the raid. Slaveholders. who were

victimized by Jayhawkers received no compensation for their losses. The raid

failed to demoralize the population of Kansas. It did, however, fan the fire of

animosity towards disloyal inhabitants of the western border counties of Missouri.

Union forces were never so intent on eliminating the Quantrillian scourge and

their supporters as they were in late August 1863. Disloyalty could no longer be

tolerated in western Missouri.

- -- - Shoot in the Back of the head and the Ball come out through his mouth knocking out all of his teeth out--. it was William Sppear[sic] that Shoot him.. .they taken him and hitched a Rope a Round his neck and atchted a horse and drug him all over town and then taken him down to a Revene and put him in it and Burned him up- [sic]

93 Gregg, '&ALittle Dab of History Without Embellishment", 28-29.

94 Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without Embellishment". 28.

95 Gregg. "ALittle Dab of History Without Embellishment". 29. These men were most likely some of the more recent recruits picked up dong the way the Lawrence, In and effort to placate them the rest of the money may have been divided between George Todd's men- James H. Lane, who was a principle target, but had escaped the flames that consumed Lawrence, articulated an extreme reaction to the massacre. In a speech, just days after the attack, he said, "'I want to see every foot of ground in Jackson,

Cass, and Bates counties burned over - everything laid to waste."% He also told

Major-General John M. Schofield that he intended to "lay waste to the border counties of Missouri and exterminate [all] the disloyal people."g7

Union reaction to the massacre was swift, but'less extreme. Major-General

Schofield asked Brigadier-General Thomas Ewing Jr.(commanding the District of the Border) if his, "whole cavalry force could be put in the field after QuantriU?" and urged him to. "spare no means by which he may be destroyed."g8 This request was reiterated by President Lincoln who suggested that Ewing do his "utmost to punish their [Lawrence' s] invaders."99

On August 25, 1863 Ewing responded. He issued General Order No. 11, described by historian Albert Caste1 as, "the most drastic and repressive military

96 DaiLy Missouri Democrat (St. Louis). September 1. 1863. quoted in Charles R. Mink. "GeneraL Orders. No. 11: The Forced Evacuation of Civilians During the Civil War" Military Affairs. vol, 34, (1970): 132,

97 Quoted in John M. Schofield. Forty-six Years in the Amy, (New York, 1897), 81, General Lane's popularity in Kansas had begun to wane as Jayhawkers and their tactics fell out of favour with many Kansans. layhawking, by 1863, was thought of as "a fancy name for horse-stealing." See Cheatham., 147. Lane may have been trying to win back the favour of Kansans by striking a decisive and devastating blow in Missouri. However. he was never ab te to carry out his threat as Schofield promised to use Missourian troops to repel him, See Mink. "General Orders, No- 1 1", 132-

98 OR.. ser. I. vol. XXII. part K. 469.

99 OR.. ser. I, vol. XW, part 11.. 479. The Lawrence Massacre was the most famous guemlla raid of the Civil War, It shocked the nation and the world as even the London Times carried the story- See London Times, September 10. 1863. measure directed against civilians by the Union Army during the Civil It

read in part:

All persons living in Jackson, Cass and Bates Counties, Missouri, and in that part of Vernon included in this district.. .are hereby ordered to remove fiom their present places of residence within fifteen days hereof. lo'

This order was an attempt to eliminate the guerrillas' base of support, which

Union military authorities recognized as essential to their existence, once and for

all. General Ewing justified ordering all citizens to vacate their homes by

suggesting that Quantrill and his men had, "driven out or murdered alI the loyal people of those counties.'9 LO2 The Kansas CCiry Western Journal of Commerce estimated that nine-tenths of the people of area affected by Order No. 11 "supplied and aided" guerrillas. lo3 This estimation may have been high, but the Union forces in western Missouri reacted, nonetheless, as though they had been opposed by an entire people. This was evident by the mistreatment of the populace by Union troops that culminated in Order No. 11. The feeling among the slaveholding citizenry of the border was mutual. They felt that, as a people, they were under siege and, thus, supported Quantrill and his guerrillas in any way possible.

100 AIbert Castel, Order No. I 1 and the Civil War on the Border" Missouri Historical Review. (July 1963): 357. lo' OR.. ser. I. vol. m. part 11.. 473. The northern half of Vernon County was included in the District of the Border. lo' lo' OR.. ser. I. vol. XXD, part II.. 471.

Io3 Kcufsm City Daily Jouml of Commerce. January 23. 1864 quoted in Castel. 'Order No. I I and the Civil War on the Border", 358. Union commander at Lexington and witness to the political cleansing of the region, Colonel Bazel F. Lazear described the scene to his wife:

.. .you olight to have been with me coming down from Kansas City and saw the secesh women and children and a few men with them fleeing fiom'the wrath to come. They were all from Jackson County and were leaving in accordance with General Ewings [sic] order.. . It is heartsickening [sic] to see what I have seen.. .A desolated country and men and women and children, some of them all most [sic]naked. Some on foot and some on old wagons. Oh ~od.'~

The antebellum population of the affected counties was approximately forty thousand but. by mid-September 1863. only about six hundred remained.'" Those who had formed the basis of QuanWan support were left destitute and forced into exile.

The immediate effect of Order No. 11 on Quantrill' s guerrillas was that it brought in new recruits from families that had been exiled.'06 William H. Gregg, however, noted that. "after the return from the Lawrence raid there was never again the unity of purpose which had animated the command up to that time. 9, LO7

Order No. 11 had demoralized the Quantrillians, but when the people Left they did not disband. The evacuated area had to be protected from Union troops. Colonel

- IM Vivian Kirkpatrick McLarty, 'The Civil War Letters of Colonel Bare1 F. Lazear" Missouri Historical Review. (April 1950): 390-392.

Io5 Castel, Order No- 11 and the Civil War on the Border", 357,365. lM Warren Welch joined Quanmil after his fhlywas banished to an island on the Missouri River. See Independence Eraminer. Independence, Missouri December 22, 1915, (Jackson County Historical Society) Cole Younger's sixteen year oId brother joined Quantrill after his mother was forced to torch her house by Union troops. See Brant, The Outlaw Youngers 3 1.

'07 Gregg. "A Little Dab of History Without Embellishment", 33. Lazear wrote to his wife remarking that there were about three hundred

Quanvillians scattered throughout Jackson County and they continued to skirmish with federd troops.'08 Despite these minor skirmishes, Gregg described the time in Jackson County after the Lawrence raid as, "a lull.. . whatever was done was of minor importance."'0g They sustained themselves on what had been left behind and did not head south until the weather and Union pressure forced them to retreat. 'O

Quantrill reassembled his command in late September. Union troops were hunting them more intensely than ever before and the guerrillas had to flee. Some went with their families in exile, but most went to Texas with Quanhill. In the guerrillas' absence, the vacated homes of western Missourians were looted and burned and their remaining crops were confiscated or destroyed. This area became known as the "BurntDistrict" and Quantrillians would have nothing to come home to in the spring.' '

'08 McLatty, 'The CiviI War Letters of Colonel Bazel F. Lazear". 390-39 1.

