Historiosil Revie-w

The State Historical Society of COLUMBIA, MISSOURI In 1863 determined to paint on the subject of a military order issued by Union Brigadier General Thomas Ewing, who commanded the District of the Border in Missouri. Ewing's General Orders No. 11, issued after the raid and massacre at Lawrence, , by Quantrill's Missouri guerrillas, was devised to rid the border of the bushwhackers and guerrillas and destroy their source of supply. The provisions of the order depopulated rural portions of Jackson, Cass, Bates and half of Vernon counties. The order, and the ruthless way it was enforced by Kansas Redleg soldiers, outraged Bingham who was an ardent supporter of the Union and an officer in the State Militia. He protested without success, and was then reported to have said to Ewing: "If you persist jn executing that order, I will make you infamous with pen and brush, as far as I am able." This second or final version of Bingham's "Order No. 11," also called "Martial Law," was exhibited by the artist to raise funds for the engraving of the subject by John Sartain. When the sale of the prints proved disappointing, Bingham gave the painting to fames S. Rollins, who had helped finance the engraving venture, as a settlement for his debt. The State Historical Society acquired Bingham's famous historical painting from the George Bingham Rollins family in 1945. The painting is included in the exhibition "Conflict: Men, Events and Artists." The exhibition is on display in the Society's gallery and corridor until late summer 1972 and can be viewed Monday through Friday, 8:00 a.m.-4:30 p.m. For an account of the events leading up to and the effects of General Orders No. 11 see Ann D. Niepman's article, "General Orders No. 11 and Border Warfare during the Civil War" appearing in this issue. MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW

Published Quarterly by

THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI COLUMBIA, MISSOURI

RICHARD S. BROWNLEE EDITOR

DOROTHY CALDWELL ASSOCIATE EDITOR

JAMES W. GOODRICH ASSOCIATE EDITOR

The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is owned by the State Historical Society of Missouri and is published quarterly at 201 South Eighth Street, Columbia, Missouri 65201. Send communi­ cations, business and editorial correspondence and change of address to The State Historical Society of Missouri, Corner of Hitt and Lowry Streets, Columbia, Missouri 6=201. Second class postage is paid at Columbia, Missouri. The REVIEW is sent free to all members of The State Historical Society of Missouri. Membership dues in the Society are $2.00 a VOLUME LXVI year or $40 for an individual life membership. The Society assumes no responsibility for statements made by contributors to the magazine. NUMBER 2 JANUARY 1972 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF MISSOURI The State Historical Society of Missouri, heretofore organized under the laws of the State, shall be the trustee of this State—Laws of Missouri, 1899, R.S. of Mo., 1959, Chapter 183.

OFFICERS 1971-1974 WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington, President L. E. MEADOR, Springfield, First Vice President RUSSELL V. DYE, Liberty, Second Vice President JACK STAPLETON, SR., Stanberry, Third Vice President MRS. AVIS TUCKER, Warrensburg, Fourth Vice President REV. JOHN F. BANNON, S.J., St. Louis, Fifth Vice President SHERIDAN A. LOGAN, St. Joseph, Sixth Vice President ALBERT M. PRICE, Columbia, Treasurer FLOYD C. SHOEMAKER, Columbia, Secretary Emeritus and Consultant RICHARD S. BROWNLEE, Columbia, Director, Secretary and Librarian

TRUSTEES Permanent Trustees, Former Presidents of the Society

RUSH H. LIMBAUGH, Cape Girardeau E. E. SWAIN, Kirksville GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City T. BALLARD WAITERS, Marshfield LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville ROY D. WILLIAMS, Boonville

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1972

GEORGE MCCUE, St. Louis RONALD L. SOMERVILLE, Chillicothe L. E. MEADOR, Springfield JACK STAPLETON, SR., Stanberry W. WALLACE SMITH, Independence HENRY C THOMPSON, Bonne Terre ROBERT M. WHITE, Mexico

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1973

WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington ALFRED O. FUERBRINGER, St. Louis JAMES W. BROWN, Harrisonville JAMES OLSON, Kansas City WILLIAM R. DENSLOW. Trenton JAMES TODD, Moberly ELMER ELLIS, Columbia T. BALLARD WAITERS, Marshfield

Term Expires at Annual Meeting, 1974

LEWIS E. ATHERTON, Columbia R. I. COLBORN, Paris ROBERT A. BOWLING, Montgomery City W. W. DALTON, St. Louis FRANK P. BRIGGS, Macon RICHARD B. FOWLER, Kansas City HENRY A. BUNDSCHU, Independence VICTOR A. GIERKE,

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE The twenty-nine Trustees, the President and the Secretary of the Society, the Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, and President of the constitute the Executive Committee.

FINANCE COMMITTEE Five members of the Executive Committee appointed by the President, who by virtue of his office constitutes the sixth member, compose the Finance Committee. ELMER ELLIS, Columbia, Chairman WILLIAM AULL III, Lexington GEORGE A. ROZIER, Jefferson City WILLIAM R. DENSLOW, Trenton LEO J. ROZIER, Perryville T. BALLARD WAITERS, Marshfield NEW SOCIETY MEMBERSHIPS

The State Historical Society of Missouri is always interested in obtaining new members. For more than seventy years thousands of Missourians who have be­ longed to the Society have been responsible primarily for building its great research collections and libraries. They have given it the support which makes it the largest organization of its type in the United States. The quest for interested new members goes on continually, and your help is solicited in obtaining them. In every family, and in every community, there are individuals who are sincerely interested in the collection, preservation and dissemination of the his­ tory of Missouri. Why not nominate these people for membership? Annual dues are only $2.00, Life Memberships $40.00.

Richard S. Brownlee Director and Secretary State Historical Society of Missouri Hitt and Lowry Streets I Columbia, Missouri 65201

®

iaigiis(siais[gi^^ iii CONTENTS

IN THE EARNEST PURSUIT OF WEALTH: DAVID WALDO IN MISSOURI AND THE SOUTHWEST, 1820-1878. By James W. Goodrich 155

GENERAL ORDERS NO. 11 AND BORDER WARFARE DURING THE CIVIL WAR. By Ann D. Niepman 185

OPERATION HEADSTART: THE BEGINNINGS OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOL KINDERGARTEN MOVEMENT. By Selwyn K. Troen 211

A PROGRESSIVE'S PROGRESS: THE CHANGING LIBERALISM OF CHARLES M. HAY OF MISSOURI. By Franklin D. Mitchell 230

AVIATION PROMOTION IN KANSAS CITY: 1925-1931. By James W. Leyerzapf 246

HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS

Society Holds Annual Meeting 268

Erratum 269

Views from the Past: Missouri Mills 270

Editorial Policy 272

News in Brief 273

Local Historical Societies 276

Gifts 289

Missouri History in Newspapers 295

Missouri History in Magazines 299

Graduate Theses Relating to Missouri History 303

In Memoriam 304

BOOK REVIEWS 306

BOOK NOTES 312

MISSOURI HOUN' DOG OUTLASTS THE MULE. By Hallie M. Barrow 315

HELEN GUTHRIE MILLER Inside Back Cover Bartlett, Explorations & Incidents

In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth: David Waldo in Missouri and the Southwest, 1820-1878

BY JAMES W. GOODRICH*

On December 31, 1857, when farmer-mercantile-capitalist David Waldo, then in his fifty-fifth year, reflected upon his past life, he noted in his dairy that he was growing old both physically and mentally. He wrote: "An apathy has come over me in regard to making money or even taking care of what I . . . have made, that is passing strange to me who has spent most of his life in the earnest pursuit of wealth."1 Waldo, indeed, had spent most of his years attempting to compile a considerable fortune, and

*James W. Goodrich is an associate editor of the REVIEW. i David Waldo Diaries 1852 and 1857, in Waldo Papers, Missouri His­ torical Society, St. Louis. A brief biographical sketch of David Waldo by Stella Drumm appears in Dumas Malone, ed., Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1936), XIX, 332-333. 155 156 Missouri Historical Review

through perserverance, intelligence, shrewdness and no small amount of luck he had accomplished his goal. His quest for eco­ nomic betterment had taken him to Missouri and the Southwest. And, in these areas he had witnessed or participated in some of the important nineteenth-century events that occurred in the trans- Mississippi West. He belonged to that breed of men who were prepared to explore any venture that might return economic gain. Waldo had been born on April 30, 1802, in Harrison County, Virginia. One of twelve children born to Jedediah and Polly Waldo, David migrated to Missouri in 1820, and traveled directly to Gasconade County where two of his older brothers already had settled. Like their father, the Waldo brothers were primarily agrarians.2 Besides farming each of the brothers held positions or actively participated in the county government. David won appointment in 1822 as county assessor and clerk of the circuit court, and in 1824 as county treasurer.3 In 1826, however, he left Gasconade County for a short period of time to pursue other interests, and did so time and time again thereafter until he left the Gasconade area permanently. His first departure from Gasconade County took place in the interest of obtaining a medical education. Before coming to Mis­ souri Waldo had rafted logs up and down the and he decided to resume the rafting of logs to obtain funds needed for his new undertaking. In the pineries along the Gasconade River he and some hired men cut a quantity of logs and floated them down the Gasconade, the Missouri and Mississippi rivers to St. Louis. There Waldo sold his logs for five hundred dollars, paid off his employees, and with some additional money borrowed from an older brother, Daniel, he traveled with a companion to Lexington,

2 Ibid., 332; Waldo Lincoln, comp., Genealogy of the Waldo Family A Record of the Descendants of Cornelius Waldo of Ipswich Mass. from 1647 to 1900 (Worcester, Mass., 1902), I, 269-270. 3 History of Franklin, Jefferson, Washington, Crawford & Gasconade Counties, Missouri (Chicago, 1888), 634, 635, 646, 647, 648, 697. (Hereafter cited as Hist, of Gasconade) David Waldo's older brothers, John and Daniel, h?d emigrated to Missouri before 1820. The latter had settled in Gasconade Countv in 1819. Daniel won appointment as sheriff of Gasconade County in 1821-1822. David's younger brothers, Joseph and Calvin, also settled on land in Gasconade County or land attached to the county. Joseph was deputy sheriff of Gasconade County in 1828 and later a commissioner of school lands. Calvin opened a store in present-day St. Clair County in 1836. He was appointed a commis­ sioner to locate the county seat of St. Clair County and he was presiding judge of the St. Clair County Court from 1852-1858. Two other younger brothers, William and Lawrence, settled in Missouri in the late 1820s. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 157

Kentucky, to attend a course of medical lectures at Transylvania University. When these had been completed he returned to Gasco­ nade County to practice his new profession and resume the duties of his various county offices.4 In 1827, during the July term, a young attorney named John Darby attended his first circuit court meeting in Gasconade County. He recalled: Then and there for the first time, I saw and became acquainted with Dr. David Waldo. He was clerk of the Circuit Court of Gasconade County. . . , justice of the peace, acting as coroner and deputy sheriff, it is said, as well as postmaster. He held a commission, also, as major in the militia, and was practising physician. The duties of all these offices David Waldo attended to personally and discharged with signal and distinguished ability.5 Gasconade County at that time included twenty-seven square miles of Crawford County, seven and one-half townships of Maries Coun­ ty and the whole of Osage County. Because Waldo carried out his many duties "with . . . accustomed courtesy and kindness" he was known to the area residents as "governor of Gasconade."6 County affairs did not hinder him from occasionally practicing medicine or buying land for speculation. In 1825 he purchased land in present-day Osage County and by 1827 he owned a tract of land in Lawrence County, Missouri, as well as land in the Arkansas country.7 He had come to Missouri with the desire to better himself economically. One way to accomplish this, he be­ lieved, was to invest in land, as his purchases before 1827 illus­ trated. In 1828 Waldo purchased more land for speculation, this time in Jackson County, Missouri.8 During the summer of 1828 Waldo decided to vacation in the Southwest. He traveled to Taos in the Territory where he met Santa Fe traders Ceran St. Vrain and Richard Camp­ bell. The traders spoke of the potentially profitable Santa Fe trade

-t John F. Darby, Personal Recollections (St. Louis, 1880), 151-152; Daniel Waldo to David Waldo, April 15, 1832, in W. Douglas Sloan Collection, Waldo Letters, Jackson County Historical Society Archives, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Missouri. 5 Darby, Recollections, 153. The quotations used throughout the article are presented in their original form. 6 Hist, of Gasconade, 624; Darby, Recollections, 158. 7 History of Cole, Moniteau, Morgan, . . . and Osage Counties, Missouri (Chicago, 1889), 636; Wm. E. Woodruff to David Waldo, May 15, 1827, in Waldo Douglas Sloan private collection, Kansas City, Missouri. 8 History of Jackson County, Missouri (Kansas City, Mo., 1881), 185. 158 Missouri Historical Review

Courtesy, W. D. Sloan David Waldo

and thereby convinced Waldo that he should join them in a trad­ ing venture. On September 2 Waldo applied to the Mexican offi­ cials for permission to transport and trade merchandise in Chihua­ hua and Sonora. After St. Vrain, Campbell and Waldo received their trade permits on September 30, they immediately started buying goods from incoming caravans and trading for mules and specie.9 When not involved in the trading venture, Waldo prac­ ticed medicine and became the first American-trained physician to practice in Santa Fe and Taos.10 In the spring of 1829 he re­ turned temporarily to Gasconade County. His first southwestern trading venture had apparently ended in success and again he prepared to go to the New Mexico Territory during the next trad­ ing season. The Santa Fe trade was at best a risky business. Though Amer­ ican merchants found that they could generally undersell Mexican merchants, they had to travel hundreds of miles in conducting such trade. They faced problems of returning Mexican products

9 David Lavender, Bent's Fort (New York, 1954), 81-82; David J. Weber, cd. and tr., The Extranjeros: Selected Documents from the Mexican Side of the Santa Fe Trail 1825-1828 (Santa Fe, N. Mex., 1967), 34; David J. Weber, The Taos Trappers: The Fur Trade in the Far Southwest (Norman, Okla., 1971), 136. io Waldo Douglas Sloan, "Dr. David Waldo—Physician Soldier Santa Fe Trader and Big Landholder," Journal of the Jackson County [Missouri] His­ torical Society, XI (Spring, 1968), 6; William R. Denslow, 10,000 Famous Free­ masons (Trenton, Mo., 1961), IV, 288. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 159 taken in trade back to the States in marketable condition. Price fluctuations also created problems. But profit aside, the Southwest trade had other unpleasant aspects—the elements could make travel brutal and monotonous; the Mexican government could levy burden­ some taxes and immobilize any venture; and, Indian attacks pre­ sented a constant threat to the caravans. Comanches and other tribes had intimidated traders and trappers during 1828-1829. On May 1, 1829, only eleven traders met at Fayette, Missouri, to discuss the years Southwest trade prospects; a year earlier more than two hundred had attended a similar meeting. Responding to numerous outcries from Mis­ sourians demanding military protection for the traders, President , in May, ordered four companies of foot soldiers to provide escort for the spring caravan. Military protection, how­ ever, only lasted to the Mexican border and it was within the Mexican territory that the major Indian problems existed. Con­ sequently most of the traders in Missouri decided against joining the spring caravan. Waldo, however, was not among this group. As one historian of the Santa Fe trade wrote, "[he] was not the sort to be impressed by frightened predictions that this would be the most dangerous year the trade had yet faced."11 Waldo, who was in St. Louis to receive his third degree in free­ masonry, his younger brother William, Charles and William Bent and those who had the courage to join the venture, bought goods in St. Louis and left for Independence. After arriving at Inde­ pendence the traders heard, on June 7, that the promised military escort was in the vicinity. As the traders and trappers made last- minute repairs and acquisitions, David Waldo initiated the pro­ cedures for the election of a captain of the caravan. His own experience in the Santa Fe trade made him the logical choice, but he evidently did not want the responsibilities or tribulations associated with the rank. Instead he campaigned for Charles Bent, who was elected; Waldo took the office of secretary of the caravan consisting of thirty-eight wagons and seventy-nine men.12 The caravan set out for New Mexico in mid-June and suffered no dangers so long as its military escort accompanied it. The latter left the train at the Mexican border, however, and soon thereafter the Indians attacked. During their initial attack they killed one

11 Lavender, Bent's Fort, 87. 12 Thomas P. Martin, "Dr. David Waldo," Missouri Grand Lodge Bulletin, II (April, 1925), 73; Lavender, Bent's Fort, 90. 160 Missouri Historical Review trader and for the next forty days continued to harrass the traders, trappers and teamsters. Only once did the Indians withdraw and that was when the military escort's officer disregarded his orders and rejoined the caravan for a brief time. During the lengthy engagement, two hundred Mexican buffalo hunters joined the wagon train. Unfortunately, their fighting ability left much to be desired. Not until trapper Ewing Young, then in Taos, heard that the caravan was surrounded by thousands of Indians was any relief force organized. Young enlisted forty men to assist him in repulsing the Indians. This mounted relief force rode to the aid of the beleaguered Americans, only to be repulsed and held at bay until fifty-five additional men joined Young in breeching the encirclement.13 Young's intervention enabled the caravan finally to reach Santa Fe and to complete a very successful trading season during 1829. Within five weeks the traders managed to dispose of mer­ chandise worth almost $200,000 by Missouri standards.14

13 Ibid., 92-100; William Waldo, "Recollections of a Septuagenerian," Mis­ souri Historical Society Glimpses of the Past, VI (April-June, 1938), 71-75. Lavender states that the members of the caravan could never decide which tribe attacked the wagon train. 14 Lavender, Bent's Fort, 103.

Indians Attacking Wagon Train Bartlett, Explorations & Incidents In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 161

This stimulated Waldo to return to Gasconade and Jackson counties early in 1830 to prepare for another trading venture and by that spring he was back in the Southwest. He repeated this pat­ tern the next year as well. To insure an even greater opportunity for profit from the Santa Fe trade, in the spring of 1831 Waldo decided to apply for Mexican citizenship. Success in that effort would undoubtedly reduce or terminate the cumbersome restric­ tions imposed on American traders by Mexican officials. Other traders joined Waldo in this shrewd maneuver, including Ceran St. Vrain, who initially had helped interest him in the Southwest trade. Ultimately, a considerable number of Americans attempted to improve their trading position by this means. Waldo's petition to the governor of the New Mexico Terri­ tory professed his great admiration for the Mexican government, his desire to settle in Taos and to live permanently under Mexico's laws, customs and manners. Moreover, he stated in his petition: "That I am a Roman Catholic—a fact of which I am proud may be ascertained through the declaration made by the reverend father, for I was baptized this year of 1831 in this curate (parish) of San ." Ironically, Waldo's conversion from Protestantism to the Catholic faith occurred at the time when he realized that be­ coming a Mexican citizen had definite business advantages; in practice, his religion remained Protestant.15 Indicating that he had reliable witnesses to attest to the truth of his petition, Waldo's declaration continued: I, of course renounce allegiance and obedience to any other nation or foreign government, especially the one to which I belonged as well as any title, decoration or award, which I may have received, and bind myself to support effectively the constitution, decrees, and general laws of the United States of Mexico.16 On July 12 a special session of the Ayuntamiento heard testimony of witnesses on Waldo's behalf, approved his application for citizen­ ship, and forwarded all the documents to the governor for final action.17 Waldo had no intention of relinquishing his United States citizenship, but of course, he did not inform the Mexican officials of this.

15 As quoted in Robert Glass Cleland, This Reckless Breed of Men: The Trappers and Fur Traders of the Southwest (New York, 1950), 210. For a dis­ cussion of traders becoming Mexican citizens, see Weber, Taos Trappers, 176-190. 16 As quoted in Cleland, Reckless Breed, 211. 17 Ibid. 162 Missouri Historical Review

Upon becoming a citizen of two countries, he immediately entered into a partnership with David Jackson and Ewing Young to "carry on merchandise business in New Mexico, hunt beaver, and purchase mules in California for the sugar plantations in Louisiana."18 A mule-buying expedition led by Jackson and a beaver-trapping expedition headed by Young began their journeys in September and October, respectively.19 Waldo remained in Santa Fe, since his obligations seem to have been limited to supplying necessary funds and equipment for the ventures. Final results of the expeditions proved less profitable than the traders and trappers had hoped, but none of those involved gave even a passing thought to quitting the Southwest trade. In fact, Jackson and Waldo en­ gaged jointly in a considerable number of ventures. Waldo became so involved in supervising the bartering of American goods for mules, furs and specie that William Bumpass, a friend in Gasconade County wrote him on April 22, 1832, suggesting that he either return or resign his county offices because local residents there had become upset at his spending so much time away from his official duties.20 He dutifully resigned during that year. Waldo became so committed to the Santa Fe trade during 1831-1832 that he needed the help of at least three of his brothers. William had accompanied the caravan to Santa Fe in 1829 and continued to work for his brother until 1833. Lawrence also began to work for David in 1829. During the early 1830s he transported trade goods to and from Santa Fe, Taos, Chihuahua and other trade centers and entered into some partnerships independent of his brother.21 An older brother, Daniel, who lived on a farm in Southwest Missouri near present-day Osceola, confined his con­ tribution to pasturing mules brought back from New Mexico, an

18 Jonathan Warner, "Reminiscences of Early California," as quoted in Robert Moorman Denhart, "Driving Livestock East from California Prior to 1850," California Historical Society Quarterly, XX (December, 1941), 342. 19 Weber, Taos Trappers, 147-148. 20 William Bumpass to David Waldo, April 22, 1832, in Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society. When David had been absent from Gasconade County from 1828-1830, his younger brother Joseph acted as his deputy clerk during circuit court proceedings. See Gasconade County Circuit Court, Record Book A, Gasconade County Courthouse, Hermann, Missouri, passim. 21 L. L. Waldo to David Waldo, January 14, August 12, 1852, and December 5, 1835, Waldo Letters, Jackson County Historical Society Archives; John L. Langham to David Waldo, October 26, 1835, Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society; Ralph Emerson Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mexican History (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1912), II, 484, note 395. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 163 occasional financial loan to David, and the co-signing of notes to finance the many trading ventures entered into by his brother.22 Like most traders and merchants in the Southwest, David Waldo contracted for a variety of trade goods. In doing so, he dealt with various Missouri merchants, but his primary suppliers in the early 1830s seem to have been Scott and Rule of St. Louis and Samuel C. Owens, manager of the Independence branch of the firm of James and Robert Aull of Lexington. The Scott and Rule partnership dissolved in 1832 because of financial difficulties. William K. Rule, nevertheless, continued as one of Waldo's sup­ pliers. Although he lacked the necessary items to fill one of the Waldo and Jackson orders in 1832, he tried to acquire the items from other St. Louis merchants. Rule, however, on April 17, had to inform Waldo in Santa Fe that his order for jewelry could not be filled because, "there is no assortment in the city." For certain specified goods, Rule had found it necessary to make substitu­ tions. Even so, he did send some merchandise, including an "elegant set of dinner ware," looking glasses, "Yankee" clocks, pencil points, tray chains and China glass. An auger, vise and a keg of "good cavendish" tobacco also were listed in the bill that totaled $2,- 977.74.23 In his report to David, Rule indicated that William Waldo would transport the goods from St. Louis to Santa Fe. He also volunteered information as to prices for furs in St. Louis and a personal comment about Waldo's mule trade: . . . Jacks (Proof fole getter)—raised sufficiently far North to Stand our Cold winters would do well if bought low . . . a few large fine Ginnys to raise stock from would sell well. ... I fear the Success of your mule Speculation as the general introduction of Steam in Sugar Mills Cotton Press &c is greatly Curtailing the Southern demand for animal Power 24 William Waldo had left St. Louis before Rule sent his letter. He traveled to Southwest Missouri and stopped at his brother

22 Daniel Waldo to David Waldo, April 15, 1832, Waldo Letters, Jackson County Historical Society Archives. 23 Lewis E. Atherton, "James and Robert Aull—A Frontier Mercantile Firm," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXX (October, 1935), 27; William K. Rule to David Waldo, April 17, 1832, Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society. Samuel C. Owens and Waldo had known each other since 1820; Owens had been the first clerk of the Gasconade County Circuit Court. Waldo succeeded him in 1821. 24 ibid. 164 Missouri Historical Review

Daniel's farm to purchase additional mules, oxen and wagons for the journey to Santa Fe. Daniel sold the animals and wagons to William on a note at ten percent interest and also loaned him additional money at the same interest rate, although he claimed that he could get double that rate from other borrowers.25 Obtaining adequate credit to engage in the Southwest trade constituted a problem for all those involved, and Waldo obviously was no exception. His older brother Daniel by 1831-1832 had become disgusted over unprofitable ventures in that direction and in a scathing letter told his brother that he would no longer invest or co-sign notes. Rule sent a letter to David concerning this turn of events on April 17, 1832. He urged Waldo to: . . . Come in the fall and Settle with your Bro Daniel he abuses you much and would If he Could have prevented Any goods being Sent to you and Jackson. In fact I should have Sent you goods last year but S & R [Scott and Rule] Circumstances forbade it and Danl Waldo—did not desire it.26 Samuel C. Owens, the Independence merchant, suffered similar disillusionment. In the fall of 1831 he sent one of Waldo's notes to Scott and Rule in payment for goods, only to have it returned. After admonishing Waldo for trying to make too much profit, Owens wrote, "I then forwarded your letter directing them to pay they still refused." Owens then asked Daniel to pay the note and he, too, declined.27 Daniel's anger at his brother's risky business ventures would continue to be a source of irritation throughout his life. While David's creditors at times had difficulty in collecting from him, he in turn had trouble obtaining repayment of money that he had loaned. The Santa Fe traders and merchants fre­ quently needed money at unexpected times and Waldo acted as a banker for many of them, hoping to profit handsomely from high interest rates charged on these transactions. Notes were lost on one occasion and had to be redrawn before the proper Mex­ ican authorities.28 More frequently, however, inability of the bor-