109 Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without Embellishment". 29.

[I0 Quantrillian Frank Smith. in his memoirs. recalled that. despite Order No. 11: Quantrill was in no hurry to leave the country for the South- The farmhouses were nearly all vacated ..., but in every smoke house there hung from the rafters hams and bacon, and the country was full of stray hogs, cattle, and chickens which the owners had been forced to leave behind. There was plenty of feed for [the] horses, and the men gathered the food at night, See Frank Smith, Memoirs, BJ, George Collection. Western Manuscript Collection, Missouri State Historical Society.

"' Parrish. A Hisrory of Mksouri 1860-1875, 101. Chapter Four

'You deserve a better fate": The Death of Quantrill and the Experience of

Reconstruction in Missouri

All these men fought for principle, not for plunder, and they were true-hearted, honorable soldiers, fighting for what they esteemed was a righteous cause. -Cole Younger 188 1 '

The guerrillas' futures looked bleak in the fall of 1863. Their homes were subject to devastation and the source of much of their families' wealth was nearly worthless. The Emancipation Proclamation drastically reduced the value of slaves in Missouri as emancipation in even "loyal states", it seemed, was inevitable as well. The average price of a Missouri slave in 1863 was only about ten per cent of what it had been in 1859.' The system of slavery had been unstable in Missouri since the outbreak of war as guerrillas had infested slave counties and fighting was constant. Forty thousand slaves had escaped or were voluntarily freed during the course of the war, interrupting harvests and destabilizing the economy in the

' I.W. BueI, An Authentic and Thrilling History of the Most Noted Bandits of Ancient and Modern Times, The Younger Brothers, Jesse and Frank James, and their Comrades in Crime. (St,Louis: Ryan, Jacks and Company, L88 I), 24 1.

'The average price of slave in 1859 was $15 14 and by 1863 the state auditor of Missouri valued the state's 73.8 10 slaves at $L 1,704,809, thus the average price of a slave was $158.58. See Duffner, "Slavery in the Missouri River Counties 1820-1865", Table 2 and 198, western co~nties.~Vacated homes lay in ruins in the depopulated area: "nothing

remained save stone fences and chimneys.""

The attack on Lawrence had failed to tum the war in slaveholders favor in

western but neither had the Union army succeeded in exterminating the

D-errillas and the struggle was still alive in the fall of 1863. However, all that

remained was hope. The slaveholders of western Missouri believed they were not

yet beaten as long as QuantdI remained.'

The march to Texas yielded the last victory QuantrilI's guerrillas would

have together as a cohesive unit when the band stumbled upon a Union fort at

Baxter Springs, ~ansas.6They approached the troops under a federal flag dressed

in Union uniform and took the Union soldiers by complete surprise.' The attack did not alter the course of the Civil War in the West. It did again show the savagery of Quantrillysmen as they slaughtered soldiers even as they tried to surrender?

In 1860 there were L 14,931 slaves in Missouri. By 1863 only 73,s 10 remained. The vast majority had escaped, some were set free by loyal Unionists who complied with the Emancipation Proclamation, even though it only applied to states in rebellion, Others were given their freedom by sIavehoIders in order to protect their families from molestation by Union troops. See Duffner, "SIavery in the Missouri River Counties 1820-1865". 19 1, 198 and Rawick, The American Slave, 254,

Liberty Tribune. (Jackson County), Missouri June 9, 1865, Quoted in Castel, WiffimCfarke QuanrrilC. 93 1

"For the bandit's defeat and death is the defeat of his people; and what is worse, of hope." See Hobsbawm, Bandits-. 3 1.

For a complete account of the Raxter's Springs Massacre see Lary C. Rampp. "Incident at Baxter Springs on October 6. 1863" Kmas Historical Quarterly. voI- 36. no. 2 (1970): 183-ig7,

Quantrill's men kilIed eighty nine. wounded eight, and sustained only three casualties.

OR., ser. I. vol. XXI. part 1.. 697. The report reads. in parc The incident at Baxter Springs and the Lawrence massacre drew even the criticism of the Confederacy when the band reached Texas. Appalled by the actions of Quantrill's men, General Henry McCulloch commander of the Sub-

District of North Texas, expostulated:

.. .certainly we cannot, as a Christian people, sanction savage, inhuman warfare, in which men are to be shot down like dogs, after throwing down their arms and holding up their hands supplicating for mercy.. .I have little confidence in men who fight for booty.. . they are afraid to enter our army regularly?

Quantrill's command became dyupon their arrival and, on Christmas Day

1863, several dozen of them got drunk and "shotup" the town of Sherman, Texas.

A second episode occurred on New Year's Eve when forty Quantrillians started a brawl in a Sherman brothel. Quantrill was summoned on both occasions to restore order and pay for the damages. McCuUoch responded by attempting to transfer

-..they were told [by QuantriIITsmen], in every instance, that If they would surrender, and deliver up their arms they should be treated as prisoners of war, and upon doing so were immediateIy shot down- ~>Jack Splane ... was treated in this way, and the fiend that shot him, after taking his arms, said, 'TeU old God that the last man you saw on earth was Quantritl."

9 OR., ser. I, vol. XXVI,, 348 and 379. McCuIloch represented the prevailing Confederate opinion of Quantrill's guerrillas, but there were some dissenters such as General E. Kirby Smith who, in support, wrote: .,.no better force could be employed than that of QuantriUTsMissourians,,, They are bold, fearless men,-, composed of the very best class of Missourians- They have suffered every outrage in their person and their families at the hands of the Federals, and, being outlawed and their lives forfeited. have waged a war of no quarter whenever they have come into contact with the enemy. See OR, ser- I, vo1- XXVI., 383. QuantriU's command to Houston under Major-General John B. Magruder with orders that they be "placed in the face of

Boonslick ~emocratsexiled in Texas were also concerned about the fate of the Quantrillians. General Price pressured Quanu to enlist himself and his men into regular service." Governor Jackson's successor, Thomas Caute Reynolds, even wrote Qumtrilla letter urging him to abandon his guerrilla operations:

.. .a man of your ability should look forward to a higher future. You must see that guerrilla warfare, as an honourable pursuit, is prew nearly "pIayed out", and if you wish to rise, you should acquire the confiidence of the regular authorities by conforming to the policy they adopt. Strive to organize a regular command and enter the regular Confederate service.. .The history of every guerrilla chief has been the same. He either becomes the sIave of his men, or if he attempts to control them, some officer or some private rises up, disputes his authority, gains the men, and puts him down. My opinion of you is that you deserve a L2 better fate. ,,

Despite Governor Reynolds' prophetic advice, Quantrill refused to join the regular

Confederate army, and, under the terns of the Confederate Partisan Ranger Act of

18 62, declared that he would continue to act independently. "

10 OR., ser.1, vol. XXXIV.,853-

I' Albert Castel, "Quantrill in Texas" Civil War ThesMustrated. vol. 11, no. 3 (1972): 23.

I' Thomas Caute Reynolds to W- C. Quantrill. March I I. L8fX Quoted in Castel, "Quantrill in Texas". 24 and Leslie The Devil Knows How to Ride, 294-295, Governor Jackson had died in exile in December I862 and Lt. Governor TCReynolds succeeded him.

I3 OR.. ser. I, vol- XXXN., 685. Officers commissioned under the terms of the Partisan Ranger Act of 1862 raised their own troops and operated independently of the regular army. Quantrill, apparently, interpreted that to mean that he was outside of the jurisdiction of Confederate generals in the field- General McCulloch, frustrated by his inability to control Quantrill's guerrillas, ordered them arrested and took Quantrill into custody.14 It did not take

Long after his capture, however, for him to escape? Quantrill gathered his men and fled Texas. McCulloch reversed his initial decision and chose not to pursue them as he feared the Quantrillians would scatter and attack Confederate troops,

Texan civilians, or both?

In the winter of 1863-64 QuantriUTscontrol of his command slipped even further. Discipline had broken down in Texas and criminal and violent behaviour had escalated among Quantdl's followers. Several citizens and one Confederate officer had been murdered and robbed by those under ~uantrill.'~In an effort to escape punishment for crimes committed at Lawrence and to gain better terms at a future surrender some of the guemllas deserted QuantrilI and joined regular

Confederate units.18 Conflict among the leaders of the group split the pedas

14 OR., ser. I, vo1. MCMV.,942, McCulIoch wrote to Magruder Quantrill and his men will not obey orders, and so much mischief is charged to his command here that I have determined to disarm[and] arrest-,. his entire command.., This is the only chance to get them out of this section of the country. which they have nearly ruined-.- They regard the life of a man Iess than a sheep killing dog. .. My plan is to arrest Quantrill's men--. QuantrilI and his men are determined never to go into the army or fight in any general battle.. . because it will not pay men who fight for plunder.

For a complete description of Quantrill's escape see Castel, "Quanaill in Texas", 26. l6OR., ser. I, voI. MCXIN.,958- Fearing attack McCuIloch reported that, "If these men are not kept in partisan service they will disband and scatter.. ,[andl they will do us great harm; if kept under QuantriIl they can be controlled. ,."

17 Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 295-297,

" WiIliam 8. Gregg and Cole Younger are examples of long serving Quanmllian who joined Confederate units during the winter of 1863-64- In all probability they hoped to gain better terms of surrender, into factions. William "'Bloody Bill" Anderson and about twenty others, including

Jesse James, left Quantrill while in Texas. Anderson, described by historian Carl

Breihan as a "homicidal maniac" at this time owing to the death and injury of his sisters, was Matedwhen Quanta ordered the execution of a guerrilla for robbing a farmer.lg The group mersplintered when George Todd, with whom

Quantrill had been feuding for months, forced QuantrilI, at gun point, to admit he was afraid of him. The guerrillas' heretofore respected and fearless leader had been publicly and shamefully humiliated by an underling. Quaatrill's authority had been usurped by Todd and not one guerrilla moved to suppoa him."

Had this incident occurred a year earlier Quantrill surely would not have backed down. He had risen to similar challenges from Todd in the past. However,

Quantrill's outlook had changed by 1864. He realized that there was no future for the men as a guerrilla band. Both the Union and Confederacy were hostile towards them. While in Texas he again contemplated his fate and remaining alive was a priority. Thoughts of desertion and restarting elsewhere, as he had always managed to do in the past, no doubt passed through his mind. However, he was too notorious to simply slip away as he would surely be hunted and killed. As the momentum turned towards the North in the summer of 1863 after the Fall of

Vicksburg and Gettysburg, Quantrill's hopes for future of the Confederacy

19 Breihan, The Complete and Authentic Life of Jesse James., 54.

" For a compiete account of the Todd incident see, Castel, Willtam Clarke Quantrill, and Leslie, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 299-30 1. dimmed." He had discussed his thoughts on the matter with an acquaintance who later recalled the conversation:

I inquired what he intended to do when the war was over, and where-he expected to go. He replied that he did not know what he would do. Him and I had talked this matter over before. We were each satisfied that the Confederacy was lost and that nothing but a blunder on the part of the won]commanders east of the Missippi [sic]would ever save the South and that the only thing that we could do by 22 fighting was [gaia better terms [of surrender]. ..

Quantdl knew if he surrendered he would certainly be executed. He had to continue fighting in order to obtain, if at all possible, better terms of surrender.

His supporters in ~acksonCounty whom he had protected from Jayhawkers after the Morgan Walker raid and who had sheltered, supplied, and fed him throughout the course of the war were gone. There was nothing more to be gained and much to be lost by leading raids into Kansas or actively fighting federal troops. With these realities in mind, he rode out of Todd's camp and spent the summer and fall of 1864 in relative seclusion.23

" W.L. Potter to W.W- Scott, undated. Connelley Collection, Kansas State Historical Society. It read, in part: Quantrill, in conversation with me, said that he had littIe hopes of the Confederate States ever gaining their independence-.- if Vicksbwg was surrendered, we would lose control ofthe Missippi [sic] [and] our success was doubthi- In the summer of 1863, with the fa11 of Vicksburg, the South lost its strategic stronghold on the and the Confederate offensive strategy was destroyed at the Battle of Gettysburg as it arrested the Confederates' last major invasion of the North and forced them to fight a defensive war-

" W.L. Potter to W.W. Scott, undated. Connelley Collection. Kansas State Historical Society. Potter indicates in the letter that this conversation took place in March 1864.

23 Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without Embetlishment", 32. It is not known what Quantrill was doing at this time. The most active among Quantrill's former command during the summer of

1864 were Anderson's guerrillas. They were involved in several skirmishes with

Union troops and raided several towns in western ~issoud?~Anderson's reign of terror climaxed at Centralia, Missouri on September 27, 1864. The former

Quantrillians stopped a train passing through town during the raid and ordered the riders off and onto the platform. They proceeded to rob, shoot and kill several of them. Among the passengers were thirty-three furloughed Union soldiers, they were separated from the rest of the passengers and immediately executed.

Retreating from Centralia, the guerrillas encountered more Union soldiers, the

Thirtyninth Missouri State Militia mounted infantry under Major AXE.