25 Daniel Waldo to David Waldo, April 15, 1832, Waldo Letters, Jackson County Historical Society Archives. 26 William K. Rule to David Waldo, April 17, 1832, Waldo Papers, Mis­ souri Historical Society. 27 Samuel C. Owens to David Waldo, May 14, 1832, Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 28 L. L. Waldo to David Waldo, August 12, 1832, WTaldo Letters, Jackson County Historical Society Archives. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 165

Richardson, Beyond the Mississippi Taos Pueblo, Three Miles from Taos rowers to pay created the greatest hardship. For example, in the fall of 1834, David sent his brother Lawrence to Taos to collect from John L. Langham and his partners. Langham paid $250 on the balance and wrote David that if more money was due for pay­ ment, ". . . you must spare us awhile."29 Langham still was paying on the note in December 1835. At that time, Lawrence accepted a payment and wrote his brother, who had opened a merchandising store in Taos, about some outstanding debts that should be col­ lected there. Involved in a separate trading venture, Lawrence added that he and his partner knew of the money owed David and also that ". . . we should be able to pay you easily."30 David Waldo made every effort to collect money owed to him. By threatening legal action, he caused some debtors to pay, but his attorneys immediately sued those who did not respond to that tactic. Most such cases involving American citizens were

29 John L, Langham to David Waldo, October 26, 1832, Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 30 L. L. Waldo to David Waldo, December 12, 1835, Waldo Letters, Jack­ son County Historical Society Archives; Twitchell, Leading Facts of New Mex­ ican History, II, 118. In June 1860, David Waldo deeded his store and lot to the Taos Masonic Lodge. See Martin, "Dr. David Waldo," Missouri Grand Lodge Bulletin, II (April, 1925), 73. 166 Missouri Historical Review initiated in the Jackson County Circuit Court. The amount whether small or large made no difference. In 1843, for example, Waldo sued Jacob Hall for $86.50 plus interest and in 1845 took similar action against Stephen Lee for $233. He obviously showed no favoritism, since in March 1845, he brought suit against his own brother Lawrence for a debt of $476.70 plus ten percent interest.31 Waldo relied on his attorneys in Missouri to collect unpaid notes there and he in turn performed the same function against debtors living in the New Mexico Territory. He also represented American traders and merchants in New Mexico courts. As early as 1831 William Sublette and David Jackson appointed him as their agent and attorney to collect a note from Thomas Fitzpatrick and his partners. Eight years later, he represented Powell, Lamont and Company in a suit against Philip W. Thompson, which was heard at the Court of First Instance in Santa Fe.32 Obtaining credit, buying goods and collecting overdue notes were only a few of the problems that confronted Waldo in the Santa Fe trade. Difficulty with the Indians continued throughout his trading career. In 1832, for instance, the Osage Indians stole some twenty-five mules from employees of Waldo and Jackson. In that instance Waldo asked for monetary restitution from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Compensation was denied when it was discovered that the mule traders had trespassed on Osage land.33 Another problem emanated from the fluctuating prices on the American market. In 1840 mules which Waldo marketed in Southern states failed to bring an adequate price as there was no demand for them, and so he suffered an acute financial loss on the 113 that he sold in Texas, Arkansas and Louisiana.34 For-

31 Jackson County Circuit Court, Record Book E, Sept. 6, 1842 to Dec. 3, 1845, Jackson County Courthouse Annex, Independence, Missouri, 257, 456, 425. 32 Letter appointing Waldo as agent for Jackson and Sublette, August 23, 1831, Sublette Papers, Missouri Historical Society; Weber, Taos Trappers, 201; Litigated suit prosecuted by David Waldo as attorney of Powell, Lamont & Co. vs. Philip W. Thompson, November 1839, Abiel Leonard Collection, State Historical Society of Missouri Manuscripts Collection, Columbia. On at least one occasion Waldo acted as an attorney in Missouri. In 1845 Coleman D. Smith appointed him as his attorney and agent in litigation concerning land that Smith owned near Hermann. See Gasconade County Circuit Court, Record Book G, Gasconade County Courthouse, Hermann, Missouri, 191-192. 33 u.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs. Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81, "Osage Agency 1842-46" Microcopy No. M234, Roll No. 632, National Archives, Washington, D.C. In 1829 Waldo had experienced a similar difficulty when Osage Indians either stole or destroyed a "large Blk horse Mule." Waldo asked for $30 compensation but the War Department, as in the later episode, disallowed his claim. See "Records of Wm. Clark re Claims against the Indians," in ibid. 34 Max L. Moorhead, New Mexico's Royal Road (Norman, Okla., 1958), 86. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 167 tunately for Waldo, over the years his profits far surpassed his losses in the Santa Fe trade and by 1840 he had become one of its prominent and successful merchants and traders. Waldo invested a portion of his Santa Fe trade profits in Missouri land. By 1841, he had purchased over 1,000 acres in Cass, Bates, Vernon and Jackson counties at the Lexington, Missouri, land office.35 Most of this he held for speculative purposes. In 1841 he experienced a financial reverse when he joined William Gilpin in the unsuccessful town promotion of Gilpintown, near Independence.36 Despite the failure of Gilpintown, Waldo believed that Missouri land, especially in Jackson County, provided a sound investment whether for farming or speculation and he continued to buy acreage either through United States patents or from county residents.37 In the early 1840s Waldo spent much time in Jackson County supervising his ever increasing landholdings. Even so, he re­ mained very active in the Southwest trade and when he returned from the 1844 trading season he reportedly brought back a large fortune in gold and silver. His experiences in the Southwest had made him acutely aware of the growing hostilities between the United States and Mexico. From the standpoint of his business interests in the Southwest, Waldo may have welcomed armed conflict with the hope that the United States would be the victor. Certainly if the Southwest came under American control, trade might become even more profitable.38

35 u.S. Land Sales, V (1839-1841), "Lexington Abstract 1841," Records Management and Archives Service, Office of the Secretary of State of Missouri, Jefferson City. Relating to present-day Kansas City, the boundaries of the Jack­ son County land purchased from the Lexington land office were from 63rd Street to 77th Street and Wornall Road to Troost Avenue; the total acreage amounted to all but 280 acres of section 8, township 48N, range 33 W. Waldo also purchased 248.33 acres in section 7. Later, he acquired another 200 acres in section 8. See Sloan, "David Waldo," 6; J. W. L. Slavens, An Illus­ trated Historical Atlas Map Jackson County, Mo. (Philadelphia, 1877), 52. Slavens's atlas also shows that Waldo owned over 268 acres in section 5, due north of section 8. Due north of section 5 is an area that is still called Waldo, today. 36 Thomas L. Karnes, William Gilpin Western Nationalist (Austin, Tex., 1970), 214. 37 Inventory, Certificate and Affadavitt In Matter Of Estate Of David Waldo Deed, July 17, 1878, Jackson County Probate Court, Jackson County Courthouse, Independence, Missouri. (Hereafter cited as Inventory, David Waldo, Deceased.) 38 Sloan, "David Waldo," 6. The fact that American merchants and traders occasionally added to their own problems with Mexican officials should not be overlooked. The merchants and traders at times, and apparently Waldo was no exception, imported and exported goods restricted by the Mexican offi­ cials. For the problems of the Mexican officials in these instances see Ward 168 Missouri Historical Review

The necessary incident to insure war between the countries occurred in the spring of 1846. After troops under the command of Zachary Taylor were fired upon by Mexican soldiers, President James K. Polk and his willing Congress declared war against Mex­ ico on May 13. Polk requested Missouri's governor John C. Edwards to call for volunteer companies of infantry, artillery and mounted riflemen. When news of this reached Independence, Waldo im­ mediately offered his services for twelve months. Jackson County's quota of 105 men, including Waldo's nephew Waldo P. Johnson of St. Clair County, was reached in a very short time and on June 6 the county's contingent left Independence for .39 Since the volunteers from Jackson County and other Mis­ sourians included in their ranks were the first Missouri volunteers to reach Fort Leavenworth, they were officially designated as Company A of the Missouri Mounted Volunteers. In electing offi­ cers for Company A, the men selected Waldo as their captain, no doubt because of his previous experiences in the Southwest. Waldo's

Alan Minge, "Frontier Problems in New Mexico Preceding the Mexican War, 1840-1846" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of New Mexico, Albu­ querque, 1965), Chapter 7. 39 Karnes, William Gilpin, 141. Waldo P. Johnson became one of nine­ teenth-century Missouri's most prominent lawyers, soldiers and statesmen. Biographical sketches of Johnson appear in A.J.D. Stewart, ed., The History of the Bench and Bar of Missouri (St. Louis, 1898), 517-520, and Howard L. Conard, ed., Encyclopedia of the (St. Louis, 1901), III, 453- 456.

Santa Fe in 1846 In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 169 company was attached to Colonel Alexander W. Doniphan's regi­ ment and the major under Doniphan was Waldo's former business associate, William Gilpin.40 Doniphan's regiment was a part of General Stephen Watts Kearny's Army of the West, composed of regular and volunteer troops. When Kearny struck out from Fort Leavenworth to occupy the territory of New Mexico, Waldo and Company A began their stint in the service of their country. The territory of New Mexico was occupied without bloodshed and Kearny set up his base of operations in its capital, Santa Fe. Kearny delegated responsibility for forming an American civil government to Doniphan who lost little time in carrying out his duty. To compose a new constitution, Doniphan chose two men who would have later political influ­ ence in Missouri and the nation, Willard P. Hall and Francis P. Blair, Jr. This document known as the "Kearny Code," and the Constitution of the United States were translated into Spanish by Waldo, whom a Kearny biographer acknowledged as "the best Spanish scholar in the entire Army of the West."41 Also called upon to suggest men for the important govern­ ment posts, Waldo's influence prompted Kearny to appoint trader Charles Bent, Waldo's old friend and one-time business partner, as the first American civil governor of the territory. Moreover, one historian of New Mexico's history stated: "It is well known that General Kearny consulted Captain Waldo in the making of all civil appointments."42 Waldo did not spend all of his time in the capital discussing politics and governmental policies. Before arriving in Santa Fe, Company A had attempted unsuccessfully to overtake a wagon train destined for the enemy. And, by late September, Waldo and his men were again in the field. Combined with Captain John

40 Karnes, William Gilpin, 141. In 1843 Gilpin had borrowed $100 from Waldo to partially finance a trip to Oregon. Gilpin implied that one reason Waldo loaned him the money was that they both were interested in the same woman and that Waldo viewed the trip as one way to remove competition. See ibid., 85. Gilpin and Waldo continued to join in business ventures through the 1850s; then, in 1858 Waldo sued Gilpin for an unpaid note. Gilpin's at­ torneys asked for a change of venue from the Jackson County to the Clay County Circuit Court alleging that, "the Plaintiff has an undue influence over the Minds of the Inhabitants of this [Jackson] County." See Jackson County Circuit Court, Record Book L March 11, 1858-March 24, 1859, Jackson County Court­ house Annex, Independence, Missouri, 423; ibid., Book M Sept. 1 1857-1867, 285. 41 Dwight L. Clarke, Stephen Watts Kearny, Soldier of the West (Norman, Okla., 1961), 150. 42 Ralph Emerson Twitchell, The Military Occupation of New Mexico, 1846-1851 (Denver, Colo., 1909), 324. 170 Missouri Historical Review

Stephenson's Company E, from Franklin County, Missouri, Waldo and his men joined Major William Gilpin and proceeded to Abiquiu on the Chama River to keep the Apache and Ute Indians from intimidating the civilian population. In mid-November Gilpin's or­ ders were changed. With companies A and E, and twenty friendly Pueblos, some Mexican muleteers, two guides and two interpreters, Gilpin proceeded to Navajo country and joined forces with Doniphan in an effort to gain peace between the Navajos and the Americans. The column traveled through severe winter weather. On November 19 Gilpin left Waldo with the bulk of the command and with thirty men traveled to a point at Bear Springs, where he was to meet Doniphan. When talks began Doniphan and Gilpin and the Navajo chiefs were mutually suspicious of their adversaries. On November 22 Waldo and the remaining 150 of Gilpin's original command arrived. Their presence apparently swayed the chieftains to sign the Treaty of Ojo del Oso, a combination peace and mutual trade agreement.43 After the treaty signing, Doniphan's expedition marched to­ ward El Paso. Occasionally Waldo was asked to translate captured Mexican documents. In addition to being on constant alert because of the Mexican armies, revolutionaries and hostile Indians, Doniphan's column contended with the winter in ill-suited clothing and suffered from insufficient food for the men and their horses.44 On December 23 Waldo was severely injured when thrown by his mount.45 He needed a few days to rest and recuperate from the injury and he probably thought that at least he would be able to relax on Christmas Day. Early Christmas morning, however, Doniphan and his eight hundred scattered troops began another monotonous day of travel. Periodic shots were fired by the troops, in honor of the special day, and at times bursts of song erupted from the five hundred men that made up the advance command. The enemy, as scouts had reported, was dangerously near and the regiment hoped to engage the Mexicans as soon as possible. After almost eighteen miles of march with no enemy contact, Doniphan's advance column reached the Brazito, or Little Arm, on the east bank of the Rio Grande River. There the colonel ordered his troops to pitch camp. Men scattered in all directions to look for

43 William Elsey Connelley, ed. and comp. of John Taylor Hughes, Doniphan's Expedition and the Conquest of New Mexico and California (Topeka, Kans., 1907), 307; Karnes, William Gilpin, 160-161. 44/bid., 173. 45 Connelley, Doniphan's Expedition, 87. Alexander W. Doniphan

Appleton's Cyclopedia Artier. Biog. firewood and water. Some started to cook their meager rations; others searched for forage for their mounts. Eventually the lagging supply train came into view. As officers and men relaxed, a large cloud of dust was noticed to the south, in the direction of El Paso. Fifteen minutes later, a scout rode into the advance camp and told Doniphan that the enemy was advancing. Immediately the Americans prepared for battle against a force that outnumbered them over two-to-one. His body aching, Waldo led his company to the left wing. Opposite them appeared the "Vera Cruz dragoons," all dressed "in a uniform of blue panta­ loons, green coats trimmed in scarlet, and tall caps plated in front with brass, on the tops of which fantastically waved a plume of horse-hair, or buffalo's tail."46 The brilliantly bedecked Mexicans

46 ibid., 375-378.

Doniphan's Column on the March Mo. Hist. Soc. 172 Missouri Historical Review charged the American left twice during the brief engagement, but without success. When the half-hour skirmish had ended not one man in Doniphan's command had been killed and only seven had been injured. According to Doniphan's official report, the enemy counted forty-seven dead and 150 wounded.47 A few days after the Brazito skirmish, Waldo, two other captains and a loyal Mexican left Doniphan's column on a hunting expedition. The excursion lasted eight to ten days and, in addi­ tion to shooting animals to feed the regiment, the four hunters clashed with several small parties of the enemy. Waldo and his companions rejoined Doniphan's column as it traveled toward Chihuahua. During the march Waldo's company at times pursued small bands of Mexican soldiers or Apaches who were harrassing the expedition or stealing livestock. On one occasion Waldo and Captain Stephenson, with thirty men, left to buy new mules for the expedition.48 Before reaching Chihuahua Waldo received a personal blow when he learned that his brother Lawrence had been murdered at Mora, New Mexico, by an angry mob of revolu­ tionaries during the Taos revolt. He was further saddened by the murder of his friend Charles Bent during this insurrection.49 Fifteen miles north of Chihuahua, near the Sacramento River, Mexican forces totaling over 4,000 men barred Doniphan's entry into the city. Besides having a numerical superiority of four-to-one, the enemy possessed ten pieces of artillery, while the Americans had only six. On February 28 the opposing armies prepared for battle. After some logistical movement by Doniphan's regiments an artillery duel commenced the action. Superior cannon and gun­ powder gave the Americans a decided edge and allowed the colonel precious time to formulate his plan of attack. He ordered a cavalry charge but failure in the chain of command to coordinate the attack resulted in a piecemeal effort. Sensing the charge could fail, Gilpin, on the left wing, urged his men into the fight. Waldo's men and companies B, C and part of D composed the right wing. Under the command of Lieutenant Colonels D. D. Mitchell and Congreve Jackson, Doniphan's right wing dismounted and rushed an imposing line of redoubts where, throughout the battle, well- armed Mexicans and three cannons had maintained a crippling cross-fire. Waldo and Company A stormed the fortifications and

47 ibid. 48 Karnes, William Gilpin, 173. 49 Twitchell, Military Occupation of New Mexico, 331. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 173 in furious hand-to-hand combat captured the position. All along the line of battle, Doniphan's troops were victorious. In the end, three hundred Mexicans were killed and the same number were captured. Only one American died during the engagement. Waldo's friend and former creditor Samuel C. Owens, Doniphan's wagon commander, had attempted to reach the Mexican fortifications before the initial attack but he and his mount had been killed.50 Doniphan's expedition entered Chihuahua on March 2, with­ out incident. When orders finally arrived, he moved his men and supplies from Chihuahua through northern Mexico to Saltillo. By mid-May, after averaging thirty miles a day through the intense heat, the expedition reached Parras and rested for a brief time. In two more days of travel the column made camp near Saltillo.51 Having served as volunteers for ten months without receiving any pay, most of the Missourians in Doniphan's regiment were reluctant to sign up for another enlistment, even though the war continued. Waldo and the men under his command had followed Doniphan for some 3,000 miles during the expedition. In that time they had performed their duties under extreme weather conditions, often without the proper food and clothing for battling the cold wintry blasts and snows or an adequate water supply during the scorching spring and summer days. In combat Company A and its captain had performed well. Now, they were tired, dirty and ready to return to their homes. Doniphan located enough boats to transport his men across the and the last of his regiment arrived at the wharf on June 17. Company A was mustered for discharge at New Orleans on June 22 and then proceeded to St. Louis where they took part in a great victory parade on July 2. When they finally arrived in Independence, they again were honored by the proud citizens of that community.52 After his return to Independence, Waldo resumed supervision of his landholdings, started farming and purchased more Mis­ souri land.53 He still merchandised from his store in Taos and also added another type of business venture to his economic em-

50 Karnes, William Gilpin, 176; Liberty Weekly Tribune, May 29, 1847; Connelley, Doniphan's Expedition, 418. 51 Karnes, William Gilpin, 182. 52 Ibid., 184; Twitchell, Military Occupation of New Mexico, 335; Con­ nelley, Doniphan's Expedition, 184; Liberty Weekly Tribune, July 3, July 10, 1847; St. Louis Tri- Weekly Union, July 3, 1847. 53 Inventory, David Waldo, Deceased. 174 Missouri Historical Review pire. In May 1848 he joined with James Brown, Silas Woodson, John and William McCoy, and other men with previous experience in the Southwest trade in forming a company to transport goods for the army to its various outposts in the West.54 A May 17, 1848, contract of James Brown, with Waldo serving as one of the sureties, called for the transportation of 200,000 pounds of government stores from Fort Leavenworth to Santa Fe. The freight rate was set at $11.75 per hundred pounds. Apparently Waldo accompanied this caravan, possibly adding some of his own wagons to the 120 designated to carry the army goods as 170 wagons under the supervision of Waldo and Company had passed by Fort Mann on June 15.55 In the early months of 1849 Waldo's attention extended beyond expansion of his economic empire. He had met Eliza-Jane Norris. An attractive dark-eyed and dark-haired woman twenty years his junior, Eliza-Jane was the daughter of Edward and Margaret Nor­ ris, originally of Virginia. She had been born in Mt. Sterling, Ken­ tucky, on June 25, 1822, and before she emigrated to Missouri with her parents she had become very active in the Christian church in that community. She retained her allegiance to that de­ nomination when she came to Independence. When she met Waldo is not known. Perhaps she had witnessed the parade of Mexican War veterans in Independence and became acquainted with him soon after. Or, it is possible that she met Waldo when he visited her father's home to discuss land speculation.56 Regardless of how they met, the two were married on March 27, 1849. Although physically weakened from severe asthmatic attacks and other infirmities, Eliza-Jane Waldo gave birth to five children who provided her husband both pleasure and anxieties throughout his life.57

54 Louise Barry, comp., "Kansas Before 1854: A Revised Annals," Kansas Historical Quartely, XXXI (Summer, 1965), 158. 55 Ibid., 168. It was not uncommon for Waldo, Hall and Company to com­ bine merchandising goods and government stores in the same caravan. See Barry, comp., "Kansas Before 1854," Kansas Historical Quarterly, XXXII (Spring, 1966), 85. 56 Waldo was involved in one real estate venture in 1858 with a Norris. Presumably this was Eliza-Jane's father. See Hist, of Jackson Co., 635. 57 Lincoln, Waldo Genealogy, I, 436; Kansas City Mail, November 22, 1880. The few extant letters written by Waldo, after 1850, contain numerous refer­ ences to his children. He constantly worried about their outlooks on life and he seemed to have little hope for any of them amounting to anything, except his youngest daughter. For example, see David Waldo to Elizabeth Martin, October 4, 1868, Sloan Collection. The Waldo diaries of 1852 and 1857 also mention the children and include entries pertaining to his wife's ailments. In the late 1840s or early 1850s, James C. Thornton built this seven- room, frame house. David Waldo purchased the house from Thornton and in the succeeding years a number of additions, such as the porch, filigree and bay window, were added by the Waldo family. The hall according to architects was an exact replica of the one in George Wash­ ington's home, Mt. Ver­ non. The David Waldo home was razed in the 1940s. Courtesy, W. D. Sloan

In the same month that he married, Waldo successfully bid on a freighting contract to transport goods from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Laramie at the rate of $8.91 per hundred pounds, and in 1850 he contracted with Fort Leavenworth's assistant quartermaster to transport over 500,000 pounds of goods to such destinations as Santa Fe, Fort Laramie and El Paso.58 Two of Waldo and Com­ pany's wagon trains departed from Fort Leavenworth to Santa Fe on October 3 and 4, carrying 156,050 and 153,725 pounds of goods respectively, although the contract specified only 150,000 pounds.

58 Barry, comp., "Kansas Before 1854," Kansas Historical Quarterly, XXXII (Spring, 1966), 37, 39, 86; Report of the Secretary of War, with Statements of contracts and purchases made by the bureaus of that department during the year 1850, U.S. 31st Cong., 2nd Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 11 (1850), 15, 18, 22.