Johnston. Bolstered by George Todd's command, the guerrillas, on horseback, attacked and slaughtered Johnson's troops who had dismounted to fight. Of the

Thirty-ninth Missouri, one hundred and twenty-four of one hundred and foq-five men, including Major Johnston, lay dead."

Excessive ferocity and brutality by former Quantrillians marked this period.

The guerrillas under Anderson and Todd lost their focus and fought without

'* The following incidents were chosen as examples of Anderson's excessive brutality; June 1 L. 1864 - Anderson attacks a Union dettachment of thirteen near Warrensburg, killing twelve. June 13, t 864 - Anderson's guerrillas attack a federal supply main near Lexington. July 6, 1864 - Anderson and thirty- five guerrillas kill nine loyal Union men in Carroll County. July 15, I864 - $45,000 is stolen by the band From the bank during a raid on Huntsville, Missouri. July 24. 1864 - the guerrillas ambush Union troops near Huntsville, Missouri. August 28,1864 - Ambush of Fourth Missouri Cavalry. August 30, 1864 - Raid on Rocheport, Missouri,

Castel. Wfiam Clarke Quantriit, 187- 192. and Goodrich. Black Flag. 139- 142. restraint. Corpses of ambushed troops were often found scalped and rnuti~ated.'~

Guerrillas carried scalps as trophies, displaying them on their saddle-bows and

sometimes showidg them to female admirers? Despite this savageness, the

oppressed people of western Missouri still revered them. A letter written by a

witness in November 1864 described the reaction of the girls of the Danville

Female Academy in Missouri to "Bloody Bill" Anderson and his guerrillas:

The gas begged Anderson for buttons untiI he cut them all off. That coat was off of one of the murdered men at Centralia, and the girls knew it and yet they begged for them. One [of the] young ladies has a lock of Anderson's hair.. . One of the grown young ladies told one of them she would kiss him if he would give her a knife. She got the knife.. .28

Quantrillians remained folk heroes among Southern sympathizers in

Missouri and kept the expectation of victory alive during the fall of 1864 when

General Price and his army finally returned to Missouri for one fmal Confederate push.29 Governor Reynolds returned as well, accompanying Price with the

- -- -

'6 Castel. William Clarke Quantriil, 192. and Goodrich, Black Flag. 144. Dead soldiers were found with their skuIls crushed and ears, noses, genitals, and heads cut off- The heads were ofien placed on different bodies, fence posts, saddIe-horns, and the barrels of rifles and the genitals were sliced off and put into the mouths of the corpses.

" Arthur G. Draper, ed., "Dear Sister: Letters from War-Torn Missouri. 1864" Gateway Heritage. vol. 13. no. 4 (1993): 54- A letter, dated November 12. 1864, read in part: One of those men remarked to some of the girls he was talking to that he had scalped the man at Centrdia off of whom he had gotten his vest, and another one actually pulled a scalp out of his bosom by !he hair and showed it. -.

" Draper, "Dear Sister': 54.

" Price invaded Missouri in the fall of 1864, according to historian Rokn E.Shalhop with the hope of gaining, " enough support in the state to allow him to occupy it and keep it within the Confederacy.-.[and] felt that a successfid raid at the time of the pnion presidential] election might be a powerful prod to the people of the North to defeat Lincoln and sue for peace." See Robert E-Shalhope, intention of establishing a Confederate government at Jefferson They hoped to occupy the state and gain enough support so as to keep Missouri within the ~onfederac~.~'Todd and Anderson attached their commands to General

Joseph 0.Shelby's "Iron Brigade" and fought along with Price. However, all hopes of Missouri ever being truly claimed as a Confederate State ended when the

Confederate army was forced, once again, to retreat. Union troops defeated

Confederate forces in battles at Mine Creek, Marmiton, and Newtonla Iate in

1864, Both Anderson and Todd were killed in action and the war was lost in

~issouri."

The Quanaillian counterrevolution officially ended on January 11, 1865 when a Missouri constitutional convention abolished slavery. Nothing was left to fight for or defend in Missouri. QuantrilI gathered what was left his loyal followers and set forth in the hope of reaching General Robert E. Lee and participating in a mass ~urrender?~They knew it would have been impossible to

Sterling Price: Portrait of a Good Southerner. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971). 262.

3%es~ie, The Devil Knows How to Ride, 329-

Price beIieved unfounded rumours that the North was dissatisfied with the war and a successful raid would prompt the defeat of Lincoln in the upcoming November election and Northerners would to sue for peace. See Robert Shalhope, Sterling Price: Portrait of a Southerner. (Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1971), 262-

'' AndersonPsbody was photographed and then its head cut off and stuck on a telegraph pole. The decapitated copse was dragged around Richmond, Missouri behind a horse while people threw rocks at it, "BIoody Bill's final resting place was face down in one foot deep unmarked grave in the town's cemetery. See Castel, William Clarke Quantrill, 199- and Edwin A- Harris, "Bloody Bill Anderson'" Westporr Historical Quarterly. vol. 8, no. 1 (1972): 3 1.

Some historians have suggested that Quantrill's intended to assassinate Abraham Lincoln when he left Missouri in January, but better terms of surrender rather than the President is more likely what the guerrillas pursued, See Castel, William Clarke Qumtrilf, 201. surrender in Missouri without punition. The Quanwans got as far as Kentucky, traveling as the fictitious Fourth Missouri FederaI Cavalry under Captain Clarke

(Quantrill) in search of Confederate guedas. 'Tn a strange land among strange people," as Gregg described it, Quantrillians were not as successfd as they had been in the past.34 Federal troops were not as easily fooled in Kentucky. They were well aware of QuantriU's presence in the area and concerned about the possibility of another Lawrence-type raid in the state? Major-GeneraI John M.

Palmer, Union commander in Kentucky, commissioned a band of Federal guerrillas, led by a Union guerrilla leader named Edwin Ted,to hunt down the

~uantrillians.~~

Terrill's troops caught the bushwhackers by surprise on the night of May

10, 1 865 near Bloomfield in Spencer County, Kentucky. Quantrill was shot and paralyzed in the skirmish that ensued. He was taken to the military prison hospital at Louisville and succumbed to his wounds less than a month later. The federal authorities were never sure if the Quantrill they had was the infamous "GuemlIa

Quantrell", as he had been known throughout the war. The Louisville Daily

Democrat wrote:

Captain Term and his company arrived here yesterday from TaylorsviLle. They brought with them the guerrilla who bears the name of "Quantrill". It is not the Quaneill

- -- --

34 Gregg, "A Little Dab of History Without EmbelIishment", 33.

35 OR., ser. I, vol. XLWII. 1077.

'' Castel. William CfarkeQuantriN. 207. of Kansas notoriety, for we have been assured that he was at last accounts a colonel in the rebel army under Price.. . The prisoner brought down is confined in the military hospital and is said to be in a dying condition."