Independence in 1845 176 Missouri Historical Review

Waldo and his partners, however, were not as fortunate as usual. Starting late in the season, near Mora and Las Vegas, New Mexico, the wagon trains encountered an early blizzard and lost some eight hundred head of oxen which necessitated the purchase of new ox-teams.59 Waldo sought financial compensation from the federal government for this loss by sending a memorial to Con­ gress asking for $49,000. However, the Committee of Military Affairs rejected his petition on grounds that the loss was a hazard that freighters could normally expect to face.60 Incurring the loss did not deter Waldo and Company from additional bids for government business. Waldo successfully bid on contracts to supply corn to some military posts in 1851, and in the 1850-1851 fiscal year, 154 of his wagons transported government freight to Santa Fe, the largest number of wagons used by a single contractor.61 On October 6, 1851, Waldo wrote his brother Daniel, who had emigrated to Oregon in 1843, that "most of my time is occupied by Contracts with the Government for carrying provisions to the Army at the distant posts, we have made money at it, but the labor is immense."62 In the same letter Waldo informed his brother of still another business venture. In 1850 he had successfully bid on the four- year mail contract from Independence to Santa Fe. His partners in this enterprise were William McCoy and, ironically, Jacob Hall—the same man that Waldo had sued over an unpaid note in 1843. The first mail wagon of Waldo, Hall and Company left Independence for Santa Fe on July 1, marking the inauguration of the first government-subsidized mail service between the United States and New Mexico.63 Waldo's bid of $18,000 per year secured the contract for carrying the mails, and he expected to increase his returns by also transporting passengers in the company's Dear­ born or Jersey wagons. Passenger fares ranged from $100 during the summer season to $120 during the winter.64 The fastest time made during the four-year period from In-

59 Henry Pickering Walker, The Wagonmasters: High Plains Freighting from the Earliest Days of the Santa Fe Trail to 1880 (Norman, Okla., 1966), 110. 60 ibid., 233-234. 61 Morris F. Taylor, First Mail West: Lines on the Santa Fe Trail (Albuquerque, N. Mex., 1970), 29. 62 David Waldo to Daniel Waldo, October 6, 1851, Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 63 Barry, comp., "Kansas Before 1854," Kansas Historical Quartely, XXXII (Summer, 1966), 84; Taylor, First Mail West, 128-130. 64 ibid. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 177 dependence to Santa Fe was seventeen days. Occasionally bad weather or Indians greatly lengthened the time of trips.65 The Independence Commonwealth reported that in order to repel Indian attacks, each wagon carried "a four-man, well-armed guard. . . . Each has at his side, strapped up in the stage, one of Colt's revolv­ ing rifles; in a holster, below, one of Colt's long revolving pistols, and in his belt a small Colt revolver, besides a hunting knife. . . ." The four men, if attacked, could fire sixty-eight shots without stopping to reload.66 Waldo never became enthusiastic about the mail contract. As early as 1851 he wrote that "it does not pay very well." He continued to hold this opinion throughout the four-year term of the contract, and at the next renewal period he and Hall bid separately. Though Hall won, it is doubtful that Waldo was much upset at his defeat.67 Hall purchased the interests of his former partners in Waldo, Hall and Company.68 In addition to the mail contract with the United States govern­ ment, Waldo, Hall and Company had received a license in Sep­ tember 1850 to trade with the Kansa Indians. The company con­ tinued this trade through 1852 and received its last license in November of that year. Apparently the problems attendant to trading with the Kansa made the profits from the business insig­ nificant. The Kansa stole from government and merchant wagons. On one occasion a Kansa demanded a present from a government train and when refused he shot one of the oxen, then rode to safety before the teamsters could retaliate. Such incidents, and the fact that whiskey was sold to Kansa by white men who wanted the Indians to do their bidding prompted Waldo, Gilpin, Jabez Smith and others to send a memorial to the president of the United States asking that an Indian agent be appointed solely for the Kansa, an appointment that was not made until 1855.69 After the termination of the mail contract Waldo apparently decided to spend less time promoting Southwest business ventures. Instead he began to devote more time to land speculation and his

65 ibid., 13, 14, 17, 32, 35-36. 66 Barry, comp., "Kansas Before 1854," Kansas Historical Quarterly, XXXII (Spring, 1966), 84-85. 67 David Waldo to Daniel Waldo, October 6, 1851, Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society; Taylor, First Mail West, 39. 68 ibid. 69 Barry, comp., "Kansas Before 1854," Kansas Historical Quarterly, XXXII (Spring, 1966), 84; ibid. (Winter, 1966), 473; William E. Unrua, The Kansa Indians A History of the Wind People, 1673-1873 (Norman, Okla., 1971), 167-168. 178 Missouri Historical Review

Bay Collection "Exciting Adventure," Reproduced from a W. H. Jackson Painting farming interests. In 1857 he gave some thought to entering the banking business; for a number of years he had been making personal loans. Under the Missouri Banking Act of 1857, the South­ ern National Bank of St. Louis received a charter. The bank had two branches, one in St. Charles and one in Independence. Waldo and other prominent men of Independence became involved in the latter.70 Also in 1858 Waldo and his father-in-law succeeded in having a forty-acre tract of land incorporated into the city limits of Independence which greatly increased the value of that piece of property.71

70 John Ray Cable, The Bank of the State of Missouri (New York, 1923), 255; Timothy W. Hubbard and Lewis E. Davids, Banking in Mid-America A History of Missouri's Banks (Washington, D.C., 1969), 148; Sloan, "David Waldo," 6. Benjamin F. Wallace, a former New Mexico merchant and later a mayor of Independence, was bookkeeper of the Independence branch. Wallace also was the grandfather of Bess Truman, wife of the thirty-third president of the United States. See Kansas City Daily Journal of Commerce, June 6, 1877; Sloan, "David Waldo," 6. In 1857 Waldo added 240 acres of St. Clair County land to his holdings and during 1857-1858 he joined with his brother Calvin in purchasing some 1,000 acres in the same county. See Inventory, Calvin Waldo, Deceased, St. Clair County Probate Court, St. Clair County Courthouse, Osceola, Missouri. 71 Hist, of Jackson Co., 635. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 179

The next year Waldo, William McCoy and others formed a coal company. Each participant invested one hundred dollars and it appeared as though Waldo would soon have another profitable business venture.72 Unfortunately for Waldo and his associates, Civil War led to the termination of their coal business. Waldo, according to the 1860 census, was worth $225,000 when Confederate artillery fired on Fort Sumter. Although he owned eight slaves, the farmer, banker, merchantile-capitalist was not a firm advocate of the peculiar institution. In the early 1850s he had written one of his brothers in Oregon that he was "so heartily sick of Slave labor that I should like to be where there is no involuntary servitude & I trust to God that it will never darken the Shores of the Pacific."73 His pro-Union stance was well known, and in 1861 he was mentioned as a possible candidate for the Missouri State Convention, where the question was considered of how to replace Governor , whom Waldo believed "had little sense," and other pro-Southern state officials.74 Concerned on one occasion about what might happen to the assets of the Southern Bank, Waldo thought of an ingenious plan that would insure his and other depositors' monies from being stolen. Waldo disguised himself as a woman, put the bank's money in sacks, placed these under his long skirts, left the bank, and drove by carriage to one of his many farms where he hid the sacks in wells. How many trips of this nature he made is not known but, when he believed it safe, he returned the monies to the bank.75 Such a plan for protecting money proved wise because dur­ ing the first years of the Civil War Jackson County remained in a constant state of turmoil. On April 19, 1862, at a public meet­ ing, measures were considered to combat lawlessness prevalent in the county. Seventy-eight men, including Waldo, signed a declaration swearing their allegiance to the Union, and promising: . . . that we will give no countenance, aid or support, in any manner whatsoever, to any person, combinations of persons or states who are endeavoring by force of arms

72 ibid., 76. 73 Eighth Census of the United States, 1860, Jackson County, Missouri; David Waldo to Daniel Waldo, October 6, 1851, Waldo Papers, Missouri His­ torical Society. 74 Liberty Tribune, February 1, 1861; David Waldo to M. H. Johnson, September 1, 1860, Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 75 Sloan, "David Waldo," 6. 180 Missouri Historical Review

John T. Hughes

or otherwise to overthrow the Government of the United States.76 Even this declaration and Union military occupation of the county failed to restore complete order. On August 11, 1862, Confederate Colonel John T. Hughes, who had served with Waldo in Doniphan's expedition during the Mexican War, led his forces in an attack on Independence. William C. Quantrill, commanding the irregular Confederate cavalry, was ordered to attack Union headquarters, located in the Southern Bank building. Fortunately, Quantrill was unable to loot the bank and, because of Waldo's foresight, he would not have found much money had he succeeded.77 The Southern National Bank weathered the turmoil of the Civil War until 1863, when it was rechartered as the Third Na­ tional Bank by its president E. B. Kimball who wanted to take advantage of a national charter. Waldo then joined with a friend from his trading and freighting days, Preston Roberts, and others, to subscribe stock and open a new bank, the First National Bank of Independence. On September 1, 1865, this institution opened for business, with Roberts as president and Waldo as cashier. The

76 w. L. Webb, The Centennial History of Independence, Mo. (n.p., 1927),

77 Hubbard and Davids, Banking in Mid-America, 94; Richard S. Brownlee Gray Ghosts of the Confederacy Guerrilla Warfare in the West, 1861-1865 (Baton Rouge, La., 1958), 95. Hughes died during the attack on Independence In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 181 bank occupied the building that originally housed the Southern Bank.78 The census-taker in 1870 classified Waldo as a "Gentleman." Although still a director of the bank, he had resigned as cashier. His real property was valued at $140,000 while his personal prop­ erty had decreased from $75,000 in 1860 to $5,000.79 The latter figure no doubt reflected losses incurred by the war. By 1877, the banking business was in a precarious state. The panic of 1873 had started the First National Bank of Independence downhill. For five more years, Roberts, Waldo, and the other directors managed to ward off the inevitable. In January 1878, however, the bank was forced to close after every dollar was paid to its depositors and no one was embarrassed by a bank suspension.80 In 1878, Waldo still remained a wealthy man. He owned over 2,400 acres of land in Jackson County and still retained the 320 acres that he had purchased in Arkansas in 1827.81 Economically he was solvent but physically and mentally he was in troubled straits. For years he had been considered somewhat of an eccentric, and in 1852 he had given the first indication that he was experienc­ ing great emotional troubles. On July 3, 1852, Waldo wrote the fol­ lowing entry in his diary: Have a presentiment that I shall ere long be called to a better world, perhaps violent death awaits me. Scenes in the early part of my life that had almost been entirely obliterated from my minds eye in those half sleeping-half waking dreams to which myself, along with others are subject. What a strange eventful and eventless life has been mine. No persons that I regret to leave but my wife and . . . littles ones—Never having found a friend, or any relative very dear to me, but those that have preceded me to the land of Spirits.82 Though almost as religious as his wife, Waldo who constantly referred to the Bible and the good Christian life, did not find

78 Hubbard and Davids, Banking in Mid-America, 110; "Captain Preston Roberts," The United States Biographical Dictionary . . . Missouri Volume (Kansas City, 1878), 745; Liberty Tribune, September 1, 1865. 79 Eighth Census, 1860; Ninth Census of the United States, 1870, Jackson County, Missouri. 80 "Captain Preston Roberts," U.S. Biographical Diet. . . . Mo. Vol., 745. 81 Inventory, David Waldo, Deceased; Slavens, An Illustrated Historical Atlas, 28, 29, 37, 40, 44, 45, 48, 52, 53, 73. Waldo owned over 2,700 acres of Jack­ son County land, according to Slavens's figures. 82 David Waldo Diaries 1852 and 1857, Waldo Papers, Missouri Historical Society. 182 Missouri Historical Review

solace from his beliefs. The pastor of the Christian Church in September 1852 asked that Waldo visit him but he declined "owing to the depression weighing on my mind."83 An amazing aspect of Waldo's mental distress was his con­ tinued ability to function successfully in the business world. Ap­ parently he was able to divorce his business from his personal life and problems. At least this was the opinion of his nephew, Waldo P. Johnson, who wrote a brother about David's illness in 1867: My opinion now is, that his excentricity at times, for more than twenty years past, glided into insanity, but on account of his great business capacity, it was not sus­ pected by his intimate friends, and even now, he exhibits on some subjects remarkable ability, and clearness of per­ ception.84 A year earlier Johnson had written his father that Waldo's "mania consists in believing that he will be reduced to want, when in truth he is worth a very large property, often paying off all his liabilities." On January 22, 1867, Waldo's wife, his physician, Dr. John Bryant, and some friends had him admitted to the Fulton Lunatic Asylum, in hopes that its staff could relieve some of his anxieties. On his case sheet his occupation was listed as "Banker," his "Habits of Life" were stated as "Sometimes intemperate, very energetic & industrious," and his "Original Disposition" was labeled as "Social, cheerful & Kindhearted."85 According to his medical history, Waldo's most serious anxieties had occurred in 1865 when he complained of "confusion of mind." He had a strong predisposition to suicide: "But still he continued to do business successfully." That serious attack was followed by six months of mental exaltation which, in turn, gave way to maniacal excitement. He suffered from a number of mental delusions. As Johnson had written in 1866, he at times thought that he was economically destitute. At other times he believed just the opposite, and that someone was planning to rob him of his fortune. As for death, Waldo either envisioned a horrible demise by fire or that he and his family would die by freezing. At the time of his admittance, Waldo was still threatening to kill himself

83 Ibid. 84 w. P. Johnson to Mortimer Johnson, July 14, 1867, in Waldo P. Johnson III, Johnson Letters (n.p., 1960), 111-112. 85 w. P. Johnson to William Johnson, July 22, 1866, in ibid., 103: Case Book 565 to 1161 "September 1, 1860-March 31, 1867," 550, 590, in Office of the Registrar, Fulton State Hospital, Division of Mental Health, State of Missouri. In the Earnest Pursuit of Wealth 183

Waldo P. Johnson

and he required constant attention.86 He stayed at the asylum until April 1 and then was released as "Much improved." In May, however, he was readmitted and stayed in Fulton until August 31, when he was pronounced "Cured."87 Waldo then returned to Independence and again settled down to supervising his business affairs. He was still an officer of the bank and was still loaning his own money at ten percent interest. He invested $10,000 in a narrow-gauge railroad system that passed through Independence and part of his own property. This in­ vestment was one of Waldo's few mistakes, as its stock had become worthless by 1878. He continued to buy and sell real estate and to carry on farming activities.88 When the First National Bank of Independence closed its doors during the first month of 1878, it preceded Waldo's death by some five months. His health had grown steadily worse in the mid-1870s, and for years he had used morphine, a common pro­ cedure, to induce sleep. On the evening of May 20, 1878, before going to bed, Waldo evidently took an overdose of the sedative. His son, David, Jr., returning from a Sunday evening church meet­ ing, discovered his father lying on his bed. The son desperately tried to revive him and, when unsuccessful, he ran for a doc­ tor. In vain the physician attempted to revive the stricken man.

86 ibid. 87 ibid. 88 Inventory, David Waldo, Deceased. 184 Missouri Historical Review

Finally, David Waldo, Sr., was pronounced dead at age seventy-six. The Kansas City newspaper obituaries called him one of the oldest, wealthiest and most respected men of Jackson County.89 During his fifty years in Missouri and the Southwest, David Waldo per­ sonified the nineteenth-century mercantile-capitalist. Through total dedication he had amassed a fortune which not even his eccen­ tricities and periods of mental anguish could prevent him from acquiring.

so Kansas City Daily Mail, May 20, 1878; Kansas City Daily Journal of Com­ merce, May 21, 1878. Waldo's nephew, Waldo P. Johnson, was appointed ad­ ministrator of his estate. At the time of his death Waldo owned 2,475.31 acres of Jackson County land, excluding nine town lots in Independence. In addi­ tion, he had retained 320 acres of Arkansas land purchased in 1827 and he also owned forty acres of land in Cass County, Missouri. Notes plus ten percent interest payable to Waldo amounted to over $19,000; Johnson was able to collect almost a third of this amount. See Inventory, David Waldo, Deceased.

Don't Use Big Words Cameron Daily Vindicator, October 13, 1881. An exchange exhorts its readers to not use big words. It says: In promulgat­ ing your esoteric cogitations, or articulating your superficial sentimentalities and amicable philosophical or psychological observations, beware of platitudinous ponderosity. Let your conversational communications possesses a clarified con­ ciseness, a compact comprehensibleness, coalescent consistency and a concatenated cogency. Eschew all conglomeration of flatulent garrulity, jejune babblement and asinine affections. Let your extemporaneous descantings and unpremeditated expectations have intelligibility and veracious vivacity, with out rohdomontade, or thasonical bombast. Sedulously avoid all polysylable profundity, pompous prolixity, prittaceous vacuity, ventroquial verbosity and vaniloquent vepidity. Shun double entendres, prurient jocosity and pestiferous profanity, obscurent or apparent. In other words, talk plainly, briefly, naturally, sensibly, truthfully, puroly. Keep from "slang;', don't put on airs; say what you mean, and mean what you say. And don't use big words!

The Fagot Party Fulton Telegraph, February 19, 1886. The fagot party is an institution of the latest date—the very last thing out, in fact, in the way of intellectual entertainment for evening hours at home or with one's neighbor. The ruling feature of this new institution is that every one who accepts an invitation to a fagot party must bring, or every one present must furnish a fagot to aid in keeping the social firelight of the occasion interest­ ingly bright. The fagot may be a game, story, riddle, song, speech, or any other form of social offering for the amusement of the rest, and it will be well to have the complete bundle of fagots as varied in its character and make up as can be. Franfe Leslie's Illustrated, Feb. 1, 1862 Refugees at Rolla

General Orders No. 11 and Border Warfare During the Civil War

BY ANN DAVIS NIEPMAN*

During the Civil War General Orders No. 11 of the District of the Border was unique, in that it was a repressive measure used by the United States government against citizens legally a part of the Union. In order to rid Missouri's western border of guer­ rilla warfare, on September 23, 1863, General Thomas E. Ewing, Jr., ordered citizens of Jackson, Cass, Bates and the northern por­ tion of Vernon County, many of whom were believed to have fed and supported Quantrill's men, to leave their rural homes regard­ less of their innocence or guilt in aiding the guerillas. In 1863 depopulation of an area was not an altogether new concept. As Major General Henry Halleck reassured the commander of the

*Ann Davis Niepman is a teacher of History at the Winnetonka High School in the North Kansas City School District. She received her B.A. degree at the University of Southern California and her M.A. degree from the Uni­ versity of Kansas.

185 186 Missouri Historical Review

District of Missouri, it was a measure within the recognized laws of war. Wellington had adopted such a procedure in Portugal and the Russian armies had used it in the campaign of 1812. Still it was a procedure which was reverted to only in the case of over­ ruling necessity. Did such a necessity exist in the District of the Border in Missouri in the summer of 1863? General Ewing, the border commander, evidently believed that it did. However, this order and the methods by which it was enforced unleashed a multitude of intense reactions. Appointment to the command of the Department of the Mis­ souri had not been eagerly sought in the spring of 1863. John Charles Fremont, David Hunter, Henry Halleck and Samuel R. Curtis had all suffered frustrations in this border state where the political battles proved more exhausting than the military ones. General John Schofield in assuming this post in May, was stepping into the vacancy created by President Abraham Lincoln's removal of General Curtis. Curtis had been at cross-purposes with Missouri's Governor Hamilton R. Gamble so often that Lincoln at length realized he could not replace Gamble, but he could remove Curtis. As Schofield stepped into this cauldron of political dissension, he came upon a scene described aptly by his commander-in-chief: We are in civil war. In such cases there always is a main question; but in this [Missouri's] case that question is a perplexing compound—Union and slavery. It thus be­ comes a question not of two sides merely, but of at least four sides, even among those who are for the Union, saying nothing of those who are against it. Thus, those who are for the Union with, but not without slavery; those for it without, but not with; those for it with or without but prefer it without. Among these again is a subdivision of those who are for gradual, but not for immediate, and those who are for immediate, but not for gradual extinc­ tion of slavery.1 Missouri represented an area where all of these shades of opinion and more were fervently held. Under these circumstances the confusion existing in the state was understandable. Two governments represented Missouri for the duration of the war: the elected one in exile under Governor

i John Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army (New York, 1897), 95. A recent article concerning this same topic is Charles R. Mink's, "General Orders, No. 11: The Forced Evacuation of Civilians During the Civil War," Military Affairs, XXXIV (December, 1970), 132-136. General Orders No. 11 187

Claiborne Fox Jackson, who after failing in his attempts to secure Missouri's secession had finally located the seat of the elected government in Marshall, Texas; and the provisional one sitting at the state capital in Jefferson City and directed by the appointed governor, Gamble. As General Halleck, in charge of the opera­ tions in the Departments of the Missouri and Northwest, had warned, neither faction in Missouri was actually friendly to the president and his administration, and each wished to destroy the other. In their mutual hatred they seemed to have lost all sense of the perils of the country and any sentiment of national patriotism. Halleck instructed Schofield to make every possible effort to allay the bitter party strife in the state.2 A letter from Lincoln warned Schofield: "If both factions or neither shall assail you, you will probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by one and praised by the other."3 Assuming command, Schofield created the District of the Border which included Jackson, Cass, Bates, St. Clair, Henry, Johnson and Lafayette counties south of the and the adjacent portions of these counties in Kansas.4 He placed in command of this district, Brigadier General Thomas E. Ewing, Jr., headquartered at Kansas City. Before the war Ewing had been a promising young attorney practicing in Leavenworth. In 1861 he was chosen as the first chief justice of the Kansas Supreme Court, resigning in order to become colonel of the Eleventh Kan­ sas Volunteers; he had seen action in Arkansas, advancing in rank when he assumed command of the District of the Border in June 1863. This new command was characterized by savage and vindic­ tive strife along Missouri's western border south of the Missouri River, where the presence of many Southern sympathizers and the active predatory spirit among the Kansas Unionists created supreme confusion. In addition, the Missouri border between the Missouri River and Arkansas was a corridor where opposing forces were constantly moving. Missouri may have been officially in the Union at the time but to the majority of Missouri border residents, especially those in the counties south of the river, their sympathies lay elsewhere. In the 1860 election in Vernon County no votes were recorded

2 Schofield, Forty-six Years, 87. 3 Ibid. 4 Edwin C. McReynolds, Missouri, A History of the Crossroads State (Nor­ man, Okla., 1962), 246. 188 Missouri Historical Review

General Thomas E. Ewing

for Lincoln although probably there were a dozen or so men in the county who would have voted the Republican ticket had they been allowed to do so. Vote was viva voce and the people of the county considered themselves lenient enough to let those with abolitionists' views live among them, but they were not generous enough to let them vote.5 In Clay County just north of the river on the border, with a population in 1860 of 13,023-9,525 whites and the remainder Negroes, Lincoln's tally was the same.6 Anti- slavery men in Bates County discreetly kept quiet and the ones who allegedly cast the few recorded Lincoln ballots found their names posted at various public places over the county with a broad invitation that they might be happier elsewhere.7 For Southern sympathizers it was dangerous to say anything against the depredations and highhanded operations of the Kansas or Red Legs. Even the "decent Radicals" were afraid to criticize them for these bands of men were "loyal" to the Union. Those who criticized them in the least were at once denounced for disloyalty.8

5 History of Vernon County, Missouri (St. Louis, 1887), 269. 6 W. H.' Woodson, ed., History of Clay County (Topeka, Kan., 1920), 319. 7 The Old Settlers' History of Bates County, Missouri (Amsterdam, Mo., 1897), 38. 8 History of Clay and Platte Counties (St. Louis, 1885), 709. General Orders No. 11 189

Rebels Burning House of Unionists

Frank Leslie's Illustrated, April 4, 1863

The District of the Border command was not an enviable one. Ewing began splendidly enough, however, with a speech given at Olathe in Johnson County, announcing his intentions in that capacity: I hope soon to have troops enough on the Missouri side not only to prevent raids into Kansas, but also to drive out or exterminate every band of guerrillas now haunting that region. I will keep a thousand men in the saddle daily and will redden with their blood [the Mis­ souri guerrillas] every bridle-path of the border until they infest it no more. ... I mean, moreover, to stop with a rough hand all forays for plunder from Kansas into Missouri.9 The guerrilla excursions into Kansas thus received top priority. But Ewing had also spoken that day of some Kansans as ". . . steal-

9 May Simonds, "Missouri History as Illustrated by George C. Bingham," MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW, I (April, 1907), 183. Compare, reception of speech by the Leavenworth Daily Conservative, the Olathe Mirror, and the Leaven­ worth Daily Times quoted in the Kansas City Journal of Commerce, July 4, 1863. 190 Missouri Historical Review ing themselves rich in the name of Liberty."10 The newspaper reaction he received for this must have exceeded his wildest expec­ tations. The plunder taken from the Missouri border counties supplied a lucrative market in Ft. Scott, Lawrence and Leaven­ worth. Kansas Red Legs sold their booty at public auctions on Lawrence streets until that city achieved a distinction of sorts as the "citadel of stolen goods."11 Leavenworth was even placed under martial law in July in an attempt to combat the ready market offered there for contraband.12 Since before the war Missouri had been infested with thieving bands from Kansas, who, justifying their actions under the guise of being loyal Unionists, made frequent trips into Missouri and "confiscated" what they held to be Confederate property. Missouri guerrillas operated throughout the same territory and also in the eastern counties of Kansas, thus providing two sets of outlaws preying upon one another and both preying upon the residents of the border counties.13 Moreover, members of the Kansas and Missouri militias were not above such confiscations themselves. There was really little danger, noted the Kansas City Journal of Commerce on July 25, 1863, to the officers who were "going into limbo" over attention being directed toward cattle speculations, because it would be necessary for "one without sin to cast the first stone." This was the condition prevalent all along the Kansas-Missouri border. Earlier attempts had been made to combat these forays by the organization in Missouri of county battalions to guard the border. They also aided the Southern cause by reporting on Union troop movements. But after "sweeps" made by Colonel Charles Jennison and General Jim Lane with their Kansas "troops," these home guards had long since been abandoned as a county effort.14 During the first months of his command, Ewing set in motion strategy with primary concern centered on the Missouri guerrillas. Led by William Quantrill, these bands roamed the border in small groups or at times in groups numbering in the hundreds. Two methods were employed to neutralize them. General Orders No. 10

io From a review of Ewing's Olathe speech in the Leavenworth Daily Con­ servative, August 23, 26, 1863/ 11 Albert Castel, A Frontier State at War: Kansas 1861-1865 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1958) , 137. Compare, Kansas City Journal of Commerce, July 25, 1863. "An honest man engaged in some honest business could do well in Fort Scott for he'd have no competition." 12 Kansas City Journal of Commerce, July 20, 25, 1863. 13 History of Clay and Platte Counties, 709. 14 Eugene Morrow Violette, The History of Missouri (Boston, 1918), 381. General Orders No. 11 191

William Clarke Quantrill was issued on August 18, 1863, at the District of the Border Head­ quarters in Kansas City.15 Section II of this order attempted to rid the state of those willfully engaged in aiding the bushwhackers. Their wives, children and families were ordered to move out of the state immediately; should they be derelict in this, the military indicated a willingness to escort them to Kansas City for ship­ ment south. The guerrillas who would surrender voluntarily were promised protection until banished with their families. While directly seeking to avert the marauding efforts, Ewing also made provision to thwart guerrilla excursions into Kansas. This was done by a system of defense extending from Westport to Mound City, Kansas, and consisting of the establishment of military posts and patrols. Four cavalry companies were located at Westport, three at Little Santa Fe, two at Aubry, one at Coldwater Grove, and one company each of infantry at Olathe, Paola and Mound City.16 Governor Thomas Carney, of Kansas, was told that he might now disband his special force of state troops.17 This pro-

is War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (Washington, D. C, 1880-1902), Series 1, Volume XXII, Part II, 460-461. (Hereafter cited as O. R.) See also Kansas City Journal of Commerce, August 13, 1863; compare reception of the order in Kansas in the Oskaloosa [Kansas] Independent, August 22, 1863. 16 Castel, Frontier State at War, 122. 17 Ibid., 123. 192 Missouri Historical Review cedure was not intended to accomplish the task completely but it was believed to offer a good system of alert. The military abstract sent to St. Louis for the District of the Border for August 1863, reported that Ewing had present for duty 114 officers and 3,073 men, with an aggregate present and absent of 4,430.18 Apparently this force was not adequate because Law­ rence was suddenly attacked, August 21, 1863, by more than three hundred of QuantriU's raiders. Many citizens were murdered and much of the city was destroyed. The raiders may have been driven by their bitter hatred of Jim Lane who lived in Lawrence, by retaliation for the enactment of Orders No. 10, or by fury at the imprisonment and subsequent death of some guerrilla family members in the military prison at Kansas City.19 Whatever the motivation, the result was tragic. The hue and cry of the press over this wanton attack centered on Ewing. The Leavenworth Daily Conservative, edited by D. W. Wilder, provided a scathing denunciation of the Union general and his policies: The know-nothing, do-nothing policy of the General commanding this District, who has shown his utter in­ capacity, with five thousand soldiers under his command, in allowing a few hundred guerrillas to get fifty miles into the interior of our State and burn Lawrence, destroy­ ing two millions of property is ample proof that we must depend upon ourselves for the defense of our city and State.20 Wilder and Leavenworth's mayor, D. R. Anthony, were his sever­ est critics. Smarting from the prolonged weeks of martial law and from the wrong perpetrated against their city, they seized every opportunity to ridicule and denounce Ewing. Editor Wilder con­ tinued to voice criticism with the publication of terse comments and questions. He wrote, "There is a remarkable similiarity between general ruin and General Ewing." "The lesson taught by the Lawrence Massacre.—Remove Schofield and Ewing," and asked, "Will President Lincoln think, as he reads the sickening tales of

is O. R., Ser. 1, Vol. XXII, Pt. II, 503-505; compare the Leavenworth Daily Times, August 22, 1863. 19 Ibid. For imprisonment of guerrilla family members, see Richard S. Brownlee, Gray Ghosts of the Confederacy, Guerrilla Warfare in the West, 1861-1865 (Baton Rouge, 1958), 118-119. 20 Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 22, 1863. See also quotations of national reaction in ibid., August 30, 1865. General Orders No. 11 193 the Lawrence Massacre, that he is in any way responsible? Who appointed Schofield? Who appointed Ewing?"21 The Conservative took pains to quote newspapers throughout the country regarding the tragedy. Missouri's St Joseph Herald referred to Ewing as "that dull and incompetent man in military cloth."22 Other papers called for a full explanation from the mili­ tary officers in charge in Missouri as to just how such a raid was possible.23 Oskaloosa's The Independent and the Kansas City Jour­ nal of Commerce provided Ewing's best defense.24 The Independent in stating facts on Ewing's behalf, relayed the information that on August 20 he had 2,435 effective officers and men stationed at twenty-seven different camps and posts throughout his entire widely scattered district, extending from Fort Larned and Fort Riley in

21 Ibid., August 23, 1863. 22 As quoted in ibid., August 27, 1863. 23 National press coverage as quoted in the Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 30, 1863. 24 Kansas City Journal of Commerce, August 26, 1863; see also Oskaloosa Independent, September 5, 1863.