Ironically or perhaps prophetically, Quantrill had written his own epitaph a

month before his fatal wound in the autograph book of Nannie Dawson, whose

father had sheltered the Missourian guerrillas:

Myhorse is at the door, And the enemy 1may soon see. But before I go Miss NaMie Here's a double health to thee. Here's a sigh to those who love me And a smile to those who hate. And whatever sky's above me. Here's a heart for every fate. Though the cannons roar around me, Yet it still shall bear me on. Though dark clouds are above me It hath springs which may be won. In this verse as with the wine The Libation I would pour Should be peace with thine and mine And a health to thee and all in door. Feb. 25,1865 Very respectfully your friend w.c.Q.~~

Quanhill's last great escape failed and his plan to surrender never

materialized. Had he been able to reach General Lee before his surrender at

Appomattox he might have disappeared, only to reappear somewhere else as

37 Daily Democrat (Louisville) quoted in Connelley, Qruurtdl and rfie Border Wars, 482-

" This is Quantrili's adaptation of a Lord Byron verse. quotcd in Connelley, Quantrill and the Border Wars. 463-465. someone else. He might have tried to use his notoriety to his benefit or perhaps joined, or even led, the James-Younger gang. His antebellum career suggests he would have been unlikely to settle down to quiet Life.

The death of Quantrill assured that his destiny was indeed "fixed" in

Kansas and marked the end of resistance. Those who followed him to Kentucky were the last of Quantrill's guerrillas and they finally surrendered on July 26,

1865, more than three months after the Civil War had symbolically ended?' They trickled back home to Missouri and tried to return to normal life, although for some this dificuIt.

On the afternoon of February 13,1866 a dozen or so young men rode into

Liberty, Missouri. They converged upon the Clay County Savings Association and two of them, dressed in blue Union soldier's overcoats, dismounted and entered the bank. One warmed himself by the fxe as the other approached the counter to ask for change. As the cashier stepped forward to assist him he was met by the drawn revolvers of customers now turned bandits and forced to turn over cash and government bonds. The thieves fled into the street with nearly

$60,000, mounted their horses and rode off with their accomplices firing their

" The war officially ended with the surrender of Confederate forces at Appomattox Courthouse on April 9. 1865. bouns into the air and shouting the rebel yell. A posse gathered and gave chase, but to no avail as the fresh fallen snow obscured the bandits' tracks behind them?

Among the bandits were former Quaatrillians Cole Younger and Frank

James. They had been unable to return to their lives as they hew them before the war. Embittered by the outcome and frustrated by the restrictions placed upon their civil rights by the new state government, they lashed out. The political balance had shifted out of their favour as the old ~e'mocraticorder, which reigned since Missouri joined the Union in 1820, was usurped by a Radical Republican coalition. Slaveholder hegemony collapsed. Their reversal of fortune in Missouri was nearly complete by 1866 as former members of the ruling class were reduced to pariahs in the state.

Exhausted by the long struggle, many returning Confederate soldiers,

Partisan Rangers and guerrillas were anxious to rebuild their farms and recIaim the antebellum prominence they enjoyed in their communities. This task, however, would prove difficult. The very act of returning home was daunting as Union patrols often did not distinguish between former Confederate soldiers and the guerrillas for whom no quarter was granted. Jesse James, for example, was shot in the chest as he and a group of guerrillas attempted to surrender? The

JO For a htl description of the Liberty see, Marley Brant, Jesse James: The Man and the Myth. (New York: Berkley Books, 1998), 46-54,Marley Brant, The Outlaw Youngers-(Lanham, Maryland: Madison Books, 1992). 71-79,and William A. Settle, Jr., Jesse James was his Name,or Fact and Fiction Concerning the Careers of the Notorious James Brothers of Mksouri. (Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1966), 33-34,

4 1 Settie, Jesse James, 30. demobilization of Union troops also forced "loyal" civilians, fearful of guerrilla

attack and hunm for vengeance, to introduce "lynch law."" Staunch Union men,

who had lain dormant during the war, were unwilling to forget guerrilla

depredations. Wartime fear and quiescence metastasized into lynch mobs and

posses which boldly and relentlessly pursued Quantd's men and other

bushwhackers. Historian Michael Fellman accurately described this period as one

in which ccvengeancerather than forgiveness" dominated social relations."

The wartime suspension of the constitutional and civil rights of

Confederates and their supporters continued in postbellurn Missouri. The

Missouri legislature fearful of ex-slaveholder hegemony, passed an act in 1864

which "disenfranchised those of questionable The state was now

controlled by radical Unionists who wished to punish their wartime foes rather

than renew good will. Leading radical Republican, Charles Drake, wrote that the

state intended:

.. .to erect a wall and barrier in the shape of a constitution that shall be as high as the eternal heavens [and] deep as the very center of the earth, so that they [Democrats, former slaveholders and former Confederates] shall never climb over it nor dig below.. .45

'" In a letter written to his wife on May 7. L865 while stationed in central Missouri. Sergeant Moses Webster of the Kansas Cavairy wrote that it was no longer up to the army to arbitrate between factions and "the citizens will have to introduce lynch law," Quoted in Fellman, hide War, 234,

43 FeIlman, Inside War,236.

44 Quoted in Parish, A History of Missourf, 1 18.

" Quoted in Parris h. A Hirrory of Missouri, 120. tot

A new state Constitution was indeed drawn up and included one of most extreme

and extensive disenfranchising measures in the nation. In this state which had not

seceded, ~issouri'stest oath required one to be innocent of 8 1 different acts of

disloyalty against the Union in order to vote? This effectively disenftanchised

one third of Missouri's voting population and excommunicated former

Confederates from civil religion.*' The constitution also included an ouster

ordinance which declared vacant the offices of all judges of the Missouri Supreme

Court, circuit courts, county courts, special courts, circuit attorneys and sheriffs.

By early 1867, former slaves were granted full civil rights including the right to

vote while many of their former masters were denied that right. The new regime was determined to sweep away all vestiges of the old order.

In western Missouri, the area affected by Order No. 11 and known thereafter as the "Burnt District," residents returned to scenes of devastation. In most cases, all that remained of their property were charred remnants and blackened chimneys. These ccJennison'sTombstones," as they were called, marked the spot where their homes had once stood. Anything that they had not taken with them was gone. In other areas of the state, communities served notice

46 Among these were armed rebeltion or "'giving help, comfort, countenance or support who did so", "contributing money, goods, letters or information to the enemy", "advising anyone to enter Confederate service", "expressing sympathy for the rebel cause", and "engaging in guerrilla warfare or abetting those who did-" Constitution of the State of Missouri, 1865, art, 2, sec, 3. Quoted in Parrish, A History of Missouri, 12 1 and Martha Kohl, ''Enforcing a Vision of Community: The Role of the Test Oath in Missouri's Reconstruction," Civil War History 40, no. 4 (December 1994): 292-

47 Martha Kohl estimates between 35,000 and 50.000 voters were affected, See Kohl, 'The Role of the Test Oath", 292. that former Confederates would not be welcomed back, Guerrillas were excluded

from the general amnesty after the war. The grand jury in Jackson County issued

an indictment for former guerrillas and the mayor of Lawrence followed suit.

Quantrillians were even hunted by former comrades in an attempt to either parole

or indict them.

The stability and continuity of western Missourian society was broken. A contemporary observer described this as a time of "dislocation [and] depression-"*

Many guerrillas had to escape fiom their past in order to make their futures. They exiled themselves born their traditional values in order to participate in public life.

Others, Like the Jameses and the Youngers continued the struggle.

The postbellurn actions of the James-Younger gang reflected the alienation of Missourians who lamented the existential separation from antebellum traditions and social order. Their extreme and sometimes violent resistance to-political and social circumstances that they considered unacceptable, was a continuation of western Missourian tradition. They did not necessarily adopt this tradition from

Quantrill. This response had evolved from the time the fxst Free-Soiler settled in the Kansas temtory. Their crimes can be interpreted as acts to preserve the collective honour of the former ruling class as they lashed out against symbols of the new repressive regime: banks and railroadsPg

'' James W. Goodrich and David B. Oster. eds.. "'Few Men But Many Widows ... The Daniel Fogle Letters August 8 - September 4, 1867" Missouri Historical Review 80, no. 3 (April 1986): 303.

49 See David TheIen, Paths of Resistance: Tradition and Democracy in Industralirrng Missouri (Columbia. Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1986). The legend of Quantrill's Guerrillas grew from the celebration of the

exploits of the lames-Younger Gang. In his book, Noted Guerrillas, written after

the James Gang came to national attention, John N. Edwards sought to give

significance to Quantfi himself, James, Cole Younger and other

Quantrillians. His purple prose coloured the truth and he created the legend of the

noble guerrilla?* Their cause became the "noblest of lost cau~es."~'

Published in 1877, Noted Guerrillas was undoubtedly read by a number of

former Quantrillians. For these former guerrillas and others, Edwards helped to

blur the demarcation point between acceptable and unacceptable conduct with regard to their actions during the war. Out of the social disorganization of the postbellurn period, former Quantrillians interpreted themselves through Edwards' book and were able to reconsecrate themselves as heroes rather than losers.s2

FeIlman, Inside War, 247-263. Myths Quantrill told to western Missourian slaveholders regarding his background became accepted fact. The legendary Quanmll diverged from the historical Quantrill. These myths were so entrenched that when Quantrill's mother came to Blue Springs, Jackson County in 1888 to visit former QuantriIlians some of them believed her to be an imposter as her version of Quantrill*~early life conflicted with theirs. See Anna Ford, 'When Quantrill's Mother Came to BIue Springs" Wespon Hisrorical Quarterly 4. no. 1 (June 1968): 17-20.

FeIIman, Inside War, 247,

" There were other contemporary boob about the lames-Younger Gang such as J.W. Buel's The Border Outlaws in 188 1. lay Donaid's Outlaws of the Border in 1882, Frank TripIett's The Lijfe, Thesand Treacherous Death of Jesse James in 1882 and another book that same year by an unknown author, entitled Bank and Train Robbers of the West. However, Edward's was £kst and the only book to recount the Quantrillians' history in such a heroic manner with intimate detail. Even though he fabricated much the minute details, he included many of the names of those involved. hi effect, many Quantrillians were reading a persona1 history. They carried the burden of historicd memory, but were able to reexamine their actions via Edwards and "reclaim a past of their own creation."" With the exception of a few, most notably members of the lames-Younger gang and the

Dalton gang, many former Quantrillians were eventually able to reintegrate into

Missourian society success£blly." The attendance roles taken at reunions of

QuantrillTsmen, for example, list a number of doctors, lawyers and prominent businessmen? The Civil War forever altered the destinies of these men, but for more than a few the path they ended up on may not have been so far from the one they would have inherited.

" Several Quantrillians wrote memoirs of their time with Quantrill (see Bibliography). The majority were written after they began to reunite on a annual basis beginning in 1898 and at Ieas t one, Harrison Trow's A True Srory of Chm- W,Quantrell and his Gueriiia Band, is copied directly kom Edward's Noted Guerrillas- The phrase "reclaimed past of their own creation" is borrowed fiom Tony Horwitz's Confederates in the Attic. He discusses the burden of historical memory and the divisive na&e of modern historical revisionism by certain segments of the populace in the American South, See Tony Horwitz, Confederates in the Atric: Disparchesfiom the Unfinkhed Civil War, (New York: Random House, 1998). 101

" For more information on the see Robert Barr Srnith, Daltom!: The Raid on Coffeyviile, Kartsax (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996).

55 For example in 19 17, the Kansas City Star described Alien Parmer as "pretty well-to-do-" Lee C-Miller went to medical school and became a doctor after the war- CharIes T. 'Wetch Taylor operated a successfir1 mining company, AJ- Liddil was a judge in Jackson County. Joseph Vaughn. John Wigginton and Robert N-Hudspeth were prominent farmers and listed in the biographical section of the Hiirory of Jackson Corurry published in 1881. See Kmar Ciry Star, August 22, 19 17. BJ. George Sr. Collection. Western Manuscripts Collection- State Historical Society of Missouri, photocopy- Lee Caruth Miller, Memoir of the Life of Lee Caruth MilLer, M. D.: Wrinen by HimseFfor His Children- (Knob Nos ter, Missouri, 1903). Jackson Examiner, August 28, 1903 reprinted in Verna Gail Johnson, ed-, "Quantrell Revisited-" The Pioneer Wagon 12, no. 2 (July 1992): 66. History of Jackon. Counry Missouri (Kansas City, Missouri: Union Historical Company, Birdsall, WiIIiams and Company, 188 I), 904.9 10,973-971. Warren Welch CoIIection, Jackson Ccunty Historical Society, Conclusion

Counterrevolution did not succeed in western Missouri as the efforts of

QuantriU's guerrillas alone were not enough to preserve the antebellum status quo.

The flight of Price and Jackson ended official support for slavery in the state and left southern sympathizing slaveholders in Missouri without a means of self- defens.e or political expression. The slaveholders of western Missouri perceived themselves as well as their property and institutions as being under attack. Under

QuantriIl's leadership, sons of prominent western Missouri families responded and tried to defend and restore the traditional social order of western Missouri in order to protect their families' futures and secure their own. They simply wanted to inherit the same world in which they had been raised.