Lawrence Attacked by Quantrill's Guerrillas 194 Missouri Historical Review the west to Lexington, Missouri, in the east; and, from Fort Leaven­ worth in the north to the Trading Post in the south. Thirteen of these posts were in Kansas and others were just over the Missouri line. Moreover, two companies of the Sixth Kansas had been sent to Brigadier General James G. Blunt and relieved of duty only a few days previously. Summarized The Independent: With such a mere handfull [sic] of men as this, scat­ tered over so many hundreds of miles, that man has not lived and never will live who could prevent raids into Kansas under the circumstances [.] Napoleon himself could not have done it.25 Schofield and Lincoln also shared the brunt of the incident. Lane and the Kansas Radicals had switched their censure from Ewing to "Skowfield," as Lane preferred to refer to the Missouri commanding general. "Skowfield" was far too moderate to suit Lane's methods. In addition, Schofield recently had issued Gen­ eral Orders No. 86 which the Lane faction criticized severely. This order issued on August 25, 1863, provided that those who volun­ tarily abandoned the rebel cause and desired to return allegiance to the United States would be allowed to do so. A clause inserted in this directive enabled loyal citizens to bear arms in order to pro­ tect themselves. According to the Lane faction, this made it possi­ ble for bushwhackers to take the oath and obtain arms.26 Lincoln, however, reassured Schofield that the massacre was only an example of what B. H. Grierson, John Hunt Morgan, and many others might have done on their raids had they chosen to "incur the personal hatred and possessed the fiendish hearts to do it."27 Ewing had been in Leavenworth on business when the Law­ rence attack occurred. Consequently, he was not aware of Quan- trill's presence in the area until after the damage had been done.28 Returning to his headquarters, he dispatched the order which he had been considering as a follow-up to General Orders No. 10. This new edict, Orders No. 11, issued on August 25, 1863, was of a different nature, however. It called for the depopulation within fifteen days of the first tier of counties south of the Missouri River,

25 Ibid. 26 o. R., Ser. 1, Vol. XXII, Pt. II, 474. For reference to "Skowfield," see Jay Monaghan, Civil War on the Western Border (Boston, 1955) , 289; editorial on Schofield's order in Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 30, 1863. 27 Schofield, Forty-six Years, 97. 28 Leavenworth Daily Times, August 22, 1863; see also O. R., Ser. 1, Vol. XXII, Pt. II, 472. General Orders No. 11 195 those of Jackson, Cass, Bates and the portion of Vernon County lying within the District of the Border. Residents living within one mile of the limits of Independence, Hickman Mills, Pleasant Hill and Harrisonville, and those living in the part of Kaw Town­ ship, Jackson County, north of Brush Creek and west of the Big Blue River were exempted from the order. All others were to move from the district.29 Schofield was informed of the decree in a dispatch from Ewing issued the day Orders No. 11 was given.30 Ewing's stated reason for acting on his own initiative was the fear of immediate retalia­ tion upon the Missouri border counties. He had reason for alarm. Jennison was actively recruiting again and Lane oratorically already was launching the offensive.31 Ewing saw no censure of himself as valid except the possibility of his being away from the post at the time. Political enemies were "fanning the flames" and wished to sacrifice him as a "burnt-offering," he asserted. At this time he acknowledged a lack of confidence in his own judgment and desired, if Schofield thought it best, for it to be known that he wished a court of inquiry with regard to his actions.32 The threat of retaliation was only one of the reasons Ewing took such measures. Although not discussed in his letter to Scho­ field, he believed the order was a military necessity for suppress­ ing bushwhacking.33 Also, it was necessary to calm and reassure the people of Kansas. Another reason was of a more personal nature. The severe criticism by virtually the whole Kansas press made it necessary for him to issue such an order to counter the attacks by the news media and his political enemies.34 Finally, he hoped to retain the political confidence of Lane. The two had met the night after the massacre, and Lane's pressure was believed to have been a factor in the decision to issue the order.35 Parallel lines of thought existed, for the general pattern of Ewing's order was the same as that which Schofield had contem­ plated. In a letter dated the same as Ewing's directive to him, Schofield enclosed a draft of an order which he proposed to issue in due time. He asked Ewing to take the necessary precautions

29 ibid., 473. 30 Ibid. 31 Oskaloosa Independent, September 5, 1863. For Lane's speech see also Leavenworth Daily Conservative, August 28, 1863. 32 o. R., Ser. 1, Vol. XXII, Pt. II, 472. 33 Ibid. 34 Castel, Frontier State at War, 143. 35 Ibid., 144; Leavenworth Daily Conservative, September 1, 1863. 196 Missouri Historical Review

Harper's Weekly, Nov. 23, 1861 General James H. Lane and Indian Scouts and concluded with a warning that because of the possibility of retaliation, the people from the districts involved should be removed to safety before the execution of the order. His plan, unlike Ewing's, called for total devastation of the area involved.36 Apprehension was now mounting in the second tier of Mis­ souri counties where it was believed the depopulation measure might be extended. Schofield advised Ewing that "They seem to fear as much from the Kansas troops [militia] as from Lane's lawless rabble."37 The Eleventh Kansas played a major role in assisting enforcement of the depopulation. Schofield believed it prudent at this time to transfer the counties of Lafayette, Johnson, Henry and St. Clair to the command of General Egbert B. Brown's District of Central Missouri. Ewing was asked to make arrangements for this change as soon as possible, and also to transfer his Missouri Militia troops to Brown's district.38 The removal of the citizens from the border counties prompted many individuals to make their views known, either personally or by correspondence, to Ewing, Schofield and Lincoln. A very

36 O. R., Ser. 1, Vol. XXII, Pt. II, 471. 37 ibid., 531. 38 Ibid.; Leavenworth Daily Times, August 28, 1863. General Orders No. 11 197

Major General John M. Schofield

direct approach was taken by the artist George Caleb Bingham, serving at this time as Missouri's state treasurer. Bingham was profoundly shocked by the severity of the order and determined to ask that it be recalled.39 In this effort he was not at all successful and was so incensed by his audience with Ewing, and by what he had observed on a tour of the affected area, that he threatened to paint Ewing as infamously in history as this order had made him appear in Bingham's eyes. On his tour, he had ridden unarmed and unguarded through the depopulated area in order to see with his own eyes the tragedy which he had informed Ewing would occur as a result of the order.40 Returning to Jefferson City, Bing­ ham reported his observations to Governor Gamble. The scene Bingham presented was one in which men were shot down in the very act of obeying an order; one in which their wagons and effects were seized by their murderers; and one in which long trains of wagons loaded with spoils were heading toward Kansas. Bing­ ham had been present when several hundred Union supporters went to the military post at Harrisonville and asked for arms to defend themselves, only to be refused.41

39 Lew Larkin, Bingham: Fighting Artist (Kansas City, 1954), 194. 40 ibid., 221. ^Ibid., 222. 198 Missouri Historical Review

When Schofield visited the area, he rescinded the portion of Orders No. 11 calling for the destruction of property; noting, however, that much of this had already been done.42 In an article published years later in the St Louis Republican, Schofield as­ serted in defense of his action that there had existed only two ways in which to remedy the situation on the border during the time of his command; either by a large increase of military person­ nel which was not possible; or by depopulation, which was. The execution of this order was carried out, according to Schofield, without the loss of a single life or any great discomfort to the participants.43 Two accounts varying as widely as those of Bingham and Schofield reflect the opposing viewpoints of the general public. Most histories, referring to the exodus, state a total of 20,000 resi­ dents were driven or forced to evacuate their homes. Some of the people involved left vivid accounts of their experiences. After the issuance of Orders No. 11, Richard C. Vaughn, prompted by what he had seen of the condition of the western counties of Missouri, obtained an audience with Schofield. Feeling little reassurance after this visitation, he wrote on August 28, 1863, to Edward Bates, attorney general of the United States. I cannot see the propriety of adopting a policy which is to involve the innocent and the guilty in common ruin. ... It is a fact well known to me that hundreds of the people of Jackson and Cass Counties are true and loyal men; they have already been robbed of their prop­ erty, insulted, and in many instances murdered by these troops from Kansas. . . . The great mistake was annexing a part of our State to the military District of Kansas, and the next great error was in placing a Kansas politician in command of it.44 Vaughn included in his letter a "memorial" to be given to the president in which he asked for "Your Excellency's interposition in behalf of a suffering people."45 Martin Rice, Jackson County farmer and dairyman, was one of the "true and loyal men." For several weeks during the summer of 1863, he had heard rumors in the county that a depopulation

42 O. R., Ser. 1, Vol. XXII, Pt. II, 84. 43 Howard L. Conard, ed., Encyclopedia of the History of Missouri (New York, 1901), V, 19. 44 o. R., Ser. 1, Vol. XXII, Pt. II, 484-485. 45 ibid., 485-486. General Orders No. 11 199 order was being considered. Rice and his neighbors took little notice of the tales told them by Union scouting parties, but Union men who had taken refuge in Kansas City and Independence notified their friends in the county to be ready for such an order. On August 15, residents of Van Buren Township met to discuss the rumors; those attending decided to send resolutions to Ewing, using Rice as their emissary. Since Ewing was in Leavenworth, Rice talked with Major Preston B. Plumb, and ultimately believed that his mission was a failure. Determined to prepare for the worst, he purchased material for making a wagon-bed. When he arrived at his home, his family informed him that around three hundred bushwhackers had eaten supper the night before at the home of his neighbor, Benjamin Potter. Rice's own family had been "asked" for a half bushel of bread to feed the men, and several of their neighbors had received similar requests.46 Making preparations to leave, Rice was not aware of Orders No. 11 until he saw it in the St. Louis Missouri Republican on August 30. It was senseless to appeal to neighbors for aid for they were all in the same predicament. On August 31 he and others went to Pleasant Hill to prove their loyalty and to obtain certificates or permits to remove to the military post or to other parts of the district. After waiting all day for John Ballinger of the First Regi­ ment of the State Militia in order to receive instructions upon how to secure certification, Rice determined to run the risk of getting a permit later. During the next few days Rice and his neighbors hauled their possessions into Lafayette County. He had intended to rent a house in Pleasant Hill, but changed his mind when his brother told him that this location would not be safe from bushwhackers. After Rice received his Certificate of Loyalty on September 5, he decided to move his family over the line into Johnson County near Basin Knob, only five or six miles from his home. He had one wagon and one yoke of oxen with which to move the bedding and clothing of his family and that of his son-in-law, William C. Tate. As they were leaving on September 6, a squad of the Kansas Ninth Regi­ ment arrested him, his son Isaac and his son-in-law. His neighbor David Hunter, Hunter's grandson Andrew Ousley, John S. Cave,

46 Martin Rice, Rural Rhymes, and Talks and Tales of Olden Times (Kansas City, 1893), 105-119. The account of Martin Rice is pursued fully here because of its thoroughness of coverage and because it (with exception of the murders) was represenative of many read by the author. William Hunter and Benjamin Potter were also arrested.47 Rice was the only one of the party with a certificate. After a short period Captain Charles F. Coleman, the arresting officer, returned to him and told him to take his son and "travel." Rice left immediately and had gone only a short distance when he heard shots. He re­ turned and found his six neighbors dead. The reason for this murderous act, Rice believed, was that Quantrill and his men had eaten supper at the Potter farm. In addition to deceased friends, Rice left behind on his farm- cattle, sheep, hogs, growing corn, corn in the crib, wheat in the granary and orchards of peaches and apples. His original plan had changed and he now proposed to move either to Ray or Clay counties across the river. In their exodus his family saw long, moving trains of exiles; vehicles of every description drawn by teams of every variety, except "good ones." They crossed the ferry at Lexington where "a substantial steamer" was exceptionally busy and making quite a profit.

47 Kansas City Star, March 6, 1939. In this issue of the Star appeared the obituary of Cave's daughter, Mrs. Matilda Reid. The manner of his death was reiterated. Of interest was the mention that a concrete wall was built around the grave of the men killed, a monument erected and the burial site deeded to the relatives of the deceased. General Orders No. 11 201

It was difficult for the fugitives to get permission to stop in places of their own choosing. Since loyal citizens were permitted to go into Kansas and to the military post, none of the residents in the areas through which they were traveling were anxious to have "disloyal" people. Those with certificates, however, or those who could establish a "good reputation" were granted permits to stop. Some took chances and stopped without permission. Of Rice's original party, some stayed in the eastern part of Lafayette County; one family went to Indiana; and another to Wisconsin. Notices and proclamations were posted by the roadsides north of the Missouri telling the travelers that they could not stop with­ out permission of the military authorities of the county and counties farther north. On September 8, Rice joined the company of Cass Countians William C. Estes, Moses Bailey and E. N. Rice who ob­ tained permits in Richmond to stop anywhere in Ray or Clay counties. Shelter was obtained from Reuben Holman, and although three families lived in a two-room house, they were quite grateful. Rice, accompanied by his son and daughter, returned once to their home during November to collect the cattle and hogs which had proven too unruly to drive earlier. During this visit they ob­ served guerrillas in groups of two's and three's and Federals in larger groups, none of whom bothered them. The dogs, Rice noted, had become like wolves, preying on untended livestock. Rice returned to his home with his family in April 1864. The month before, General Egbert Brown of the District of Central Missouri had issued a general order allowing those who made proof of loyalty to obtain permits for returning to their homes. Ironically, this order also was "Orders Number Eleven." Many did not im­ mediately return for they believed that it would be unsafe. Rice noticed that enough corn and wheat remained to live on until a crop could be planted, a few hogs were left, and his farm had been little damaged. He attributed his good fortune to the fact that he lived in the eastern portion of the county. Most of his neighbors returned, but not until after the war. George Miller, a Presbyterian minister in Kansas City, was another of those who went to plead with Ewing against the order.48 The area, he argued, was not that important to Quantrill. Further­ more there were no able-bodied men in the area, no crops to speak of raised in two years, and not one family in five with any means

48 Rev. George Miller, Missouri's Memorable Decade (Columbia, Mo., 1898) , 100-107. 202 Missouri Historical Review of transportation. He believed that the people would suffer undue hardship by relocating during the winter weather. The minister repeated the personal account of an elder in the Presbyterian Church, Henry Cordell of Pleasant Hill, who was compelled to take his family on foot to Jefferson City. Their clothing was hauled by two yearling calves yoked to an old railroad cart. This gentleman, Miller emphasized, was a "highly cultured gentleman" and his wife was a "lovely Christian lady."49 He related another incident about an old man, John Poyntz, who had been confined in a military prison for his sympathetic expressions on behalf of Southern friends.50 He was released into the custody of Miller who kept him in his home until Poyntz was finally banished from Missouri. Miller believed that he had stirred Ewing with these comments but concluded that the general was too weak to withstand the local pressure. Among the accounts of hardships suffered during the removal was that of the Twyman family. Mrs. Frances Fristoe Twyman, of Independence, was forced to travel the crowded roads with her aged mother, her doctor husband and six children.51 For convey­ ance they had one two-horse wagon and a buggy. The Twymans stayed for a time with friends in Howard County and then moved on to Missouri City north of the river. Mrs. Twyman was very pro- Southern in her sympathies, and it was humiliating to her to have people along the way cry out, "There come the refugees, take in your clothes," as they saw "the motley crowd" approaching. The Twyman family traveled through inclement weather and found it difficult to obtain shelter for the night. It was not possible to rent a room or even an outhouse. One night in desperation the Twymans attempted to spend the night in a schoolhouse, but the neighboring farmer, a trustee of the school, refused to give them permission. After Mrs. Twyman's pleading, the farmer relented and invited her family into his home. Mrs. Twyman indicated that she was arrested several times and nearly shot twice. Her mother owned slaves and for this and being accused of sending "a ham of meat" to Quan- trill's camp, the mother's home had been burned. Mrs. Twyman's

49 Ibid. 50 A photostatic copy of the "Special Order of Removal from Missouri," may be found in Box 56, Jackson County Historical Society Archives. Harry S. Truman Library, Independence. 51 Missouri Division, United Daughters of the Confederacy, comp., Remi­ niscences of the Women of Missouri During the Sixties (Jefferson Citv, Mo., n. d.) , 263-266. General Orders No. 11 203 only daughter became ill during the family exodus and died. The mother's accounts were related in a passionately bitter tone. Some of the refugees buried their valuables before they left home. Amanda Fields returned to the family home in Jackson County, after a temporary stay in Cooper County, to find her family home, barn, and all of the outbuildings and the rail fence burned. Some of the fruit trees had even been cut down. The family valuables which they had hidden before leaving, however, were still safe.52 During this same period young William H. Wallace was often chosen to run errands for his neighbors who were reluctant to venture into town for fear of arrest or detention.53 He remembered two "fine Union men," Jack Winn and Jeremiah Massie, who were constantly pleading with the Federal soldiers for the Southern people in his section in Jackson County. William frequently was sent to spend the night with women in the area whose husbands were called away. He recalled that on one trip with a lady to visit her husband in Southwest Missouri, they found their way by fol­ lowing the solitary chimneys of burned homes. These "Jennison's monuments" were landmarks for many years. Serving as an errand boy, William frequently found himself in both camps, feeding the horses of the Union soldiers in the morning at his home and the mounts of the guerrillas in the afternoon. The Wallace family assisted as many neighbors as possible to reach Independence. The Wallaces had an old surrey, a "rocka- way," four yoke of oxen and two horses, each of which could draw sizeable loads. The buggy harness had been stolen and their old sorrel was harnessed with a plow blind-bridle, a work backhand, big wide breeching (commonly used on the wheelers in a six-horse team) and ordinary iron trace-chains. As they made their own plans to leave, they filled their wagons with household goods, mainly furniture and bedding. The route they chose led through Lafayette County. The Wallaces crossed the river at Lexington and proceeded to Columbia where friends and relatives of Mrs. Wallace received them affectionately. Later, William's father was granted a professorship at Westminster College, Fulton, and they lived on a farm near the town. It was often below zero that winter, and William had no overcoat and nothing to wear but a fall suit

52 "True Stories of Jackson County," Accession No. 794, manuscript col­ lection, Jackson County Historical Society. 53 William H. Wallace, Speeches and Writings (Kansas City, 1914), 251-258. 204 Missouri Historical Review and a cotton shirt given to him in Columbia. The Baptist Church in St. Louis, hearing of the family's condition, sent a box of second­ hand clothing. This was refused and returned by his mother who felt that the family had some pride left. Food, William recalled, was about as scarce that winter as the clothing. When his family returned to their home after the war, practically nothing remained but the house. When the family of Clark Wix returned from Jefferson County, Kansas, to their home in Deepwater Township in Bates County in April 1866, they found their old home and the well intact.54 An­ other Bates County resident, Theodrick C. Boulware, was the leader of the medical profession in his county. He moved to Butler in 1869 and noticed on his trips through the country that one could ride for a distance of ten miles on the prairie without seeing a single house for they had all been burned.55 Wilbur J. Park was a Bates County man of pronounced Union sympathies and could not abide the proslavery views and actions of his neighbors, so he moved to Linn County, Kansas. He was a very outspoken man and lost much property, but returned in the fall of 1865 and proceeded to repair the damages that his farm had suffered.56 Located in the same county, the Lewis C. Eichler family, Southern in sympathy, left for Lafayette County. They lost all of their possessions and even their fruit trees were destroyed.57 John Robert Walters who had served in the during the war returned to his home in Bates County to find the Walters's home destroyed.58 J. B. New­ berry of Bates County later recalled that at the time his county was virtually barren of residents, with not a single family left. Most had moved away leaving behind valuable property which was either stolen or destroyed. Newberry cited the 1,200 votes cast in Bates County in the 1860 general election as proof of the popu­ lation before the war.59 The devastation in the border counties seemed to increase in proportion to the distance south of Kansas City and the proximity to the Kansas border. Bates County was the only county for which total depopulation was ordered, since it contained no military posts.60

54 W. O. Atkeson, ed., History of Bates County, Missouri (Topeka, Kan., 1918), 329. 55 ibid., 334. 56 ibid., 353. 57 ibid., 365. 58 ibid., 340. 59 ibid., 318. 60 ibid., 42. General Orders No. 11 205

As a result of Ewing's order, Bates County became a tenant- less wilderness. Fires raged unchecked through the prairie, woods and overgrown fields. The territory became the haunt of wolves, dogs and an occasional outlaw seeking refuge.61 The history of the county until the close of the war remains a blank. Germantown, just over the Henry County line, had been made temporary head­ quarters for the county records; there were a few of the Bates County officials and citizens who attempted to keep up some semblance of government in the adjoining county. By the fall of 1864, a few Bates County residents under the protection of troops stationed at Germantown, returned to their county and met at Johnstown. There they went through the form of electing county officials. The county court tried to preserve its organization but could transact no business. There were no court sessions, no real estate transfers, no records, no taxes assessed or collected. As far as records or legal proceedings were concerned, Bates County had ceased to exist from September 1863, to the close of the war. At the war's end, three badly dilapidated schoolhouses and some homes were left standing along the eastern border—these and occasional "Jennison's monuments" were the only signs of past habitation in a large portion of the county.62 Cass County was almost completely depopulated. Only some six hundred inhabitants were allowed to remain, and they were crowded into military stations at Harrisonville and Pleasant Hill; the 1860 United States census had tallied 9,794 residents, including three free Negroes and 1,010 slaves.63 The year 1863 was the most chaotic in Vernon County's war history. The record of that year was one of murders, robberies, arson and outrages of every kind. There was no peace, no security for life and property, and no immunity except under the protection of the military. The few families who tried living on their farms suffered greatly from both bands of outlaws. Many citizens had left earlier in the war when General was pushing southward. By 1863 the county population had already been greatly depleted.64 Only the northern part of the county was in­ cluded in the District of the Border. Jackson County, largest in population, was most severely af-

61 Ibid., 43. 62 ibid., 45. 63 Missouri Historical Records Survey, W.P.A., comp., "Inventory of the County Archives, No. 19, Cass County, Missouri" (St. Louis, 1941), 23. 64 History of Vernon County, 291. 206 Missouri Historical Review fected by Orders No. 11. Although the devastation was probably greater in proportion in the counties south of Jackson, much of it was occasioned by the general destruction created in those heavily concentrated pro-Southern counties by the forays of Kansans and by the guerrillas in the earlier days of the war. The greatest exodus, however, was made by the residents of Jackson County. On August 26, 1863, the Kansas City Journal of Commerce in­ formed its readers that the order could not work much hardship on "truly loyal men" for there were few such outside the towns in the counties of the border, and those who were loyal were at the mercy constantly of predators in the area. At worst, the Journal indicated, it would not make things any worse than they were at present or had been for the past two years. The editor concluded his defense of the order with the following comment: "It cannot permanently injure these counties for with the return of peace they will be resettled by an intelligent and loyal people." Five months after the order was issued, Colonel Theodore S. Case, chief quarter­ master of the border under Ewing—now in his new position as post­ master of Kansas City, wrote a letter to the St. Louis Missouri Democrat referring to Orders No. 11 as the only plan which had succeeded in giving any semblance of peace to the area. The bushwhackers and Red Legs were gone from the border; stage­ coaches, solitary footmen and horsemen could travel unmolested from Kansas City to Lexington, Warrensburg, Harrisonville or Fort Scott.65 The guerrillas, who had been the major reason for the order, seemed least affected by it. They were at least as strong in 1864 as they were in 1863. The order did, however, change their center of operation. Afterward, the Baxter Springs encounter and the Cen- tralia massacre indicated that they had changed their theater of action. A semblance of peace was brought to the unoccupied area.66 Nevertheless, many decades passed before the evidences of devas­ tation disappeared, particularly in Cass and Bates counties which were called the "Burnt District." After the war, the Kansas City editor's prediction about re­ settlement proved correct. People began to return to Bates County in 1866 and the civil authorities began to assume control. They had no courthouse, no office buildings and no money. Of the