The violent reaction of Quantrillians to what they regarded as the breakdown of legitimate authority in western Missouri reflected the environment in which these young men had been socialized and in which they found themselves. This was the response of a people to a rapidly changing social and political situation that constituted the disruption of an entire society. Quantrill's followers attempted to challenge the rise of a new class of urban nonslaveholders as evidenced by the Union sympathizing government of Hamilton Gamble with all that entailed (antislavery/abolitioo/free-soil). With the elected government of

Claiborne Fox Jackson in exile, no local authority remained to right perceived wrongs and avenge cases of injustice. In the absence of any other source of justice they lashed out against all whom they perceived threatened them, fiom Union soldiers to the unaimed citizens of Lawrence, Kansas.

The Southern sympathizers of the border states, especially Jackson County, idolized Quantrill and his guerrillas. Quantrillians were of the people and represented the resistance of the entire slaveholding community to the destruction of its way of life. The conduct of war by Union troops, especiaIIy those of Lane and Jennison in western Missouri, and the disregard for constitutional guarantees, by men such as Frhont, signaled a major historical change for slaveholders.

Quantrillians, as figures of social protest, emerged to deal with these crises. Eric

Hobsbawm observed that social banditry is likely to emerge, "wherever societies are ruled, oppressed and exploited by someone else."' Quanuill's guemllas were western Missourians' only line of defense against the exploitation and oppression of the Union government and, thus, became more than simply guerrillas. Quantrill was their champion, their avenger, and their Robin Hood as a popular ballad can attest:

Come all you bold robbers and open your ears, Of Quantrell the lion heart you quickly shall hear. With his band of bold raiders in double quick time, He came lay Lawrence low, over the line. Oh, Quantrell's a fighter, a bold-hearted boy, A brave man or woman he'd never annoy. He'd take fiom the wealthy and give to the poor,

' Hobsbawm. Bandits., 19-20, For brave men there's never a bolt to his door?

Quantrillians did not choose social banditry. This response evolved out of the special reciprocal relationship that existed between themselves and the Southern sympathizing populace of western Missouri, a relationship that developed as they tried to preserve the status quo. Even if these men had not joined Quantrill their lives would have been irrevocably changed by the events of the Civil War. They may have been "bornto higher destinies", but the historicd epoch in which they existed would not allow those destinies to be fdfiied-

'Charles J. Finger. Frontier Ballads- (New York: Doubleday. Page and Company, 1927). 64-67. Bibliography

Primary Sources

I. Manuscript Collections

B.J. George Sr. Collection, Western Historical Manuscript Collection. State Historical Society of Missouri, University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri. Gregg, William H. A Linle Dab of Hisrory Without Embellishment. Photocopy of typescript. James Shumley to W.W. Scott, November 30,1878. Letter. Smith, Frank. The Memoirs of Frank Smith. Photocopy of Typescript. (Frank Smith was one of Quantrill's Guerrillas)

Connelley Collection, Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas. Transcript of an interview conducted by William E. Cornelley with William H. Gregg on July 27, 1905. William E. Connelley's personal notes from his visit to Lawrence dated Monday November 4,1907. Robert Morris Peck to William E. Comelley, November 6, 1907. Letter. W.C. Quantrill to W.W. Scott, January 22, 1858. Letter Williams, Andrew. Handwritten manuscript. W.L. Potter to W.W. Scott, undated. Letter.

Je ffreys , Edward Miller. Family History, Volume r. Jackson County Historical Society, Independence, Missouri, photocopy of typescript.

Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas. Retcher Pomeroy, Diary 1861 -1865. Missouri Division, United Daughters of the Confederacy. Reminiscences of the Women of Missouri During the Sixties. Jackson County Historical Society, Independence, Missouri, photocopy.

Quantrill Collection, Dover Historical Society, Dover, Ohio. J.M. Beeson to W.W. Scott., November 27, 1878. Letter. Photocopy. John Dean to W.W. Scott, January 26, 1879. Letter. Photocopy. Jake Herd To W.W. Scott, undated Letter. Photocopy. E.W. Robinson to W.W. Scott, May 9, 1881. Letter. Photocopy. Andrew J. Walker to W.W. Scott, undated. Letter. Photocopy.

Quantrill Collection. Manuscripts Department, The Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka, Kansas. W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, March 8, 1857. Letter. W.C. QuanmlI to Caroline Quantrill, May 16, 1857. Letter. W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, August 23, 1857. Letter. W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, October 15, 1858. Letter. W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, December 1. 1858. Letter. W.C. QuantriIl to Caroline QuantrU, January 9, 1859. Letter. W.C. Quantrill to Caroline QuantrilI, July 30, 1859. Letter. W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, January 26, 1860. Letter. W.C. QuantriU to Caroline Quantrill, February 8, 1860. Letter. W.C. Quanuill to Mary Quantrill, March 23, 1860. Letter. W.C. Quantrill to Caroline Quantrill, March 25, 1860. Letter. W.C. Quanuill to Caroline Quantrill, June 23, 1860. Letter. Affidavit of Eli Snyder concerning crimes commmitted by Quantrill signed by Samuel H- Houser, Justice of the Peace, Lykins County, Kansas, dated April 2, 1861. Warrant issued for the arrest of W.C. QuantrilI on charges of Larceny signed Samuel I. Houser, Justice of the Peace, Lykins County, Kansas, dated April 2, 186 1. Petition for a writ of habeas corpus signed W.C. Quanuill, dated April 2, 1861. Writ of Habeas Corpus signed by Thomas Roberts, Probate Judge, Lykins County, Kansas, dated April 3, 1861.

Warren Welch Collection, Jackson County Historical Society, Independence Missouri,

Western Historical Manuscript Collection, State Historical Society of Missouri, University of Missouri-Columbia, Columbia, Missouri. Scott, Elvira Ascenith Weir, Diary 1860-1887.photocopy of typescript. Claiborne Fox Jackson to Hon. David Walker, April 19, 1861. Letter

][I. Public Documents

United States Department of the Interior. Sixrh Census of the United States, Schedule I - Free Inhabitants in Dover Township, Ohio, 1850.

-- -- Eighth Census of the United States of America, Free and Slave Schedules for Bates, Barton, Cass, Clay, Jackson, Johnson, Lafayette, Saline, Vernon Counties, Missouri, 1860.

United States War Department. War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Oficial Records of the Union and Confederate Army. Volumes 1- 140. Washington: Government Printing Offke, 1880-190 1.

m*Books

Barton, O.S. Three Years with Quantrell: A True Story, told by his Scout John Mc Corkle. Armstrong, Missouri: Herald Print, 19 14. John McCorkle was one of Quantrill's Guerrillas. Burch, J.P. A True Story of Chas. W. Qiiantrell and his Guerilla Band, as told by Capt. Harrison Trow. Vega, Texas: 1923. Harrison row was one of Quantrili's Guerrillas.