65 The History of Jackson County (Cape Girardeau, 1966) , 290. 66 Darrell Garwood, Cross-Roads of America, The Story of Kansas City (New York, 1948) , 60. General Orders No. 11 207 towns flourishing before the war, only Butler, the county seat, regained its prestige. Much of the land, never reclaimed by the original owners, was returned to the government and sold for taxes. Some claims were filed by loyal Unionists within the area, but few of these were ever settled.67 By 1869 the county had almost fully recovered from the effects of the war. A Bates County his­ torian said in retrospect: "It used to be popular to refer to this only as 'Ewing's infamous order.' History has approved it as wise and proper and salutary as a war measure. The necessity was urgent and the results beneficient [sic]."68 In February of 1864, the District of the Border was abolished.69 Although Lincoln had not interfered with the depopulation order, having left it to the discretion of Schofield, he had determined to divide the old Department of Missouri into three departments and to assign each a commander suited to its peculiarities.70 Schofield had perhaps even outdistanced Ewing in bearing the censure for Orders No. 11. A Radical delegation had appeared in Washington the last of September seeking an audience with the president with the primary purpose of removing Schofield from command.71 Over one hundred citizens from Kansas and Missouri, headed by Lane, presented their petition to the president. Lincoln listened patiently to their demands, but ended by backing his gen­ eral and telling the delegation that he was unconvinced that their demand was valid. Schofield himself appeared in Washington and was personally vindicated by his commander-in-chief. No general, Lincoln assured him, could have satisfied the Union people of both Kansas and Missouri. For in Missouri, the conservative faction was friendly to Schofield and supported the president; the radicals opposed them both; in Kansas, the Lane and Carney factions, both radicals, supported the president but were hostile to Schofield; and this latter group was further divided in that Lane supported the president but was hostile to Schofield, while Carney was sym­ pathetic toward Schofield but opposed to Lincoln.72 The opportunity for transfer which had been much on the mind of Schofield, presented itself while he was visiting in Wash-

67 Ibid. See also "Damage Claim to Federal Government," by Daniel A. De Witt, Accession No. 783, Box 180, in Jackson County Historical Society. Damages were not paid. 68Atkeson, History of Bates County, 136. 69 History of Jackson County, 475. 70 Schofield, Forty-six Years,' 109. 71 Ibid., 91. 72 ibid., 108. 208 Missoitri Historical Review ington. Grant had indicated to the president his preference for either General James McPherson or Schofield to take command of the Department of the Army of Ohio. Grant, meanwhile had been elevated to command of all the armies, and McPherson stepped into the harness of the Army of the . The way was open for Schofield to accept the command offered and he returned to St. Louis to relinquish his own post to General William Rosecrans.73 With the abolishment of the District of the Border and the attachment of the Kansas City Military Department to the Federal Headquarters at Leavenworth, Ewing was transferred to St. Louis in March 1864. He remained in his command there only a few months and was then placed in command of the District of Rolla, returning again to the command of the District of St. Louis in December 1864; he served there until April 1865.74 Ewing's Mis­ souri ties were to prove far stronger than Schofield's, primarily because of the dedication of George Caleb Bingham to immortalize Ewing's "infamous" Orders No. 11. As a result of Bingham's hatred of Ewing and his policy, he painted Ewing into a strategic position in his artistic conception of "Order No. 11." With this painting Bing­ ham toured Missouri. Two identical pictures of the order had been painted. One Bingham used on his tours and the other was sent for engraving in order that low-priced prints might be reproduced.75 This crusade of personal hatred of Ewing and of his policy was carried on by Bingham for sixteen years, and upon his death, was continued by his family. Bingham had been enraged that under Ewing's order no aid or protection was given the banished in­ habitants. The citizens of the affected area, disarmed by federal edict, were placed in an indefensible position, Bingham believed. Moreover, his own personal observations of the area did not con­ form to those of Ewing and Schofield. Bingham had a crusade and he proved an apt crusader. His two paintings of "Order No. 11" had personified this edict as he claimed to have seen it personally administered. Until his death in 1879, Bingham took every op­ portunity to unveil the role he felt Ewing had played in the issuance of Orders No. 11. Ewing practiced law for a time in Washington, D. C, after the war and then returned to his home state, Ohio, to pursue a

is ibid., 109. 74 Frederick H. Dyer, comp., A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion (New York, 1959), I, 547. 75 Larkin, Bingham: Fighting Artist, 296. General Orders No. 11 209

George Caleb Bingham

K. C. Public Library political career. In 1880 he was the Democratic candidate for governor of his state. The opposition, with the help of Bingham's son Rollins, used an unpublished attack of Bingham's against Ewing emphasizing some particulars which were new to the argu­ ment. The pamphlets were entitled, "The Voice from the Tomb," and whether or not they were the decisive factor, Ewing lost the election to Charles Foster by only 17,129 votes. A switch of one and one-half percent of the votes cast would have given Ewing his victory.76 After this defeat Ewing departed from the political scene. Ewing's papers were released by his son over a period of years between 1909 and 1939. With the exception of a few telegrams, there is little else in the collection to shed any light upon Ewing's years as commander of the District of the Border.77 The Confederacy had justified accepting the aid of the guer­ rillas in their desperation to win the war. The same justification had been given Ewing in resorting to Orders No. 11. Much criticism was leveled at him, however, in the manner in which he carried out the order. His use of Kansas troops in depopulating the area caused great concern. Halleck had been of the opinion that all Missouri and Kansas troops should have been removed from the

76 ibid., 333. 77 Microfilm copies of the Thomas Ewing, Jr., Papers are in the manu­ script division, Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka. 210 Missouri Historical Review border and troops from other states put in their places.78 Schofield had issued an order forbidding militia troops of both states, not in the service of the United States, from passing from one state into the other without orders from their district commander.79 How­ ever, not only did Ewing use Kansas troops in enforcing the edict, but he also gave permission for certain Kansas units to cross into Missouri at the discretion of their commanders.80 The actions of the Missouri officers and men, though not publicly lauded as those of Kansas, were at times just as outrageous.81 Richard C. Vaughn in his directive to Schofield seemed to hit the heart of the dilemma when he said that the great mistake was annexing a part of our State to the Military District of Kansas, and the next great error was in placing a Kansas politician in com­ mand of it.82 George Caleb Bingham believed that he had presented the facts of history on his canvas: "They teach a lesson which previous history had taught our fathers, but which our children of future generations should understand—that the tendencies of military power are anti-republican and despotic and that to preserve liberty and secure its blessings the supremacy of civil authority should be carefully maintained."83 In Eugene Morrow Violette's 1918 History of Missouri it is stated: "No greater act of imbecility was committed in Missouri during the whole Civil War."84 The application of such measures, however, had been considered almost simultaneously by Schofield and Ewing. The issuance of the order was not a hasty repressive move but one that had already been under consideration by both commanders. It is difficult to escape the conclusion, however, that Ewing was unwise in his methods of carrying out the order. Pres­ sure from Kansas political figures, especially Lane, undoubtedly led to his unwise decision to use Kansas troops. The results of this decision made a difficult situation a cauldron of confusion and earned for Ewing the undying hatred of many of Missouri's citizens.

78 o. R., Ser. 1, Vol. XXII, Pt. II, 521. iQIbid., 511. 80 Ibid., 514. 81 Ibid., 542. This page contains a dispatch from Col. J. B. Rogers to Gen. Clinton B. Fisk reporting "outrageous excesses" (murder and stealing) of 6th Mo. Cav. near Sikeston, Missouri. See also p. 591. A dispatch is found here from Gen. Brown to Gen. Schofield indicating the robbing of citizens near Lexington by troops under Federal officers, Col. William Weer and Maj. Preston B. Plumb. 82 ibid., 485. 83 Larkin, Bingham: Fighting Artist, 242. 84 Violette, History of Missouri, 384. Mo. Hist. Soc. Susan Blow founded the first public school kindergarten in America.

Operation Headstart: The Beginnings Of The Public School Kindergarten Movement

BY SELWYN K. TROEN*

The development of public school systems was part of the process of change and innovation that was connected with the growth of cities in the nineteenth century. While the traditional roots of common schooling extended back into the seventeenth century, its spread in the early nineteenth century stemmed from a concern for a democratic society. Its subsequent functions were subject to constant redefinition by later generations as schools adapted to the needs of an urban citizenry. Indeed, from Horace Mann through John Dewey, educators stressed the neces­ sity for preparing children to enter an urban-industrial society. The introduction of new instructional branches such as evening educa-

*Selwyn K. Troen is an assistant professor of History at the University of Missouri-Columbia. He received the B.A. degree from Brandeis University, Wal- tham, Massachusetts, and the M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Chicago.

211 212 Missouri Historical Review

Friedrich Froebel

tion, high schools and manual training were specific and tan­ gible applications of this im­ perative.1 The enlargement of the schools' public through the kindergarten was similarly an attempt to deal with the problems of urban society. The establish­ ment of the first public school kindergartens in St. Louis in 1873 represented the nation's first, large-scale involvement with "pre­ school" instruction and was an indication of the growing awareness of the role of public education in equipping children, particularly those who came from the slums, for the demands of the city. Kindergartens were not, of course, an innovation of the public schools. They had won considerable popularity through the opera­ tion of numerous private and charitable institutions. Originating in the 1830s from the ideas of the Swiss educator, Friedrich Froebel, who believed that through play a child's personality was enhanced and his intelligence trained, kindergartens spread to Western Euro­ pean countries, primarily the German states, France, Italy and Holland. In the 1850s Froebel's teachings crossed the Atlantic with German immigrants who established German-language kinder­ gartens in Midwestern cities, including St. Louis. The first non- Germanic kindergarten, opened in Boston in 1860, was widely

i The earlier idealism of public education is captured in Lawrence A. Cremin, The American Common School; An Historic Conception (New York, 1951). For an appreciation of the increasing importance of education for urban- industrial society see Michael B. Katz, The Irony of School Reform; Educational Innovation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts (Cambridge, Mass., 1968) ; Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation of the School; Progressivism in Ameri­ can Education 1876-1957 (New York, 1964) ; and Merle Curti, The Social Ideas of American Educators; With New Chapter on the Last Twenty-Five Years (Patterson, N.J., 1959) , Part II. Operation Headstart 213 imitated.2 In this context of the growing influence of the kinder­ garten movement William Torrey Harris, St. Louis Superintendent of Schools (1868-1880) and later United States Commissioner of Education (1889-1906), and Susan Blow, a young woman from a prominent local family, studied the kindergarten movement and recognized its possibilities for public schools.3 Harris's appreciation for the kindergarten stemmed from his experiences as the chief officer of one of the nation's larger school systems. Soon after becoming superintendent in 1868, he ordered a series of studies, "block reports," to investigate the distribution of children in the city so that he might better assess the educa­ tional requirements of different parts of the community.4 These reports revealed that in some areas, especially the levee and factory districts, where children were "surrounded by the haunts of vice and iniquity, [and] they have everything to struggle against if they set out on the path of virtue and culture." Many of these children attended the district school for three years or less. The study gave, in effect, official recognition to the fact that thousands of St. Louis youngsters ended their schooling by the time they reached ten years. Harris found this situation alarming.5 In 1870 Harris sought to solve the attendance problem by tak­ ing slum children into the schools at a younger age than usual so that they might spend more time under the benign influences

2 See "The Schools Collection," in Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, for a brochure dated April 9, 1863, advertising "Kleinkinderschulen (auch Kindergarten, oder Vor-und Spielschulen genamt)." This was a school for children between two and seven with German as the language of the classroom. Also see "South St. Louis Kinder Garden," in the proceedings of the Board of Public Schools meeting, December 8, 1868, published in the St. Louis Missouri Republican, December 10, 1868; and the Report of Assistant Superintendent for German Instruction, Francis Berg, in Fourteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the St. Louis Public Schools for the Year Ending August 1, 1868 (St. Louis, 1869), 80. Hereafter these reports will be cited as Annual Report. 3 For the early history of the kindergarten movement, the writings of two participants are especially useful. See Susan E. Blow, "Kindergarten Education," in Nicholas Murray Butler, ed., Education in the United States (Albany, N.Y., 1900), I, 33-76; and Nina C. Vandewalker, The Kindergarten in American Educa­ tion (New York, 1913). For Harris's understanding of the flow of the movement and its relation to St. Louis see William Hyde and Howard Conard, eds., Encyclopedia of the History of St. Louis (St. Louis, 1899), IV, 2013-2019. 4 The minutes of the board's meetings carry reference to block reports which evidently inquired into the number, ages and backgrounds of the chil­ dren in all of the city's blocks. Unfortunately, they are no longer extant. 5 Proceedings for October 11, 1870, published in St. Louis Missouri Re­ publican, October 11, 1870. For statistics on attendance and their interpretation by school managers see Selwyn K. Troen, "Schools for the City; The Growth of Public Education in St. Louis 1838-1880" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Uni­ versity of Chicago, 1970), 177-184, 194. 214 Missouri Historical Review

William Torrey Harris

of a well-disciplined and moral atmosphere. He therefore pro­ posed suspending the legal re­ quirement that fixed six as the minimum age of attendance.6 Unable to accept Harris's pro­ posal, the school board was forced to raise the age of admission to seven in several crowded manufacturing districts because it could not accommodate all those who wished to attend.7 In 1871, there­ fore, Harris made another plea for lowering of the admission age and, for the first time, explicitly referred to the implementation of the kindergarten idea. He suggested that Froebel's system provided "valuable hints" for dealing with slum children. Since the problem of reclaiming them was so pressing, he recommended that, at the minimum, an experimental class be established immediately from which lessons might be learned about how to make instruction in the district school more effective. He was careful to point out that such an experiment would not be conducted "with a view of extending our system to the kindergartens themselves."8 By the following year, 1872, he had become more specific in his call for remedial education and asked for decisive action to aid the young slum child. No longer advocating merely a class from which tech­ niques could be gleaned for application to the normal primary school curriculum, he advocated kindergartens for children three years and up as a fixed feature of the school system.9 In two years Harris had moved from isolating the problem to a program for its solution.

6 Annual Report (1870) , 76. 7 Felix Coste, "Report of the President," in Annual Report (1870) , 9. 8 Ibid. (1871), 9-10. ^ Ibid. (1872), 18. Operation Headstart 215

As he refined his thought during his term as superintendent, his Annual Reports to the board included large sections devoted to propagating, analyzing and justifying the kindergarten. He defined the obligation of the educator as "reach [ing] all of the population of the community, and of subjecting it to the beneficent influences of the schools." It was clear to him that the children who grew up "in proverty and crime" were those who required the most immediate attention: Living in narrow, filthy alleys, poorly clad and with­ out habits of cleanliness, 'the divine sense of shame', which Plato makes to be the foundation of civilization, is very little developed. Self respect is the basis of character and virtue; cleanliness of person and clothing is a sine qua non for its growth in the child. The child who passes his years in the misery of the crowded tenement house or alley, becomes early familiar with all manner of corruption and immorality. The children thus unhappily situated are fortunate if they are placed at work even in their tender years, and taught habits of industry, though deprived of school education. The unfortunate ones grow up in crime. But if they can receive an education at school besides the education in useful industry they are more than fortunate, their destiny is in their own hands.10 The lack of discipline and the propensity for crime that slum children exhibited was, Harris believed, but a reflection of the maladjustment of large numbers of poor people in the city. Begin­ ning in 1870, he wrote that this problem grew out of the break­ down of the traditional processes of socialization. Sensitive to the novelty of the urban environment, he believed that people in cities were "living on the frontiers of national life, and are continually acting the part of pioneers." However, this participation in the creation of a new community and of novel forms of social organiza­ tion exacted a heavy price from those who were unable to cope with the consequences of change.11 The traditional socializing agents—the family, church, voca­ tion, state and school—were moving into a new balance dictated by modern conditions of life. Of prime concern to Harris was the diminishing role played by the family. He saw that especially slum families lost control of their children as early as the third year and the child was therefore in danger until age six or seven when

10 Ibid. (1876), 79. HI bid. (1872), 77. 216 Missouri Historical Review

The Gari Melchers mural of Susan Elizabeth Blow hangs in the governor's reception room at the state capitol.

Massie—Mo. Res. Div. he entered school. These formative years, the "plastic" period of the child,12 were "not well provided for either by family life or by social life in the United States."13 During this critical period of transition from the "nurture" of the family to the influence of the classroom, the child was threatened with perversion by life in the city's streets. The great object of the kindergarten was to step into this breech in the child's development and redeem him for society.14 Harris's partner in the kintergarten movement, Susan Eliza­ beth Blow, came to much the same position from a different point of departure. Miss Blow, the daughter of one of the city's leading

12 Ibid., 26. In 1874 Harris wrote these ideas in a pamphlet for international distribution at the request of the National Bureau of Education. Here he elabo­ rated on the decay of the family in the urban-industrial society. Duane Doty and William T. Harris, A Statement of the Theory of Education in the United States of America as Adopted by Many Leading Educators (Washington, D.C., 1874), 11-14. While focusing on an earlier period of American history, Bernard Bailyn, Education in the Formation of American Society (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1960), is suggestive for the changing relationship between the family and other societal institutions for later periods as well. Also suggestive is Philippe Aries, Centuries of Childhood; A Social History of Family Life (New York, 1962). 13 Annual Report (1879) , 136. uibid., 217; ibid. (1872), 18. Operation Headstart 217 business and political families, was motivated to aid slum children by a sense of personal responsibility and obligation. Born in 1843 to Henry T. Blow, who made a fortune in the lead industry, she was given the finest private education that the city could provide. When this proved inadequate, her father im­ ported a teacher from Philadelphia and established a private school for her and a few friends. At sixteen she went to New York for more training and in the next few years she traveled and studied in Brazil and Europe. Aside from the education derived from schools, tutors, and the Grand Tour, her family experiences molded her personality and conception of responsibility in a way that led her to choose kindergarten work.15 In a letter to Harris, she described her early life as typical of "every girl brought up in a Christian family"; she taught Sun­ day school, did church work, instructed her brother and sister, and nursed a very large family. Looking back on these years spent as a member of a religious, active and affluent family, Miss Blow wrote that this upbringing had made her aware of "an irresistible impulse to action, and a hunger for something which might seem worthwhile doing. I suppose I had the feeling the Catholic call Vocation." Returning to St. Louis at twenty-eight, she served for a brief period in 1871-1872 as a substitute teacher in the public schools. In that role she discovered precisely the form of that voca­ tion.16 While substituting she experimented with some of Froebel's techniques of play which she had observed when traveling in Germany. "This," she wrote, "may be said to be the outside occa­ sion of the beginning of the work."17 After this experience, she went with the approval and encouragement of Harris to New York to study kindergarten methods with Madame Kraus-Boelte, a leader of the movement, who had recently arrived from Holland to open a kindergarten in that city.18 In May 187J3, Harris urged her to return to St. Louis where, he advised, finally in September she could commence the work in the public schools on an experimental

is Susan E. Blow, Cazenovia, N.Y., to William T. Harris, Saratoga, N.Y., July 9, 1872, William Torrey Harris MSS, folder marked "Blow Letters 1872- 1889," Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis. 16 Ibid. 17 Susan E. Blow, Cazenovia, N.Y., to William T. Harris, Washington, D.C., June 5, 1892, William Torrey Harris MSS, folder marked "Blow Letters, Susan E., 1890-1896." 18 Susan E. Blow, New York, to William T. Harris, St. Louis, November 14, 1872, William Torrey Harris MSS, folder marked "Blow Letters, 1872-1889." 218 Missouri Historical Review basis.19 In September 1873, the professional educator and the bachelor woman of mission joined hands to establish the first public school kindergarten. Working together, they devised and publicized the new insti­ tution for the redemption of the slum child. They designed a curriculum which bridged the "nurture" of the family and the established program of the district school. Much of their effort was devoted to teaching the young child a complex of virtues and values which were necessary for his integration into the manners and discipline of community life. Thus, great emphasis was placed on "moral discipline" and he was taught to be neat and clean and to practice the amenities and etiquette of polite living. He was also trained in those virtues which formed such an important part of the district school curriculum—habits of regularity, punctu­ ality, silence, obedience and self-control.20 In short, the child was taken from the culture of the streets, poor neighborhoods, and undisciplined families, and was conditioned in the skills of com­ munity living or, as Harris put it, the techniques "which enable

19 William T. Harris, St. Louis, to Susan E. Blow, New York, March 23, 1873, William Torrey Harris MSS, folder marked "Blow Letters, 1872-1889." 20 For a discussion of the moral concerns of the curriculum see Annual Re­ port (1871), 21-36.

The first public school kindergarten class was held in Des Peres School, Carondelet. Operation Headstart 219 him to combine with his fellow man in civil society and the state."21 Borrowing directly from Froebel's kindergarten, they used games as a primary pedagogical tool. In a typical game the chil­ dren assembled in a circle for a group recitation, accompanied by appropriate gestures which were carefully contrived to impart the desired ethic. As with the following game, the child was expected to act out and recite the value of social combination or associa­ tion through the verse: Whatever singly thou has played May in one charming whole be made. The child alone delights to play, But better still with comrades gay. The single flower we love to view, Still more the wreath of varied hue. In this and all the child may find, The least within the whole combined.22 There were many other verse-games which spoke of the good grandmother, happy and wholesome family life, going to church and the like. For the child, the games gave enjoyment and relief from life on the streets. From the educator's point of view they formed a course in personal and civil morality. Harris carefully distinguished between games of the side­ walk and of the kindergarten. He explained that the schools were not operating a child's garden in the sense of a juvenile paradise where all was mere frolic and play with the operating assumption that the child would naturally develop his innate goodness to his and society's advantage.23 Indeed, he opposed such kindergartens "where too much sentimentalism prevails on the paradisaical nature of childhood."24 Rather than draw inspiration from Jean Jacques Rousseau's romantic ideas, he heeded Georg W. F. Hegel's warn­ ing that "Education through play is liable to result in the evil that the child learns to treat everything in a contemptuous style."25 In Harris's own phrase: "The Apotheosis of childhood and infancy

21 Ibid. (1873), 18-19; for similar observations see ibid. (1879), 194, 212-214. 22 Ibid., 210. A good collection of materials used by early kindergarteners is in Susan E. Blow, The Songs and Music of Friedrich Froebel's Mother Play (New York, 1895). 23 Annual Report (1876), 95; ibid. (1879), 218. 24 Ibid. (1876), 90-91. 25 ibid., 95. 220 Missouri Historical Review

is a very dangerous idea to put into practice."26 Such elevation of the child did not take place. Instead, treated as an object to be manipulated, he was made to conform to a predetermined pattern of social behavior and was taught practical skills. The games were intended to enable the child to acquire those skills which would be of value to him and the city's industry. In a "manner half playful, half serious," the kindergarten imparted twenty "gifts" which prepared him for a life of work.27 The first six of these gifts shared the common object of familiarizing the child with some elementary notions of geometry. While building and manipulating with such solid forms as the cube, sphere and cylinder, he learned elementary addition, subtraction, fractions and division, and he acquired the skills necessary for elementary arithmetical operations.28 The second group led him from the manipulation of thin blocks or tablets to drawing with a pencil on paper ruled in squares. Through drawing, the child's eye and hand muscles developed

26 Ibid. (1879), 214. For a first-rate discussion of the unsentimental charac­ ter of American educators, particularly as they discussed the education of the very young, see Bernard Wishy, The Child and the Republic; The Dawn of Modern American Child Nurture (Philadelphia, 1968), 136-158. 27 Annual Report (1879), 129. zsibid., 129-130. Operation Headstart 221 coordination. At this point, the gifts were explicitly related to in­ dustrial uses, for the "art of drawing" was considered a basic indus­ trial skill. It was claimed that such ability was best developed while the pupil was still a child because "as age advances, it be­ comes more difficult to acquire new phases of manual dexterity." Harris further advanced the claim that even one year of such train­ ing would remain with the individual throughout his life.29 The third and subsequent groups of gifts were even more clearly and directly related to the arts and trades. Manual dexterity, measurement skills and intellectual activities required in geometry were developed through instruction in embroidery. These skills were further encouraged in the fourth group, weaving and plaiting. Finally, the production of solid forms was taught through modeling. Harris envisaged that the gifts would endow the child with the capacity to engage successfully in a wide variety of employment from the needle trades and the foundry, to the preparation of foods in the home.30 He also believed that the same skills necessary for the factory or the home would be useful in better utilizing leisure time. He thought, for example, that female graduates might "practice elegant employments" like embroidery and the males might become more accurate and dexterous marksmen, hunters, fishermen, bowlers and baseball players. In short, the kindergarten was the molder of the universal man of the industrial city.31 The industrial training aspect of the kindergarten was empha­ sized by the board's response to a suggestion that it establish a school for manual training in 1880. The idea should have been readily accepted, as during the previous decade, the city was gain­ ing national and international reknown for its leadership in indus­ trial preparation. Calvin Woodward, a leading experimenter and advocate of manual training, was a member of the board and a friend of Harris and of other prominent educators and citizens. Although more distant cities were beginning to accept Woodward's teachings, the board denied the suggestion. Its refusal was based on the fact that it had a well-established kindergarten, which other cities had not yet adopted. The Course of Study Committee, an arm of the school board, felt that by sustaining the kindergarten, "the Board has recognized the claims of manual training to the

29 ibid., 130. so ibid., 131-133. 31 Ibid., 133-134. Children Who Go To Public Schools

Harper's Weekly, Dec. 19, 1874 utmost limit consistent with those of other departments of the school system." In their view, the kindergarten was fulfilling the function of a manual training school and there was, therefore, no need to introduce one.32

32 Official Proceedings of the St. Louis Public Schools, III (July 13, 1880) , 478. (Hereafter cited as Official Proceedings.) The connection between kinder- Harper's Weekly, Dec. 19, 1874

Children Who Do Not Go To Public Schools Operation Headstart 223

Viewing the kindergarten as an "antidote" to the evil influ­ ences of the streets and as being of great worth to the city's in­ dustry, the board was anxious for its growth.33 In fact, by 1880, the schools were extensively involved in kindergarten work. Since the fall of 1873, it had grown from an experiment of 68 pupils, conducted by Susan Blow and three unpaid assistants, to a recog­ nized part of the curriculum with 166 paid teachers and 60 unpaid assistants serving 7,828 children.34 The kindergartens quickly won great popularity. When it was suggested in 1875 that the board should close them because of the expense, 1,500 people signed a petition opposing such action.35 Letters flowed into the city's press urging their continuation and expansion. One writer suggested that "if it be true (as usually alleged) that the chief object of the public school system is to reach the children of the poor," then the board must not abandon the experiment.36 Another wrote that the results of its work merited support: "So thorough and efficient has been the work so far, that the children who, six months ago, were timid, untutored and prob­ ably in some instances unwashed,' now present a tidy, brightened, cultured appearance, far beyond their years."37 Concurring with these opinions, the board denied that the kindergarten was too great a burden, and accepted the petition.38 In the following year, however, finding itself financially un­ able to support the kindergarten's expansion, but valuing its social usefulness and "industrial features," the board moved to a compro­ mise that would allow for continued growth on a self-supporting basis. It introduced a fee system of $1.00 per quarter but allowed free entry for those who could not pay.39 During the first year of the plan, 1876-1877, forty percent were admitted free.40 At the be­ ginning of the 1878 school year, the board was so impressed with the

gartens and manual training would become even more fully established in later years. For an example of how well this relationship would be perceived by manufacturers see a collection of testimonies by industrialists in Bessie Locke, Manufacturers Indorse the Kindergarten, Bureau of Education, Kindergarten Circular No. 4 (Washington, D.C., 1919). 33 Official Proceedings, I (April 14, 1874), 324. 34 Annual Report (1880), 152-153. 35 Official Proceedings, II (July 13, 1875), 46-47; ibid. (June 15, 1875), 35. 36 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, June 17, 1875. 37 ibid., July 6, 1875. 38 Official Proceedings, II (July 13, 1875), 46-47. 39 ibid. (November 14, 1876), 180-181. In addition to fees, they were placed on a "modified Lancastrian system" or ninety were assigned to each classroom. Ibid. (December 18, 1877), 405. 40 ibid. (November 14, 1876), 182. 224 Missouri Historical Review kindergarten that, ending the charge, it declared that the period of experimentation was over and that the kindergarten was an integral part of the public school system.41 The final step in the kindergarten's acceptance was its extension in 1881 to the city's Negro children who were segregated into a separate network of schools.42 Of great importance to the survival and growth of the kinder­ gartens in the early years was the extensive use of female volun­ teers. Chief among them was Susan Blow, who gave not only of her time but of her money for the purchase of equipment.43 In 1876-1877, 150 women volunteered, with 139 and 65 serving in the following two years.44 Paradoxically, this decline reflected the success of their efforts, as the kindergarten had won such recogni­ tion that the board attempted to professionalize the large number of assistants. After 1876, if a volunteer received certification on completion of a special examination, the board was willing to pay her a salary.45 The possibility for remuneration was only one motive for kindergarten work. Some were attracted to the "novelty of the thing";46 others found it a kind of insurance in the event that, after marriage, "untoward fortune" would necessitate self-support;47 and still others were "filled with a sublime enthusiasm, and devoted themselves, like missionaries, to a work which they believed to be potent for the regeneration of society, morally and intellectually."48 In addition, at a time when there were limited opportunities for young women, the work offered a bridge for the years between school and marriage. Harris considered the kindergarten "a most excellent preparatory training for a young lady for the duties of life." This, he believed, was especially appropriate for the daugh-

41 Ibid., Ill (September 10, 1878), 126. 42 There was generally a lag in extending innovations to black children. The appropriateness of kindergartens for blacks was well expressed in the 1882 Annual Report: "This [the opening of the first 'colored kindergarten'] was just and proper. No reason or justification for any discrimination existed; but if there was any, the most helpless and dependent class in the community is the one especially entitled to kindergarten facilities." Annual Report (1882), 50. 43 ibid. (1876), 88; ibid. (1879), 195. Miss Blow was acting in the family tradition. Her father donated land to the public schools in 1870. Proceedings of the Board of Public Schools meeting July 12, 1870, in St. Louis Missouri Republi­ can, July 15, 1870. 44 Annual Report (1879), 195. 45 Official Proceedings, II (November 14, 1876), 182. 46 Annual Report (1876), 85. 47 ibid., 89-90. 48 ibid., 85. Operation Headstart 225 ters of comfortable households which did not demand early mar­ riage or participation in obtaining the family's income. The kinder­ garten not only was an instrument for the redemption of the poor, but also a kind of "finishing school" and a way-station for the young ladies of St. Louis's better-established families.49 Although the kindergarten enjoyed much popular and official support, it was occasionally subject to bitter opposition. By some it was considered as a foreign importation. Typically, one critic claimed "It is not an American institution" and damned it for its association with Germans.50 There were other grounds for objection. Some argued that since the board's charter only provided for the education of children from six to twenty, and not three- four- or five-year-olds, the kindergarten was "unlawful."51 Others found fault with it because of the cost, insisting "it is a luxury which the public cannot afford."52 There were yet others who remained un­ convinced of its necessity or effectiveness.53 During March and April 1878, such complaints were gathered into a petition, which was signed by three thousand citizens, calling for the abolition of the kindergartens. These criticisms and the petition were rejected by the board on this occasion as they were on others.54 A more serious and damaging attack was made through the courts. In a series of legal battles running from 1878 through 1883, the board was forced to defend not only the kindergarten, but also the departure from traditional education which it represented. In November 1878, suit was brought against the board, challenging its operations on two grounds: First: "That the Schools" in the charge and control of the defendant [the Board of President and Directors of the Public Schools], are common schools, where only the

49 Official Proceedings, II (December 18, 1877), 404-405. The economic and social background as well as the moral concerns of Susan Blow and the kinder­ garteners bear great resemblance to those of the young ladies who would engage in social redemption in the social settlement house movement in the 1890s and beyond. See Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform; The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York, 1967), 26-39. For an analysis of the origins and motivations of the workers, especially Jane Addams, see Christopher Lasch, The New Radicalism in America [1889-1963]; The Intellec­ tual as a Social Type (New York, 1965), 3-68. 50 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, March 18, 1878. 51 Ibid., March 15, 1878. 52 ibid., March 18, 1878. 53 ibid., March 19, 1878. 54 Official Proceedings, III (March 12, 1878), 42; ibid. (April 23, 1878), 54. The politics of the kindergarten were bound up with those of German-lan­ guage instruction. For a discussion of these problems, see Troen, "Schools for the City," 76-95. 226 Missouri Historical Review

rudiments of an English education can lawfully be taught; and that it is not competent for the defendant, to expend its revenues in the teaching of the branches of learning mentioned in the petition. Second: That children under six years of age, cannot rightfully be admitted or instructed in said schools.55 The definition of common education as developed in the suit ex­ cluded Greek, Latin, German, science and the higher English branches. The nature of the criticism was such that the suit brought into question the existence of the high and normal schools and the public school library as well, and could have thrown the system back to the age of the "ragged school." The board, on the other hand, contended that the charter re­ quired it to provide instruction in such "knowledge and intelli­ gence" as was necessary for rendering its pupils "good and useful citizens." Under a broad definition of this imperative, it justified the entire range of its activities both in terms of curriculum and the ages of students.56 This interpretation was upheld by the courts in three rulings. However, it was only partially vindicated by the Supreme Court of Missouri in 1883. The courts had decided that "common" and "public" were interchangeable and that neither term connoted a particular type of education. Furthermore, they affirmed that the board had within its discretion the determination of the subject matter appropriate to its schools. Basing itself on the provisions of the board's charter, the supreme court, how­ ever, reversed the previous decisions on the question of age by prohibiting the use of public money for children under six years. It was this eventuality which had been most feared and it was for this reason that the suit was almost always mentioned in the board's Official Proceedings together with the discussions on kindergarten education. The board understood from the beginning that the suit's major target was the kindergarten and that the danger to it was genuine.

55 Official Proceedings, III (July 10, 1878), 556-557. The suit was brought by Henry F. Roache, about whom nothing more could be learned. Roache's action was similar to that undertaken in other parts of the country as traditionalists challenged the broadening definitions of public education. The most famous case was the one concerning the Kalamazoo, Michigan, high school in 1872. See Ellwood P. Cubberly, Public Education in the United States; A Study and Interpretation of American Educational History (Cambridge, 1947), 262-264. 56 Official Proceedings, III (July 10, 1878), 556-557. For a history of this suit see the Official Proceedings, III, which carried a running account of some detail: March 12, 1878, November 12, 1878, December 10, 1878, April 8, 1879, April 29, 1879, and March 11, 1880. Operation Headstart 227

Billings Centennial 1871-1971 Billings, Mo. Kindergarten Class, 1898

The supreme court's decision impelled the board to im­ plement compromise measures in order to salvage the kindergartens. The age of admission was raised to five and a one dollar per quarter charge was instituted for these children. The plan provided, how­ ever, for free instruction for those who were six and seven.57 This prevented the board from carrying out its mission of reclaiming younger children from the pernicious influences of the city's streets and slums. In effect, these pioneering efforts to meet the problems of the post-Civil War industrial city were checked by a legal docu­ ment drawn for a smaller and less complicated society, the St. Louis of 1833.58 This turn of events dramatically showed how far the city's educators and school managers had progressed in re­ defining their responsibilities to the community; it also demon­ strated the persistence of a more conservative view of public edu­ cation. Even as the limits of age contracted, the definition of kinder­ garten work expanded in new directions. Initially it had been justi­ fied as necessary for saving the children of impoverished families from an unwholesome environment. By the end of the seventies, it was considered worthwhile for children from rich homes and good neighborhoods. In 1879, Harris wrote that "a child of pov­ erty ... is saved by the good associations and the industrial and intellectual training he gets. If he is a child of wealth, he is saved

57 ibid., IV (July 10, 1883), 556-558. 58 in 1830, St. Louis's population was 14,125 and soared to 350,518 in 1880, making it the nation's fourth largest city. Tenth Census of the United States: 1880 (Washington, D.C., 1887), XIX, Part II, 567. 228 Missouri Historical Review by the kindergarten from ruin through the self-indulgence and corruption ensuing on weak management in the family." As if to emphasize the affluence of the new clientele, Harris criticized wealthy parents for too fully entrusting their children to the care of servants.59 This new rationale was reflected in the spread of the kindergartens beyond the levee and manufacturing districts. By 1880 they were located along with the schools in every portion of the city. During the following years, Harris elaborated on why rich children must be included. In a call for the formation of the St. Louis Kindergarten Association in 1889, which he drafted as the United States Commissioner of Education, he argued that the edu­ cational system must incorporate them from age four because their innate abilities might otherwise go underdeveloped or be­ come misdirected. These children suffered, not from the danger of evil streets, but from the success of parents who perforce ne­ glected them because of "public and social duties." As a conse­ quence, they became "incorrigible by the time they are sent to ordinary school and go to ruin in early manhood." Harris thought the only solution was the kindergarten which was "especially adopted to occupy their restless minds and to unfold in a normal way their directive power for good."60 The kindergarten had come to offer something to all the city's children. It would help the tenement child grow up a moral person, properly disciplined and capable of taking his place in the home or the city's factories; and it would develop the rich child's char­ acter and creative powers so that he might take his place in the direction of the community's affairs. This view presupposed that children of different classes would have different futures for which the schools must equip them. For all classes, the kindergarten idea represented the belief that urban riving required a new public agency to assist in the "transition between life of the Family and the severe discipline of the School."61 So important did Harris con­ sider the kindergarten for "the children of poverty and the children of wealth," that fifteen years after he left St. Louis, in 1895, he was using the prestige of his national office to urge an amendment to the Missouri constitution to lower the school age to four.62

50 Annual Report (1879), 190. 60 "Rough Draft by W. T. Harris for the formation of the St. Louis Kinder­ garten Association, 1889," in William Torrey Harris MSS. 61 Ibid. 62 Susan E. Blow, William T. Harris, et al., The School Age in Missouri: Operation Headstart 229

Bringing children "under healthful school influences, as soon as they are able to walk and talk" was a new development in public education.63 It emanated from the desire of St. Louis educators to fill the needs of city children. For their benefit, an agency which was at once prophylactic, remedial and redemptive was created. The innovation spread to other cities and St. Louis played a major role by providing the model and many of the key personnel. Through the Annual Reports, which were distributed nationally, Harris and Blow explained the need for kindergartens and de­ tailed techniques for their economical management, thereby paving the way for their adoption by the nation's city school systems.64 In many cities, including Boston, Baltimore and Chicago, people trained in St. Louis either introduced or supervised the work. Twenty-five years after Susan Blow began her experiments, there were almost 190,000 children in kindergartens.65 This movement, born of the conviction that "the kindergarten is the best institu­ tion ever devised for the reform of the children of the slums," and extended to include the children of the wealthy, was an important precedent for the commitment of public resources in dealing with the special problems of growing up in the modern city. The almost 8,000 who comprised the St. Louis kindergartens in 1880 were in the vanguard of those legions of children whom the schools would try to save in the years ahead.66

Some Arguments in Favor of the Proposed Constitutional Amendment, located in "St. Louis Board of Education: Public Schools, Various (uncatalogued)," in State Historical Society of Missouri. 63 ibid. 64 Numerous commentators have indicated the special significance of these reports. See, for example, Vandewalker, The Kindergarten in American Educa­ tion, 20-24; Butler, Education in the United States, xvii; and Curti, Social Ideas of American Educators, 310. 65 Among the cities with a large commitment to public school kindergartens were Boston, Chicago, St. Louis, Philadelphia, New York, Brooklyn, Newark, Rochester and Los Angeles. Philadelphia had the most with 201 and St. Louis followed with 115 public kindergartens. New York had the largest number with about 600 of which only 100 were public. Blow, "Kindergarten Education," 42. Among those involved in the spread of the movement were Caroline Hart, who supervised the kindergartens of Canada and Baltimore, and Laura Fisher, who headed the Kindergarten Normal School in Boston. See "Rough Draft by W. T. Harris." 66 Social settlements, a major privately supported effort dealing with prob­ lems of urban populations, featured kindergartens in their activities and, indeed, many settlements were outgrowths of private kindergarten societies. For the re­ lationship between kindergartens and the settlements see Allen Davis, Spearheads for Reform, 43-59; Robert A. Woods and Albert Kennedy, The Settlement Hori­ zon; A National Estimate (New York, 1922), 131-137. Robert A. Woods and Al­ bert Kennedy, Handbook of Settlements (New York, 1911) contains specifics on the relationship in the individual sketches of the nation's settlement houses. A Progressive's Progress: The Changing Liberalism of Charles M. Hay of Missouri West'n. Hist. Mss. Coll., U. of Mo.-Columbia

Charles M. Hay By FRANKLIN D MITCHELL*

The search for a better understanding of liberal reform in twentieth-century America has prompted many scholars to ques­ tion the degree of continuity that existed between progressivism and the .1 William E. Leuchtenburg, for example, con­ tends that the twenties marked a time of transition within progres­ sivism from individualistic, old-style evangelism to a new urban- oriented liberalism. Unlike the older reform, Leuchtenburg writes, "liberalism would be less interested in the moral reformation of man and more in using the power of the federal government to

#Franklin D. Mitchell is an associate professor of History at the University of Southern California, Los Angeles. A previous contributor to the REVIEW, Dr. Mitchell received a B.S. degree from Iowa State University, Ames, and the M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Missouri-Columbia. An earlier version of this article was presented at the 1968 Missouri Valley Collegiate Teach­ ers of History Conference. i For a discussion of the literature of the continuity and change themes in American life with particular attention to the New Deal, see Richard S. Kirkendall, "The New Deal As Watershed: The Recent Literature," Journal of American History, LIV (March, 1968), 839-852. See also Kirkendall's earlier consideration of the subject and related essays in John Braeman and others, eds., Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America (Columbus, Ohio, 1954).

230 Charles M. Hay of Missouri 231

provide specific economic and social benefits."2 Although this interpretation makes room for the old progressives in the ranks of the new liberalism, several scholars have pointed out the ani­ mosities that existed between the moral reformers—mainly pro­ hibitionists and peace advocates—and the important urban ele­ ments—militant laborers, the immigrant voter and the Negro— who helped convert the Democratic party into an instrument of reform during the thirties.3 "Closer examination of the peace progressives and prohibitionists," Otis L. Graham, Jr., suggests in his provocative study, An Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal, "would probably emphasize discontinuity be­ tween these sectors of reform and the New Deal."4 The political career of Charles M. Hay of Missouri affords the historian an informative example for testing the foregoing hypotheses. This moral reformer of the Progressive Era came to prominence in his own state as a prohibitionist and peace advocate and gradually underwent a transformation that ultimately placed him among the New Dealers during the thirties and forties. One cannot claim too much for a microscopic examination of one reformer's career; nevertheless, the political odyssey of Charles M. Hay throws light on the converting experiences that carried the Missourian further along on the road of reform. To trace the steps in Hay's changing public career may enable the historian to identify some of the common milestones that mark the progress

2 William E. Leuchtenburg, The Perils of Prosperity, 1914-1932 (Chicago, 1958), 137. See also Leuchtenburg's consideration of this matter in Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932-1940 (New York, 1963), 338-346. 3 Clarke A. Chambers in Seedtime of Reform: American Social Service and Social Action, 1918-1933 (Minneapolis, 1963), 138-143, has a good discussion of prohibition as a divisive force among social workers in the twenties. Chambers noted: "That prohibition restrained many reformers from forming a tight coalition with their potential allies among new immigrant groups from southern and eastern Europe is abundantly clear." Ibid., 234-235; another scholar has carefully observed that the "affront of the New Deal of Roosevelt to the Temperance fundamentalist was only in part a result of the Repeal Amend­ ment. In fact there is very little specific criticism of the Democrats as the authors of Repeal in the post-Repeal years. It is the morality of their general policies that is under fire. . . . The antipathy of the WCTU leaders to the New Deal was, of course, not necessarily shared by all fundamentalists, nor do we attribute it to all Temperance followers or WCTU members. Neverthe­ less it was sufficiently widespread so that the president of the organization could express it openly in national meetings and in resolutions." Joseph Cusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and Middle Protest (Urbana, 111., 1963), 150. 4 Otis L. Graham, Jr., Encore for Reform: The Old Progressives and the New Deal (New York, 1967), 208. It must be noted that Graham did not include the peace progressives and prohibitionists in his canvas of reform groups in order to keep his research manageable. Ibid., 207. 232 Missouri Historical Review of fellow travelers who also moved from the old progressivism to the new liberalism.5 Hay's life in politics, spanning the first four and one-half dec­ ades of the twentieth century, was marked by the years of striving for major elective offices and his public service in various appoint­ ive positions. The chief personal ambition of Hay to represent Mis­ souri in the United States Senate made him three times an ardent senatorial aspirant. He won the Democratic senatorial nomination in 1928, but his campaign to gain election that year, as well as his efforts to win his party's senatorial nomination in 1920 and 1932, ended in failure. The only elective office he held was repre­ sentative in the Missouri General Assembly for the legislative term of 1913-14. The larger success that the Missourian enjoyed in politics came through appointment during the depression thirties and the war years of the forties, when he served in legal and administrative capacities in St. Louis, Jefferson City and Wash­ ington, D.C. None of these activities earned Hay lasting fame and he remains today an obscure man.6 Important features of the Missouri reformer's background, however, match the familiar progressive profile sketched by his­ torians George Mowry and Richard Hofstadter.7 Born in 1879 in the southeast Missouri village of Burnot, Hay was reared by his middle-class parents in the stern moral teachings of the Meth­ odist Episcopal Church, South. In 1897 Hay enrolled in Central College, a Methodist-related institution located in the small Mis­ souri town of Fayette, earning a B.A. with honors in 1901; the following year he entered Washington University Law School in St. Louis and graduated cum laude in 1904.8 At both Central Col­ lege and Washington University Hay distinguished himself in oratory; while a college senior he won first prize at the National Convention of the Prohibition Party for an oration entitled "The Relation of Citizenship to the Liquor Traffic." This speech, one of many that he would give in the advocacy of prohibition and

5 Hay is the subject of an able master's thesis, Bernard Max Garfinkel, "The Political Career of Charles Martin Hay," (unpublished M.A. thesis, Uni­ versity of Missouri-Columbia, 1954). The Charles Martin Hay papers, deposited in the Western Historical Manuscripts Collection, University of Missouri-Co­ lumbia, contain his correspondence, speeches, legal briefs, newspaper clippings and photographs. 6 Garfinkel, "Political Career," 164-165; Washington Star, January 17, 1945. 7 George E. Mowry, The Era of Theodore Roosevelt (New York, 1958), Chapter 5; Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform (New York, 1955), Chapters 4 and 5. 8 Garfinkel, "Political Career," 33-36, 40-42. Charles M. Hay of Missouri 233

A Central College Reading Room Circa 1897 good government, suggests in its title the core of his early progres- sivism.9 Indeed, Hay first gained prominence during the Progressive Era as an articulate and zealous prohibitionist.10 In 1901 the youthful moral reformer regarded prohibition as a panacea for society's ills; in particular he believed that the solution to industrial labor's unrest was the abolition of the saloon. Hay insisted that in nearly all industries the laborer was paid enough to live com­ fortably, if he is economical, temperate, wastes no time in loafing, and has no irrational or abnormal wants. But if he must battle against degrading environment, and a hounding and degrading appetite for alcohol, we dare not wonder if his table is barren, his children unfed, his home a squalid hut, his life a lone season of misery, and his influence a menace to American welfare.11 The abolition of the saloon, he concluded, would end "the under­ mining of the influence of the Christian home and the teachings of the church."12 Like most rural and small town evangelical drys, Hay joined

9 Ibid., 36-38. io Ibid., 39-43. ii "The Relation of Citizenship to the Liquor Traffic," in Hay Papers. 12 Ibid. 234 Missouri Historical Review his bias against the saloon to a dislike and distrust of the city. As a spokesman for the Missouri Anti-Saloon League, Hay charged that the saloon controlled many cities and that the cities heavily influenced the affairs of states and the nation; therefore, he rea­ soned, the saloon was capable of dominating American political life. Municipal governments, Hay explained, in terms familiar to the Old-Stock Protestant middle-class, were corrupted by "the vote of the foreigner, the Negro, and the uneducated."13 For this reason he firmly opposed the home rule movement of St. Louis, and he applauded the efforts of Missouri's reform governor, Joseph Folk, to keep the state's cities under the domination of the rurally controlled Missouri legislature.14 In 1906 Hay established a law practice in Fulton, a quiet college town of 5,000 population in Central Missouri, and rapidly increased his reputation as a moral reformer through his activity in the Missouri Anti-Saloon League and local and state politics. Encouraged by the successful outlawing of the saloon in Fulton and Callaway County in 1907, Hay missed few opportunities to exercise his oratorical and legal talents in behalf of the dry crusade elsewhere. In 1909 he became the counsel of the Missouri Anti- Saloon League and a member of the League's executive commit­ tee; two years later the national Anti-Saloon League elected Hay to its board of directors.15 Political success came to Hay in 1912 when he won election as a dry Democrat to the Missouri General Assembly. Assuming leadership of dry forces in the house, the freshman legislator successfully sponsored a county unit bill which enhanced the power of prohibitionits in Missouri by modifying the local option laws for outlawing the saloon.16 Evidence that Hay had more than a parochial interest in prohibition was borne out in his single term as a legislator. He either sponsored or supported measures for the improved administra­ tion of the State Hospital for the Insane and the Public Utility Commission; increased taxation for the improvement of public schools; and the immediate submission of a women's suffrage amendment to Missouri voters.17 Hay's subsequent support of the Nineteenth Amendment rested on the moralistic assumption

13 Garfinkel, "Political Career," 47-48, 65, 73; St. Louis Christian Advocate, June 6, 1909; Columbia Missourian, August 12, 1910. See also Andrew Sinclair, Prohibition: The Era of Excess (Boston, 1962), Chapters 1 and 4. 14 Garfinkel, "Political Career," 17, 47. 15 Ibid., 44-46, 60. is Ibid., 64-67. 17 ibid., 77-79. Charles M. Hay of Missouri 235

James A. Reed

that enfranchisement of women would not only hasten the demise of the saloon, but have a purifying effect upon politics.18 As Hay's political stock shot up with his able performance as a legislator, he also found his legal skills sought by a successful St. Louis law firm. In 1914 the small town lawyer gave up his comfortable life in Fulton and the promising political base he had established there for the more hectic and complex life of St. Louis.19 The move to the big city would further the larger education of Charles M. Hay. The most notable aspects of Hay's political development dur­ ing his early years in St. Louis were his loyalty to the Democratic party and his interest in world peace. He demonstrated party loyalty in 1916 when he endorsed the wet Democratic candidate for governor despite the objection of the Anti-Saloon League.20 After Missouri became the thirty-seventh state to ratify the Eight­ eenth Amendment—thus assuring prohibition's enactment—and be­ fore prohibition enforcement became a primary concern of the drys, Hay found a new cause to champion: the League of Nations. His enthusiastic support of the League followed logically from his advocacy of prohibition. Through community action the nation had "solved" the liquor problem; collective action by the inter-