Cummins, Jim. Jim Crcmmins' Book Wrinen by Himselfr The Life Story of the James Younger Gang and Their Comrades, Inclciding the Operations 4 Quantrell's Guerillas by One Who Rode With Them. A True But Terrible Tale of Outlawry. : The Reed Publishing Company, 1903. Jim Cummins was one of QuantriUTsGuerriIlas and a member of the James- Younger gang.

Dalton, Kit. Under the Black Flag Captain Kit Dalton: A Confederate Soldier. Memphis: Lockhart Publishing Company, 19 14. Kit Dalton was one of Quantrill's Guerrillas.

Davis, Jefferson. The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government. Volume I. New York: Thomas Yoseloff, 1958.

Eaken, Joanne Chiles, ed. Recollections of Quantrill 'sGuerrillas: As Told by A. J. Walker of Weathe@ord, Texas to Victor E. Martin in 1910. Independence, Missouri: Two Trails Publishing, 1996. Andrew Walker was Morgan Walker's son and one of Quantrill's Guerrillas.

. Tears and Turmoil: Order No. 11. Independence, Missouri: Two Trails Publishing, 1996.

Eliot, William Greenleaf. The Story of Archer Alexander From Slavery to Freedom as told to William Greenleaf Eliot- Boston, Cupples, Upham and Company, 1885.

Finger, Charles J., ed. Frontier Ballads. New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 1927.

Fischer, H.D. Gun and the Gospel: Early Kansas and Chaplain Fisher. Medical Century Company, 1897.

Hale, Donald R., ed. We Rode With Quantrill: Quantrill and the Guerrilla War as told by the Men and Women who were with Him: With a True Sketch of Quantrill's Life. Clinton, Missouri: The Printery, 1974. Jones, John B .A Rebel Clerk's Diary. 1866. New York: A.S. Barnes and Company, Inc., 196 1.

Krug, Mark M., ed. Mrs. Hill's Journal - Civil War Reminiscences. Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1980-

Lasswell Crist, Lynda and Mary Seaton Dix, eds. The Papers of Jefferson Davis. Volume 7. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1992.

Mattox, George T. Hard Trial and Tribulations of an Old Confederate Soldier. Van Buren, : Argus Office, 1897.

Miller, Lee Caruth. Memoir of the Life of Lee Canrth Miller, M.D.: Wn'tten by Himselffor His Children. Knob Nos ter, Missouri, 1903. Dr. Miller was one of Quantdl's Guerrillas.

Schroeder, Adolf E. and Carla Schulz-Geisberg, eds. Hold Dear, As Always: Jette A German Immigrant Life in Letters. Adolf E. Schroeder, trans. Columbia, Missouri: University of Missouri Press, 1988.

Snead, Thomas L. The Fightfor Missouri: From the Election of Lincoln to the Death of lyon. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1886. Thomas L. Snead was Governor Claiborne Fox Jackson's Private Secretary and was present at the Planter's Hotel Conference June 11, 1861.

Watts, Hamp B. The Babe of the Company: An Unfolded Leaf From the Never- To-Be-Forgotten Years. Fayette, Missouri: The Democrat-Leader Press, 19 13. Hamp Watts was one of Bill Anderson's Guerrillas.

Younger, Thomas Coleman. The Story of Cole Younger By Himself. Lee's Summit, Missouri: T.C. Younger and D. McCarthy, 1903 Cole Younger was one of Quantrill's Guerrillas and a member of the James- Younger Gang. N.Articles

Broadhead, James 0. (Lieutenant-Colonel) "Early Events of the War in Missouri." 1-28. and HOW,J.F. (Lieutenant-Colonel 2~'~U.S. Missouri Infantry), "Frank P. Blair in 1861." 382-396. In War Papers and Reminiscences 1861486.5: Read Before the Cumrnandery of the State of Missorin' Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States. VoIume 1. St. Louis: Becktold and Company, 1892.

Brown-Thompson, Dorthy, ed. "A Young Girl in the Missouri Border War." in Missouri Ur'sroricalReview. 57 (October 1963): 55-64. This series of letters were written by Laura Brown who lived with her older married sister in Mexico, Audrain County. Although not right on the border the letters reveal the actions of a Confederate family in Union territory.

Doerschuk, Albert N., ed. "Extracts From Wartime Letters 1861-1864." Missouri Historical Revh23 (1928):99-1 10. (These letters were written by Margaret J. Hays who Lived in Jackson County, Missouri. She was married to Colonel C.S.A. who was a large slaveholder and a member one of the most prominent families in the county and whose ancestors included Daniel Boone. He sewed under General Sterling Price during the Civil War, but frequently rode with Quantriil. His brother and at least seven of his cousins were Quantrillians, including; Samuel Upton, Boone SchulI, Boone Muir, Dick Berry, Isaac Berry, Dick Yeager, Hamp Watts, and Lee McMurtry. Mrs. Hays wrote letters to her mother, from her home in Westport, Missouri describing the events which were unfolding around her.

Draper, Arthur G., ed. "Dear Sister: Letters from War-Torn Missouri, 1864." Gateway Heritage. vol. 13, no. 4 (1993): 48-57.

Goodrich, James W. and Donald B. Oster, eds. "'Few Men But Many Widows.. .' The Daniel Fogle Letters, August 8- September 4, 1867." Missouri Historical Review 80, no. 3(April1986): 273-303. Kirkpatrick-McLarty, Vivian., ed. 'The Civil War Letters of Colonel Bazel F. Lazear," Miss~rc~KistorfcuL Review 44 (1950): 254-277 and 387- 40 1. Colonel Lazear was a Union officer from Pike County, Missouri commanding the Pike County Home Guards who, in 1863, clashed with Quanhilland was a witness to the aftermath of General Ewing's Order No. 11.

Johnson, Verna Gail, ed., "QuantreU Revisited." The Pioneer Wagon 12, no. 2 (July 1992): 66-67.

Lentz, M. "Qumtrill No Ruffian: T.L Walker Remembered Him as Kindly." Jackron County Historical Society Journal. (March 1974): 8-9.

Miller, T.C. ''I Rode with Quantd." Johnson County Histo~calSociev Bullerin. (September 1994): 3 and 6. T.C.Miller was Dr. L.C. Miller, one of Quantrill's Guerrillas.

S anborn, John B. ( Major-General) "Reminiscences of the War In the Department of the Missouri." 224-257. Ln Glimpses of the Nation's Struggle: A Series of Papers Read Before the Minnesota Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States. St. Pad: St. Paul Book and Stationary Company, 1887.

Unrau, William E., ed. 'Tn Pursuit of Quantrill: An Enlisted Man's Response." Kansas Historical Quarterly 39, no. 3 (1973): 379-39 1.

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London Times, September 10,1863.

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HI. Dissertations

Duffner, Robert W.Slavery in Missouri River Counties 18204865.Ph.D. diss.. University of Missouri, 1974.