18 Ibid.; Sinclair, Prohibition: The Era of Excess, 93-95; James H. Timber- lake, Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 1900-1920 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), 122-123. 19 Garfinkel, "Political Career," 80-82. 20 ibid., 82. 236 Missouri Historical Review national community, he reasoned, could solve the problems of war.21 Hay's speaking ability and genuine commitment to the League attracted the attention of pro-League propagandists, and in the spring of 1919 he fulfilled an extensive speaking engage­ ment in the New England states and Missouri for the League to Enforce the Peace.22 In this instance Hay combined his allegiance to party loyalty and the League by unequivocal acceptance of President Woodrow Wilsons concept of party leadership and re­ sponsible party government. The refusal of a few Democratic senators—including Missouri's James A. Reed—to support the League, he believed, was tantamount to party treason.23 Peace, party loyalty, and prohibition enforcement were the major themes of Hay's unsuccessful campaign for the Democratic senatorial nomination in 1920.24 Two years later, however, he subordinated his dry convictions and personal ambitions in support of the pro-League candidacy of Breckinridge Long, the choice of President Wilson to contest the maverick incumbent James A. Reed for the Democratic senatorial nomination. Despite the fact that Long was nominally a wet and lacked the common touch, Hay could support him against Reed who was a conservative, a wet, a staunch critic of Wilson's doctrine of responsible party government, and an irreconcilable opponent of the League. In Hay's opinion, the liquor question was unimportant compared to Reed's alleged disloyalty to the party on the League issue. "I would rather mix a cocktail for a Duke than pour poison in the cup of that greatest of all Democratic leaders, Woodrow Wilson," Hay explained to his dry friends.25 The reelection of Senator Reed in 1922 assisted Hay's belated recognition that public support of American membership in the League had been dissipated by the postwar desire for normalcy. Hay personally retained an interest in international peace organizations throughout his lifetime; how­ ever, he never again allowed his passion for world peace to domi-

21 Ibid., 83-84. 22 Ibid., 84, 87; Hay followed League opponent Senator Hiram Johnson through New England, defending the League against the isolationist senator's attacks. St. Louis Star, March 19, 1919. 23 Franklin D. Mitchell, Embattled Democracy: Missouri Democratic Politics, 1919-1932 (Columbia, Mo., 1968), 18-19, 24-25, 44-45. 24 ibid., 37-38. 25 ibid., 44-45; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 9, 1922. For a detailed discus­ sion of the Long-Reed contest of 1922 see Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, Chap­ ter 4. Charles M. Hay of Missouri 237 nate his concerns as it had in the immediate post-World War I years.26 From the factional politics of embattled Democracy and the conservative Republican triumph in the 1924 election came the impetus that set the Missouri Democrat on a quest for liberal domestic reform. Like most other dry, Old-Stock Democrats, Hay had supported the candidacy of William G. McAdoo for the Democratic presidential nomination that year; after the conven­ tion deadlock developed between the friends of McAdoo and the forces behind Al Smith, Hay, in a persuasive plea to the delegates helped to pave the way for the administration of John W. Davis.27 Hay was genuinely disheartened, however, by the conservative program that Davis fashioned for the campaign, and after the genial Democrat's defeat to Calvin Coolidge, Hay recognized the need for a rejuvenation of the Democratic party to make it an instrument of reform. In a letter to Iowa publisher Edward T. Meredith, the Missourian endorsed the idea of a national con­ ference of reform-minded Democrats. If national Democracy would not commit itself to a progressive program, Hay explained, "then I am quite sure that I do not belong in the Democratic party."28 When the plan of reform Democrats for a national conference failed to materialize, it remained for progressives like Hay to chart their own path of reform.29 This was precisely the course the Missourian followed. In 1926 Hay formally dissociated himself from the provincial and con­ servative dry forces. In November he tendered his resignation as a director of the Missouri Anti-Saloon League and steadfastly

2QIbid., 42, 61-62; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, July 24, 1932. During World War II Hay was instrumental in securing the adoption of a resolution endors­ ing a postwar international order of law and justice at the 1943 mid-year meet­ ing of the American Bar Association. He requested Harry S. Truman to insert the resolution in the Congressional Record, a request that Senator Truman was pleased to fulfill. Hay to Truman, April 2, 1943; Truman to Hay, April 7, 1943, Senatorial File, Harry S. Truman Papers, in Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Mo.; Congressional Record, LXXXIX, Pt. Ill, U.S. 78th Cong., 1st Sess. (April 9, 1943), 3166. 27 Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 69-70, 72-73, 76; Garfinkel, "Political Career," 105, 110, 113. One political reporter singled out Hay's appeal as highly influential in swinging delegate support to John W. Davis. New York Times, June 9, 1924. 28 Hay to Edward T. Meredith, November 24, 1924, Hay Papers. 29 For a discussion of Franklin D. Roosevelt's unsuccessful efforts to arrange a national conference of Democrats for the purpose of establishing progressive issues for the 1928 election see Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt: The Ordeal (Boston, 1954), Chapter 12, 210-213. 238 Missouri Historical Review refused to accept an official position in that organization.30 Gradual­ ly Hay had come to understand that prohibition was no panacea for the nation's problems. Although he had given yeoman service to the bipartisan effort to defeat a referendum that sought the repeal of Missouri's prohibition enforcement laws and considered prohibition's defense the major state issue before Missouri voters in the 1926 election, Hay publicly stated his opinion that the "looting of the public by the trust magnates and tariff barons of the East" constituted the paramount national issue that year.31 Hay's gradual shift away from the older moral reform toward an acceptance of a newer liberalism was greatly assisted by his varied urban experiences. In his St. Louis law practice he served a diverse clientele with interests much different from his former rural clients. The handling of several workmen's compensation suits in which he represented employees disabled by occupational injuries broadened his concept of the worker's plight in an indus­ trial-urban society. As Hay delved into the harsh and complex facts surrounding a worker's disability, he must have recalled and regretted his youthful indictment of liquor as the root cause of the laborer's distress.32 As the legal counsel of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen, Hay also became intimate­ ly acquainted with the grievances of the trainmen.33 Socially, the Hays enjoyed city living and added new cultural interests to their social life. In the summer months, for example, the Hay family relished the light fare of St. Louis's outdoor Municipal Opera.34 Hay's urban experience revealed to him that city life was neither as wicked nor as simple as he had once thought. Clearly he was a moral reformer in transition. Another reason for Hay's growing liberalism in the late twenties was the political necessity of making himself acceptable, as an aspirant for the United States Senate seat of retiring James A. Reed, to the powerful urban elements in the Missouri and national Democracy. He campaigned for the wet St. Louis Democrat Harry

30 Hay to Parker Shields, November 24, 1926, Hay Papers. 31 Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 88-96; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, October 5, 1926. 32 See folders 129, 181-182, 184-188, 192-198, Hay Papers. 33 Hay's connection with the railroad workers won him their endorsement in his political campaigns of 1928 and 1932. See folders 110, 112, 115 and 153, Hay Papers. During the 1930s Hay was the counsel of the Railway Labor Executives Association and fought for employee retirement and insurance laws. Garfinkel, "Political Career," 165. 34 Hay to Municipal Opera Association, June 11, 1926, Hay Papers. Charles M. Hay of Missouri 239

Taylor Photo West'n. Hist. Mss. Coll., U. of Mo.-Columbia Charles M. Hay During One of His Senatorial Campaign Trips

B. Hawes in the senatorial campaign of 1926 and thus improved his standing with the Democratic ward leaders of St. Louis.35 In December 1927, Hay traveled to Kansas City for a conference with boss in an effort to gain the widest possible support for his Senate race the following year. The mere notion of soliciting the big city boss for political backing must have given Hay second thoughts; indeed, he would remain suspicious of Pendergast's power in Kansas City and Missouri politics.36 Nevertheless he had come to realize that liberals must first be elected in order to achieve a program of reform. His political pilgrimage to Pendergast as well as his contacts with influential ward leaders in St. Louis simply indicated a realization that it was necessary to compromise and cooperate with the urban party bosses if one wanted to succeed in Missouri politics.37 The crucial test of Hay's liberalism came during the 1928

35 Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 96, 102-103. 36 Kansas City Times, December 31, 1927; Hay to Mrs. Henry N. Ess, Sep­ tember 2, 1932, Hay Papers. 37 St. Louis Globe-Democrat, September 17, 1928. 240 Missouri Historical Review election, after he had won the Democratic senatorial nomination and Democrats at Houston had selected Al Smith as the party's presidential candidate. Although his continued support of prohibi­ tion prompted him to appeal indirectly to Smith through Franklin D. Roosevelt in an effort to persuade the wet New Yorker to soft- pedal his demand for prohibition repeal,38 Hay otherwise unre­ servedly cast his lot with Smith's progressivism, emphasizing their accord on such issues as water power development and flood con­ trol. Hay also claimed Smith's support for farm relief legislation, but on this important issue Hay held a more liberal view than the New York governor.39 The most statesmanlike contribution of Hay to the Smith campaign in Missouri was his eloquent key­ note address at the September convention of the Missouri Demo­ cratic party. In courageous and unequivocal terms Hay condemned the religious intolerance manifested against Smith because of the presidential candidate's adherence to Roman Catholicism.40 Hay's speech constituted an excellent expression of cultural liberalism, and also helped to elevate the character of the political campaign in Missouri, enabling Hay to achieve a surprisingly good showing in St. Louis and Kansas City in his unsuccessful candidacy for the Senate.41 Unquestionably the senatorial campaign of 1928 marked another liberal advance in the moral reformer's career. The collapse of the stock market in October 1929, and the ensuing of the thirties completed Hay's con­ version to liberalism, though not without a last ditch defense of prohibition. In a Jefferson Day address in 1931, Hay specifically denounced the efforts of former National Democratic Chairman John J. Raskob to make prohibition the leading issue of the 1932 campaign. Raskob, Hay charged, was a, mouthpiece of mammon and a high priest of privilege and concentrated wealth. Farmers, laborers, small busi­ nessmen, victims of the tariffs, of combines and extor­ tions, call on him for relief from intolerable economic ills; he suggests in answer that they first determine the percentage of alcohol to go in their drink. They cry for

38 Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 111-112; Hay to Roosevelt, August 10, 1928, Group XVII, Franklin D. Roosevelt Papers, in Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N.Y. 39 Mitchell, Embattled Demoracy, 112-113. 40 "Keynote Address," Democratic Platform Convention, September 11, 1928, Hay Papers. 41 Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 119-121. Charles M. Hay of Missouri 241

bread, he demands that they ask for a can with foam on it. They demand jobs, he suggests jags.42 Hay contacted influential dry Democrats in an effort to keep the Democratic party from declaring for repeal, but after the national convention delegates adopted a wet repeal plank, there was little he could do but subordinate his dry beliefs to his larger concern for the welfare of the nation.43 The formula Hay adopted for the accommodation of his old and new principles was consistent with his move away from in­ dividualistic, moral reform to a program of mass action, economic reform. By drawing upon his own experiences and the ideas of Franklin D. Roosevelt, George Norris, Robert F. Wagner and Robert LaFollette, Jr., Hay constructed a liberal platform on which he would make his last campaign for the Senate.44 To cope with technological and mass unemployment, Hay urged that the federal government undertake massive public works projects. He called for a shorter work week without loss of compensation for workers and government protection of all laborers against "unsocial labor contracts"; other welfare programs Hay endorsed constituted the core of the subsequently enacted Social Security Act of 1935. To finance new activities and curb the power of the very rich, he advocated high inheritance taxes and sharply progressive income taxation. His proposals for agriculture included a pricing mechan­ ism designed to give the farmer parity in the market place, new cooperative marketing programs, tax relief, increased low-cost loan opportunities, and a farm debt moratorium. In calling for govern­ ment supervision of public utilities holding companies, public ownership of water power sources, and control of utilities rates, Hay had simply enlarged his 1928 stand in these same areas. In short, Hay advocated a well-rounded program of relief, recovery and reform that anticipated many New Deal measures.

42 "Jefferson Day Address," April 11, 1931; Hay to Verne Tullock, April 13, 1931, Hay Papers. 43 Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 148-149; St. Louis Post-Dispatch, April 26, 1932; Hay to Daniel Roper, January 4, 1932; Hay to Pat Harrison, Hay to Harry F. Byrd, January 18, June 22, 1932, Hay Papers. During the primary campaign of 1932 and after the adoption of a prohibition repeal plank at the Democratic National Convention, Hay pledged that should he win the senatorial nomination and election, he would vote to submit the Eighteenth Amendment to the people. Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 149. 44 Hay to Franklin D. Roosevelt, August 1, 1932; Hay to Moses Greenwood, April 24, 1931; Hay to George N. Norris, July 15, 1931; Hay to Ben S. Mc- Cullough, December 29, 1931; Hay to Robert F. Wagner, July 14, 1931; Hay to Robert LaFollette, Jr., July 15, 1931, Hay Papers. The St. Louis Globe-Democrat printed Hay's platform in full in its issue for July 24, 1932. 242 Missouri Historical Review

rm SHAMS OF mem w$m FALUNC FAST AS TttftQVm AN QZAW V!LLAC£ ?A$$m This Daniel Fitzpatrick political cartoon appeared in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 21, 1932, while Hay and Bennett Champ Clark campaigned for U.S. Senator in the 1932 Democratic primary.

Despite Hay's efforts to keep current economic issues upper­ most in the minds of the voters during the senatorial primary, the rising tide of wet sentiment submerged his liberal platform and Bennett Champ Clark, a conservative and avowed wet, won the nomination. Several factors of course determined the election out­ come, including the support Clark inherited from the followers of his late father, Speaker Champ Clark, but Hay believed that his defeat resulted primarily from the shift of public opinion against prohibition and his old image with the electorate as an evangelical dry.45 Although disheartened by the turn of events, Hay informed friends that he would remain loyal to Franklin D. Roosevelt and other Democratic candidates.46 He would support the Democratic

45 Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 148, 150; Garfinkel, "Political Career," 150-151; Gary Fink, "The Evolution of Social and Political Attitudes in the Missouri Labor Movement, 1900-1940" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Uni­ versity of Missouri-Columbia, 1968), 224. 46 Mitchell, Embattled Democracy, 147-151. Charles M. Hay of Missouri 243 ticket, Hay explained, "because I look upon the economic issue as paramount and believe that it is imperative that the government be placed in the hands of an administration more responsive to the masses of the people."47 This commitment to liberal democracy during the campaign and election of 1932 was not a transitory phase in the political career of Charles M. Hay. Throughout the thirties and early forties he remained a consistent and ardent supporter of reform at all levels of government. As city counselor of St. Louis in 1933, Hay secured a reduction in excessive public utility rates; later, as chairman of the St. Louis Board of Election Commissioners, he lent his prestige and integrity to honest voting procedures.48 He moved to Washington in the mid-thirties for public service in various legal capacities, including special assistant to the at­ torney general in charge of the government's appeal of the Rail­ road Retirement Act of 1936. In the midst of the Second World War President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed Hay counsel to the War Manpower Commission, and when the Missourian died at the age of sixty-five in January 1945, he was deputy chairman and executive director of the commission.49 Throughout the New Deal Era Hay had demonstrated undeviat- ing loyalty to the liberalism he had first embraced during the twenties. His liberal record after 1932 contrasts sharply with that of his successful opponent for the Democratic senatorial nomina­ tion and the winner of the general election contest that year, Bennett Champ Clark. Although Clark did at times support liberal measures, as early as 1933 he opposed important New Deal legis­ lation and frequently allied himself with the informal congressional coalition of conservatives who brought the New Deal reforms to a halt by 1938.50 Hay, on the other hand, in numerous campaigns after 1932 stumped Missouri in behalf of Franklin D. Roosevelt and liberal Missouri Democrats, including Harry S. Truman.51 When this activity is viewed along with his public service career during the thirties and forties, it seems reasonable to conclude

47 Ibid., 154; Hay to Harry H. Woodring, August 17, 1932; Hay to Homer H. Gruenther, August 18, 1932, Hay Papers. 48 Garfinkel, "Political Career," 164-165. 49 Ibid.; Washington Star, January 17, 1945. 50 James T. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the Neiv Deal: The Growth of the Conservative Coalition in Congress, 1933-1939 (Lexington, Ky., 1967), 30,41, 50, 113-114. 51 Hay to Harry S. Truman, January 13, 1939; Truman to Hay, January 16, 1939, Truman Papers; Washington Star, January 17, 1945. 244 Missouri Historical Review

HAY - FOR . SENATOR

v^> ITT. JT\ JTV *..»> JC> CJ M. HAY

UN'ITF.D STATES S E N A T r*

A Charles M. Hay Campaign Card

that Hay could have become one of the most influential New Deal senators had he, instead of Clark, won the senatorial nomina­ tion and election in 1932. Unquestionably Hay's service at the lower levels of government contributed to the liberalism that shaped American society during the presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt. How representative is the reforming career of Charles M. Hay, and how significant are the collective careers of lower echelon social progressives during the New Deal? Before answering such questions historians must reexamine their generalizations about the evangelical reformers. Certainly historians need to consider the moral reformers more seriously than has hitherto been the case. It is time to identify the forgotten men and women who made up that evangelical band of reformers in the Progressive Era and examine the careers of those who lived on into the New Deal years. Scholars should establish the nature of the reforms advocated by these progressives before World War I, study the impact of prohibition enactment upon their reforming energies, and determine whether the postwar peace crusade enhanced or detracted from their overall progressive efforts. Research should also determine how many reformers, like Charles M. Hay, made the transition to the new liberalism of the twenties and thirties. It will be instructive to learn what circumstances and experiences aided or retarded this transformation, and the fate that awaited the reformers as the dry era drew to a close. How many of the dry moral reformers fell victim to wet conservatives in the political contests of the late twenties and early thirties? Did the repeal of the Prohibition Amendment shake the faith of the converts to Charles M. Hay of Missouri 245 the New Deal? To what extent did the old evangelical reformers divest themselves of a moralistic approach to politics during the thirties? And, how many of the old progressives served the liberal cause of the thirties and forties in the lower and somewhat obscure- though still significant—ranks of government?52 Answers to these questions will constitute an informative chapter in the multifaceted history of twentieth-century American reform.

52 Historians might take their cue from the frequent complaint of con­ servatives that liberal bureaucrats are determining government policy despite changes of administrations. , for example, has charged that President Richard M. Nixon has failed "to get hold of the government." Gold- water complained that veteran officials in the Agriculture Department were making decisions that "don't square with a Republican government." Los Angeles Times, March 9, 1970. One approach to this matter would be an insti­ tutional and political study of the various departments, agencies and offices of the federal government.

When the Campus Paths Were Named Columbia Missouri Herald, April 10, 1903. Perhaps few citizens of Columbia or students in the University know that all the paths, walks and bridges on the University grounds have an official name. In a plan of the University grounds, drawn by Brevet Major J. W. Mac Murray and printed in a report of the board of curators in 1872, all the paths that are now on the grounds and many more that are now covered with buildings were named. The walk leading from Elm toward Academic Hall is officially known as Via Curatorum. The walks skirting the edge of the grounds all the way around, are known as Flirtation walks, though the reasons for their names are not known. The little rustic foot bridges are known as Bertie's Bridge, it being the one near­ est the new medical building; Victoria bridge, near Ninth street; Mary's bridge, west of Via Curatorum; and Nettie's bridge, which has since disappeared. Among the walks that were named were Ida way, Ada avenue, Flotie way, the Serpentine, Rollins avenue and Lathrop avenue. The depresssion north of the agricultural building [Switzler Hall] was known as the Swallow's Vale, and a similar one on the other side of the grounds was known as Camilla Dale.

The Drummer Was a Good Fellow Columbia Missouri Herald, January 9, 1890. The drummer has commenced his trips for 1890. He struck Columbia last Monday, along with the storm and the students. He was almost as numerous as the one and as windy as the other. He filled up the hotel offices with his trunks and his talk, making the porter swear and the landlord smile. He is omnipresent and unique. There is no hamlet nor village where his voice is not heard and no cross-roads store that knoweth him not. He is—take him for all in all—a good fellow, a typical product of western civilization. May his tribe increase. Nearest by Air to Everywhere"

Kansas Citian, May 28, 1929

Aviation Promotion m Kansas City: 1925-1931

BY JAMES W. LEYERZAPF*

Between 1925 and 1931, the Kansas City Chamber of Com­ merce sponsored a major campaign to promote both commercial aviation and the aircraft industry in Kansas City. The Chamber's aviation promoters, led by Louis E. Holland, believed that the city's proximity to the geographical center of the country and its central location in the great plains made it an ideal site for the hub of air transport systems and the center of the aviation in­ dustry. Armed with a strong faith in the city's natural advantages, Holland and his fellow aviation enthusiasts directed an intensive effort to make Kansas City the aviation center of the United States.

* James W. Leyerzapf is a doctoral candidate in History at the University of Missouri-Columbia. He received the B.A. degree from Thiel College, Green­ ville, Pennsylvania, and the M.A. degree from the University of Missouri- Columbia.

246 Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 247

Aviation promotion in twentieth-century Kansas City fits within a broad pattern of transportation development in American his­ tory. The objective of Kansas City's aviation promoters—economic growth through the development of transportation—was identical to the goal of nineteenth-century canal and railroad promoters. Furthermore, the promotional method of the city's aviation en­ thusiasts—combining private and public resources to attract trans­ portation companies—was similar to the procedure employed by the proponents of canals and railroads. The development of canals and railroads had been heavily dependent upon public assistance from all levels of government. Railroads, because of their large capital requirements, especially had been dependent upon public aid in the form of land grants, investment of public funds in private railroad companies and outright cash bonuses.1 Nine­ teenth-century Kansas City followed this pattern of public and private cooperation on behalf of railroad development. The local Chamber of Commerce had organized a vigorous campaign to attract railroads and had persuaded the community to invest public funds in private projects.2 The twentieth-century Chamber of Commerce followed in this tradition of combining private and public enterprise to stimulate transportation development. Before 1925, little effort had been exerted to promote aviation in the city. In March 1920, the Chamber of Commerce appointed an aerial promotion committee, but the committee was relatively inactive during the first five years of its existence. The major effort to stimulate aviation in the early 1920s had been the con­ struction of Richards Airfield in 1922 by the Air Terminal Associa­ tion, an organization of air-minded local businessmen. The field was leased to the War Department, which supervised flying at the field and operated a flying school. In addition, the Air Terminal Association built a hangar for private use, but no commercial development occurred at the field until 1926.3

i The literature on canal and railroad promotion is voluminous. Some of the more important studies are, Carter Goodrich, Government Promotion of American Canals and Railroads, 1800-1890 (New York, 1960); Frederick A. Cleveland and Fred Wilbur Powell, Railroad Promotion and Capitalization in the United States (New York, 1909); Edwin L. Lopata, Local Aid to Rail­ roads in Missouri (New York, 1937). 2 Charles N. Glaab, Kansas City and the Railroads: Community Policy in the Growth of a Regional Metropolis (Madison, Wise, 1962), passim; A. Theodore Brown, Frontier Community: Kansas City to 1870 (Columbia, Mo., 1963), Chapter 4, passim. 3 Kansas Citian [weekly publication of the Chamber of Commerce], IX (March 9, 1920), 255; Kansas City Journal, November 12, 1922. Most citations 248 Missouri Historical Review

c$£o*

R. S. Knowlson, Lou Holland Collection, Kansas City Museum Lou Holland

The year 1925 was crucial to Kansas City's development as an aviation center. First, Louis E. Holland, an enthusiastic supporter of aviation, acquired substantial influence within the Kansas City Chamber of Commerce. In March, he was appointed first vice president of the Chamber, and in September he was elected presi­ dent.4 Second, commercial aviation was stimulated throughout the country by the passage of the Kelly Air Mail Act, which trans­ ferred the air mail from government operation to private carriers.5 From 1922 to 1925, Holland served as president of the As- to Kansas City newspapers are to clippings in the Chamber of Commerce Scrapbook, Papers of Lou E. Holland, Harry S. Truman Library, Independence, Mo. Kansas Citian, XIV (July 21, 1925), 577. 4 Ibid., XIV (March 17, 1925), 235; (October 13, 1925), 813-814. 5 New York Times, February 3, 1925; Henry Ladd Smith, Airways: The History of Commercial Aviation in the United States (New York, 1944), 84, 94. Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 249 sociated Advertising Clubs of the World (A.A.C.W.). While presi­ dent of that organization, he had done considerable traveling by air. In 1924, the A.A.C.W. held its annual convention in London, and after the convention, Holland flew from London to Paris. While on the Continent, he was deeply impressed by the successful operation of the Royal Dutch Airlines and the German Lufthansa. Because of his early exposure to air travel, Holland became con­ vinced long before most Americans that commercial aviation was feasible.6 For several years prior to 1925, considerable opposition to government operation of the air mail had been building. The rail­ road industry led the opposition, largely because most mail was carried by rail and the industry consequently resented government competition. The railroads and other business interests wished the government to transfer air mail operations to private carriers. The opponents of government operation achieved their objective in the Kelly Act, which President Calvin Coolidge signed into law on February 2, 1925. Although the act provided for the eventual transfer of all air mail operations to private carriers, the trans­ continental route was not transferred immediately to private opera­ tion. Spur air mail routes connecting with the transcontinental service were opened first, so that the commercial lines could gain experience before bidding was opened on the transcontinental route.7 Holland immediately saw the commercial possibilities inherent in the spur routes. He believed that if Kansas City were located on one of the spurs, the city's trade territory would expand con­ siderably as a result of the faster communication between the city's businessmen and their regional customers. He also shrewdly perceived that the initiation of privately operated air mail was the first step towards the establishment of commercial aviation. He had little doubt that express and passenger service would soon be successful economic enterprises. He was convinced that Kansas City had a large stake in acquiring air mail service, because he believed that those cities establishing an early foothold in aviation

6 Lou E. Holland to Harry Davis, April 19, 1954, Personal folder (A-G), Box 133; Holland to William A. Ong, October 12, 1955, Personal folder (A-F), Box 138, Holland Papers; Kansas City Times, August 3, 1959. 7 New York Times, February 3, 1925; Smith, Airways, 84, 94, 103-104; Roger Bilstein, "Technology and Commerce: Aviation in the Conduct of American Business, 1918-29," Technology and Culture, X (July, 1969), 398; John B. Rae, Climb to Greatness: The American Aircraft Industry, 1920-1960 (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), 22-23. 250 Missouri Historical Review would reap the largest benefits.8 To insure the city's future in aviation, Holland launched an effort to establish Kansas City on one of the spur routes. While serving as president of the Associated Advertising Clubs of the World, Holland acquired considerable influence within the Post Office Department. The A.A.C.W. sponsored the Truth-in- Advertising Movement, and attempted to enforce truth-in-advertis­ ing through a National Vigilance Committee, of which Holland was a director. Because the Vigilance Committee often cooperated with postal inspectors in those cases where fraudulent advertisers used the mails, Holland became acquainted with high-ranking Post Office Department officials, including Postmaster General Harry S. New. Holland ably exploited his influence within the department in his efforts to obtain air mail service for Kansas City. In March and April 1925, Holland met several times with New and Paul Henderson, Assistant Postmaster General in charge of air mail. Holland was primarily interested in what requirements the department intended to set for the establishment of air mail service. Informed by Henderson that potential mail volume would be the primary consideration, Holland returned to Kansas City and instructed the Chamber of Commerce to conduct a survey of the potential mail volume of the city's large business establish­ ments. In late April, the Post Office Department published the requirements for establishing air mail service. Within twenty-four hours, Kansas City Postmaster William E. Morton had mailed the Chamber survey and a formal petition for air mail service to the Postmaster General. On May 16, 1925, the Post Office Department approved the Chicago to Kansas City air mail route.9 The approval of the route did not guarantee air mail service, however. The Post Office Department only authorized such serv­ ice; private airlines had to bid for the right to carry the air mail over the route. If the bids were too high, the department had the right to cancel the projected route. The airline most interested in the Chicago to Kansas City service was National Air Transport (NAT) of Chicago. Organized by former Assistant Postmaster General Paul Henderson, who had resigned from the Post Office Department shortly after the Kelly Act was passed, the line was backed by such noted businessmen as Phillip Wrigley, Lester

8 Kansas City Star, January 24, June 7, 1926; Kansas Citian, XV (February 2, 1926), 108; Kansas City Times, October 20, 1926. 9 Kansas Citian, XIV (March 17, 1925), 237; (April 7, 1925), 287; (April 21, 1925), 323; (November 24, 1925), 914; Kansas City Star, May 17, 1925. Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 251

Armour and William A. Rockefeller.10 In order to assure that its bid would permit operating the air mail route at a profit, NAT requested the Kansas City Chamber of Commerce to make an­ other air mail survey in August 1925. The Chamber's industrial committee conducted the survey under Holland's direction and forwarded the data to the airline. On October 7, NAT bid success­ fully on the Chicago to Kansas City route, which by that time had been extended to Dallas.11 NAT required more of the cities on the route than mail volume surveys, however; an airfield and airplane hangar that met both NAT and Post Office Department requirements also had to be provided. To meet the physical requirements, the Cham­ ber began looking for suitable facilities in the late summer of 1925. When NAT representatives met with Holland on November 17, they chose Richards Field as the best of the available landing sites. Fortunately, the Chamber was able to persuade the Air Terminal Association to offer free use of the Richards facilities for a year. Although no suitable hangar was available at the site, the Chamber guaranteed NAT that a hangar would be con­ structed before air mail operations began in the spring. In return for the promise of a hangar, NAT pledged to locate its operating and executive headquarters in Kansas City.12 Because the estimated construction cost was $15,000, the erection of a hangar posed a substantial problem for the Chamber. Holland and several Chamber officials approached the city coun­ cil for funds, but the council was unwilling to help.13 Unable to raise funds from public sources, the Chamber attempted to solicit the money from the business community. The Chamber acted as trustee of all funds collected and was to hold title to the hangar, which would be rented to NAT. The city's businessmen were less than enthusiastic supporters of aviation, however. By March 1926, total subscriptions had fallen considerably short of the amount needed to build the hangar, and NAT officials had become con-

10 Smith, Airways, 107-108. 11 Kansas Citian, XIV (August 25, 1925), 665; Report of the Industrial Department of the Kansas City Chamber of Commerce for the year ending Sept. 20, 1925, folder 54C, Box 191, Holland Papers; Smith, Airways, 104. 12 Kansas Citian, XIV (November 24, 1925), 913-914; Paul Henderson to Holland, November 24, 1925, Air Mail folder (1925-31), Box 276; Holland to Henderson, December 21, 1925, folder 4C (2), Box 181, Holland Papers; Kansas Citian, XV (February 2, 1926), 109. 13 Holland to Luther K. Bell, December 17, 1925, folder 4C (2), Box 181, Holland Papers. 252 Missouri Historical Review cerned that it would not be completed before mail service was inaugurated. A last-minute drive succeeded in raising the neces­ sary funds, however, and the hangar was finished two weeks before NAT began air mail operations on May 12, 1926.14 Holland was elected Chamber president in 1925 largely be­ cause the organization's board of directors felt that he was best qualified to direct the Chamber's industrial expansion program. When his term of office expired in 1928, the directors created the position of executive manager so that he could continue to supervise the expansion effort.15 The purpose of the program was to diversify the city's manufacturing, which at the time was based largely upon food processing. Holland's effort to promote aviation was an integral part of the industrial expansion plan. He believed that the aircraft industry offered the most fruitful possibilities for industrial growth, because the city could meet all the require­ ments of aircraft production. First, the industry was based primarily upon assembly rather than heavy manufacturing, thus obviating the need for large fuel supplies. Second, the flat terrain surround­ ing Kansas City assured safety for experimental flying. Third, the city's inland location guaranteed relative invulnerability to the builders of military aircraft. Fourth and finally, the city's central location assured rapid delivery to any point in the country.16 Holland made his first attempt to attract the aircraft industry in the summer of 1925. In 1924, Anthony Fokker, the noted Dutch airplane designer and manufacturer, had created the American Aircraft Corporation to capitalize on the growing American market for airplanes.17 Because he was highly conscious of the military vulnerability of a coastal manufacturing location, Fokker considered building his projected plant in the Midwest. In June 1925, he sent representatives to survey several Midwestern cities, including Kan­ sas City. On June 15, the representatives discussed the aircraft plant proposition with Holland. After assuring Holland that Kansas City was one of the sites under consideration, they asked if the city's businessmen would be willing to subscribe half of the $2,000,000 capitalization. Unable to answer the question offhand,

14 Holland to A. D. Simpson, August 25, 1926, folder 4C (1), Box 181; Luther K. Bell to Lester Armour, March 16, 1926, folder 4C (5), Box 182, Holland Papers; Kansas Citian, XV (February 2, 1926), 109, 116; (May 4, 1926), 355; Kansas City Times, May 12, 1926. 15 Kansas Citian, XVII (September 4, 1928), 659. 16 Kansas City Times, October 20, 1926; Kansas Citian, XVI (December 20, 1927), 912; XVII (September 25, 1928), 730; (November 27, 1928), 897. 17 Rae, Climb to Greatness, 15. Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 253

Knowlson, Holland Coll., K. C. Museum Paul Johnson Flying First Air Mail Into Kansas City, May 12, 1926

Holland called a meeting of the Chamber's new industries com­ mittee to determine the availability of local capital for the propo­ sition. Because the committee was also unable to answer the in­ quiry, a subcommittee was created to investigate the matter.18 On June 22, Fokker arrived in Kansas City and met with the subcommittee members, who assured him that the necessary capital could be raised in the city. Because he had not yet decided upon a location, Fokker asked the subcommittee whether the capital would be made available if he were to build the plant elsewhere in the Midwest. The subcommittee answered that the interested businessmen would only invest in the firm if it were a local project. Fokker agreed to build the plant in the city, and on July 15, 1925, three prominent Kansas City businessmen, Herbert Woolf, Conrad Mann and Arthur Hardgrave, formed an underwriting syndicate which signed contracts with Fokker for the construction of a $2,000,000 aircraft factory.19 Ground was never broken for the

18 Minutes, meeting of the Chamber of Commerce New Industries Com­ mittee, June 16, 1925, Chamber of Commerce folder (1925), Box 177, Holland Papers; Kansas City Post, July 16 1925. 19 Minutes, meeting of the special subcommittee of the New Industries 254 Missouri Historical Review

Knowlson, Holland Coll., K. C. Museum

The National Air Transport Office, Kansas City, Before 1927 Fire

plant, however, because the syndicate was unable to raise the re­ quired capital. On November 27, 1925, Holland informed Fokker that the Chamber's board of directors had abandoned the project.20 During his tenure with the Chamber of Commerce, Holland attempted to attract other large aircraft firms to the city, but none of his efforts proceeded as far as the Fokker project. Kansas City's achievements in the aviation industry between 1925 and 1931 were limited to the small private plane industry. By 1930, the city had three aircraft companies, representing a total investment of $300,000 and employing 300 men.21 The city's accomplishments in the light plane industry were modest, however, compared to the spectacular accomplishments of a rival city barely one-fourth the size of Kansas City—Wichita, Kansas. By 1930, Wichita was producing over a fourth of all private planes built in the United States, and the city's businessmen had invested $5,000,000 in sixteen aircraft companies employing over 2,000 men. Wichita's success was partly entrepre-

Committee, June 22, 1925, Chamber of Commerce folder (1925), Box 177; copy of syndicate agreement, Fokker Aircraft Corporation, July 15, 1925; folder 5C, Box 182, Holland Papers; Kansas City Post, July 16, 1925. 20 Holland to Anthony Fokker, November 27, 1925, folder 5C, Box 182, Holland Papers. 21 Memoranda on the Chamber of Commerce Aviation Census, April 21, 22, 1930, folder 10C-P, Box 199, Holland Papers. Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 255 neurial; a vigorous Chamber of Commerce and a business com­ munity willing to invest in aviation had attracted such aeronautical geniuses as E. M. Laird, Walter Beech and Clyde Cessna in the early 1920s. Their early successes had created the foundation upon which the aircraft industry had grown.22 By contrast, Kansas City's businessmen were less than enthusiastic supporters of aviation; the failure of the Fokker proposition and the difficulty in funding the NAT hangar testified to the business community's reluctance to back Holland's promotional efforts. Kansas City's relative lack of success in the aircraft industry cannot be explained wholly in entrepreneurial terms, however. Aviation promotion was also dependent upon the cooperation of public authorities. Adequate airfields were necessary for the de­ velopment of aviation-related industries, because aircraft manu­ facturers required facilities for experimental flying and delivered most of their products by air. By 1930, most large American cities had either completed or had initiated construction of municipal airports. Wichita was no exception to this trend; the city's public officials willingly maintained and improved airport facilities.23 By contrast, Kansas City's public authorities reluctantly assumed responsibility for the acquisition and development of a municipal airport. Holland was acutely aware that both the industrial and com­ mercial facets of aviation required adequate airport facilities. Con­ sequently, from 1926 to 1929, the heart of his aviation program was his effort to persuade the city administration to build a municipal airport. By the fall of 1926, it had become apparent that Richards Field could no longer serve as an adequate airfield. National Air Transport had expressed its dissatisfaction with field facilities, and the War Department had informed Holland that it intended to

22 John T. Nevill, "The Story of Wichita," Aviation, XXIX (September, 1930), 166-170; (November, 1930), 291-295; (December, 1930), 353-357; "Exhibit B," Report of C. B. Elliott on Aviation in Wichita, n.d., [March, 1928], Industrial Committee Minutes folder, Box 178, Holland Papers. 23 Harry J. Freeman, "Establishment of Municipal Airports as a 'Public Purpose'," National Municipal Review, XVIII (April, 1929), 263-266; D. R. Lane, "Recent Developments of Municipal Airports in the West," American City, XXXVII (July, 1927), 1-5; Austin F. MacDonald, "Airport Problems of American Cities," The Annals, CLI (September, 1930), 225-283; H. M. Olmsted, "The Airport and the Municipality," American City, XXXVIII (January, 1928), 117-119; "Who Shall Own and Operate the Airports?" American City, XXXIX (December, 1928), 110; O. J. Swander, "Exceptional Site, Landscaping, Lighting and Buildings Characterize Wichita Airport," American City, XLIV (April, 1931), 109-110. 256 Missouri Historical Review

remove the air squadron from Kansas City unless better facilities were provided.24 In response to the crisis, Holland requested the local Army Air Corps Reserve Officers' Association to make a survey of possible airport sites in the area and to recommend one of them for a municipal airport. The survey, released in January 1927, suggested a site in the industrial suburb of North Kansas City. The recommended location was a flat peninsula formed by a sharp bend in the Missouri River. The peninsula pointed south towards Kansas City's business district, only five minutes away by car or taxi. The owner of the property, a syndicate composed of the Burlington Railroad and the Armour and Swift meat packing in­ terests, offered to lease the land to the city under an option-to- purchase arrangement.25 City Manager Henry F. McElroy, who represented the powerful Pendergast machine that governed the city, was skeptical of aviation and was therefore reluctant to invest in an airport. Because Pender- gast's power was rooted in every social and economic group within the city,26 the Chamber of Commerce did not possess sufficient political leverage to force the city administration to build the air­ port. It was therefore necessary for Holland to supplement pressure with persuasion; he had to convert McElroy into an aviation enthusi­ ast. One technique Holland employed was a bring to McElroy's of­ fice every airline official, aircraft manufacturer or noted aviator who visited the city. Holland and his air-minded guests would then attempt to sell the city manager on the commercial and industrial potential of aviation. Holland also used his great diplomatic skill upon McElroy, frequently taking him to lunch, where he informed the city manager of recent developments in the Chamber's aviation program. On January 20, 1927, Holland finally persuaded McElroy to discuss with the city council the possibility of leasing the airport site.27 24 Holland to Henderson, September 29, 1926, Henderson folder; General B. A. Poore to Holland, January 11, 1927, Personal folder (Jan.-March, 1927), Box 92, Holland Papers; Kansas City Star, February 19, 1927. 25 Holland to William P. MacCracken, February 4, 1927, Personal folder (Jan.-March, 1927), Box 92, Holland Papers; Airport Survey of the Army Air Corps Reserve Officers Association, n.d. [January, 1927], Holland Collection, Mariette Bennett Spencer Library, Kansas City Museum of History and Sci­ ence; Kansas City Star, February 19, 1927. 26 The best study of the Pendergast organization is Lyle W. Dorsett, The Pendergast Machine (New York, 1968); A. Theodore Brown, The Politics of Reform: Kansas City's Municipal Government, 1925-1950 (Kansas City, 1958), is also useful. 27 Holland to B. W. Rose, December 14, 1951, Personal folder (E-K), Box 128; Holland to Colonel Tenney Ross, January 20, 1927, folder 4C (2), Box 181, Holland Papers. Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 257

Knowlson, Holland Coll., K. C. Museum Charles Lindbergh Dedicating the Kansas City Airport

Holland's objective of building a municipal airport was aided in late February by a fire at Richards Field that destroyed the NAT hangar and three of the transport company's aircraft. Although Holland persuaded the army squadron to allow NAT temporary use of the government hangar, the destruction of facilities threat­ ened Kansas City with the loss of air mail service. Holland skill­ fully exploited the crisis by advising McElroy that the fire made construction of a municipal airport imperative. McElroy agreed; in May 1927, the city leased the North Kansas City site, and in July the public works department began field improvements, in­ cluding the construction of a hangar.28 Shortly after the city leased the site, McElroy informed Hol­ land that the airport would be dedicated in August. The Chamber of Commerce president seized the opportunity presented by the dedication to impress upon the Kansas City public the importance of aviation. In May, Charles A. Lindbergh had made his heroic transatlantic flight. Holland believed that if he could persuade Lindbergh to dedicate the airport, the attendant publicity and

28 Kansas City Times, February 23, 1927; Kansas Citian, XVI (March 1, 1927), 195; Holland to MacCracken, February 24, 1927, folder 4C (2), Box 181, Holland Papers; Kansas City Times, July 15, 1927. 258 Missouri Historical Review public enthusiasm would benefit the Chamber's aviation program immeasurably. Fortunately, Holland had several close friends within the rival St. Louis Chamber of Commerce who were willing to arrange a meeting with the flyer. The meeting was successful; on August 17, 1927, the "Spirit of St. Louis" landed at the Kansas City Municipal Airport. A gala parade and reception welcomed the hero, and in the afternoon, Lindbergh dedicated the new airport.29 The city administration proceeded with the airport improve­ ments in the latter half of 1927. By the end of the year, two hangars, one for air mail planes and one for general commercial use, had been completed. Although both NAT and the army squadron were operating on the new field by January 1928, Hol­ land was not satisfied. He urged McElroy to purchase the site so that a permanent municipal field would be assured. McElroy and the city council responded to his request by submitting a $1,000,000 airport bond issue to the electorate on May 8. The bonds failed to carry, however, barely missing the required two-thirds majority.30 Despite the improvements made in 1927, airport facilities were grossly inadequate. The cinder runways and taxi roads were so rutted and rough as to be unsafe, the hangars were unsatisfactory and passenger facilities were nonexistent. NAT was so dissatisfied by June 1928, that it considered moving its operations from the city. Several manufacturers of aircraft and aircraft accessories also threatened to leave, and aviation interests in other parts of the country vetoed the erection of branch plants in Kansas City be­ cause of airport conditions.31 Matters were brought to a head in June 1928, when two major air transport companies offered to service the city if the airport were improved. Transcontinental Air Transport (TAT) had been created in May 1928, to operate a combination air and rail coast-to-coast pas­ senger service. Known as "The Lindbergh Line" because the famous pilot had associated with the company, TAT had substantial Wall Street financial backing. Kansas City was a logical stop on the projected New York to Los Angeles route, but the airline threatened

29 Holland to Harold M. Bixby, June 21, 1927, folder 29C; Holland to Henry F. McElroy, June 21, 1927, folder 29C, Box 189, Holland Papers; Kansas City Post, August 17, 1927; Kansas City Times, August 18, 1927. so Kansas Citian, XVI (November 15, 1927), 828; XVII (February 21, 1928), 157-158; "Exhibit A," William E. Morton to Arthur Hardgrave, n.d. [March, 1928], Industrial Committee Minutes folder, Box 178, Holland Papers; Kansas City Star, May 9, 1928. 31 Ibid., June 19, 1928. Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 259 to bypass the city if the intolerable airport conditions were not remedied.32 The other airline, Scenic Airways, planned to establish air- rail service from Kansas City to Los Angeles. G. Hall Roosevelt, vice president of General Electric, was president of the company. Roosevelt suggested to Holland and McElroy that the creation of a private syndicate to lease and develop the field would be the wisest solution to the airport problem. After adequate facilities were developed, the lease would be returned to the city so that the airport could be purchased when funds became available. Roosevelt offered to subscribe up to seventy-five percent of the syndicate stock. Holland was amenable to the proposition, but McElroy refused to turn over the city's lease to a private de­ veloper.33 Faced with the prospect of losing both airlines, the Chamber of Commerce appointed an aeronautics subcommittee to formulate a solution to the problem. The subcommittee, headed by Holland, recommended that the Chamber's board of directors insist that the city administration make the necessary airport improvements, including the erection of additional hangars and the construction of a passenger terminal. Meanwhile, in early June the city council had authorized a resubmittal of the airport bonds in August. The Chamber's board of directors considered the council decision in formulating the resolution to be sent to McElroy. The resolution, delivered to the city manager on June 18, requested that the city make the improvements specified by the subcommittee. In return for the city's investment in airport facilities, the Chamber promised vigorous support of the airport bond issue.34 In his response to the resolution, McElroy expressed a re­ luctance to invest in airport improvements before the city purchased the site. Nevertheless, because he believed that Chamber support guaranteed passage of the bonds, he agreed to proceed with the improvements. On June 21, the city began construction of hangars to house TAT and Scenic.35

32 Smith, Airways, 142-145; Report of the Subcommittee on Aeronautics, June 18, 1928, Industrial Committee Minutes folder, Box 178, Holland Papers. 33 G. Hall Roosevelt to Holland, June 8, 16, July 3, 1928, folder 46C; Holland to Roosevelt, July 5, 1928, folder 46C, Box 191, Holland Papers. 34 Recommendations of the Subcommittee on Aeronautics, June 18, 1928, Industrial Committee Minutes folder; Minutes, meeting of the Industrial Committee, June 19, 1928, Industrial Committee Minutes folder, Box 178, Holland Papers; Kansas City Star, June 19, 1928; Kansas Citian, XVII (June 26, 1928), 504. 35 Kansas City Journal, June 20, 1928; McElroy to Hardgrave, June 21, 260 Missouri Historical Review

PUT ME OVER This political cartoon appeared in the Kansas City Star, August 5, 1928, two days before the $1,000,000 bond issue for the purchase and improvement of the municipal airport was passed.

In order to assure passage of the airport bonds, Holland organized a massive campaign. The Chamber appropriated several thousand dollars for publicity and set up a complex campaign organization. Four Chamber representatives were appointed to each precinct, and Boy Scouts were recruited to distribute literature to voters at the polls. All campaign literature bore the phrase, "Industrial expansion is dependent upon a municipally-owned air­ port." On August 7, 1928, the voters of Kansas City approved the $1,000,000 bond issue for the purchase and improvement of the municipal airport.36 Improvements at the airfield, however, were delayed several months. In the fall of 1928, suits were filed in the state supreme

1928, folder 73C, Box 195, Holland Papers; Kansas City Star, June 21, 1928; Kansas Citian, XVII (June 26, 1928), 504. 36 Kansas City Times, July 10, 1928; report on the organization of the Airport Bond Committee, n.d., folder 73C, Box 195, Holland Papers; Kansas City Star, August 8, 1928; Kansas Citian, XVII (August 14, 1928), 609. Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 261 court, contesting the constitutionality of not only the Kansas City airport bonds but also the airport bond issue recently passed in St. Louis. The court, citing the precedent of municipal aid to rail­ roads in the nineteenth century, ruled that the expenditure of municipal revenue for airports was constitutional.37 By the time the court had ruled favorably on the bonds, winter had set in and improvements had to be delayed until spring. Airport improvements, however, were not resumed when the winter ended. The Public Works Department did not break ground for the terminal until June 1929, and other improvements were similarly postponed. The worst problem was the deteriorating condition of the cinder runways, which were extremely dangerous in inclement weather.38 Because of its poor facilities, the municipal airport was almost displaced as the major metropolitan airfield by the privately owned Fairfax Airport, directly across the Mis­ souri River in Kansas City, Kansas. In 1928, the Woods Brothers Corporation, developer of the Fairfax Industrial District, had purchased a private airfield adjoin­ ing the Fairfax property and had invested heavily in the field in an effort to attract commercial aviation and the aircraft industry. An impressive administration building was erected, asphalt run­ ways were laid, and several hangars and maintenance shops were built.39 The Fairfax developers fully intended to make their field the primary metropolitan airport. When the Fairfax Airport man­ ager heard that NAT had become disaffected with the municipal field, he approached the operations manager of the airline and offered the use of the Fairfax facilities. NAT accepted the offer, and from December 3, 1928 until June 15, 1929, local air mail operations were based at Fairfax.40 The failure of the city administration to proceed with im­ provements in the face of the rival threat of Fairfax angered Hol­ land. He wrote a strong letter to Public Works Director Matthew Murray, asserting that it would be impossible to attract commer-

37 Dysart vs. City of St. Louis (1927), 11 S. W. 2d, 1045; Ennis vs. Kansas City (1927), 11 S. W. 2d, 1054. 38 Kansas Citian, VII (June 25, 1929), 23; letter from an unidentified National Air Transport pilot to ?, n.d., folder 10C-P, Box 199, Holland Papers. 39 James P. Wines, "The Airport on a Paying Basis," Aviation, XXVIII (June 21, 1930), 1217-1221; Kansas Citian, XVII (December 18, 1928), 973. 40 Henderson to Holland, April 18, 1929, Personal folder (April-June, 1929), Box 96, Holland Papers; Holland to William B. Stout, August 3, 1929, Holland Collection, Spencer Library; Wines, "The Airport on a Paying Basis," 1219-1220. 262 Missouri Historical Review cial airlines to the municipal field unless more rapid progress were made on improvements. In response to pressure from Holland and other Chamber officials, Murray accelerated the pace of improve­ ments at the airport. On December 8, 1929, the passenger terminal was dedicated and its facilities were turned over to the transport companies. The completion of the terminal blocked the efforts of the Fairfax developers to attract to their field the commercial lines serving Kansas City. The inability of the Woods Brothers Corporation to make further improvements at Fairfax Airport dur­ ing the depression insured the primary position of the municipal field.41 The completion of municipal airport facilities in 1929 had a decisive impact upon Kansas City's aviation development. At the beginning of 1929, only NAT conducted passenger service to and from Kansas City. By the spring of 1930, however, eight passenger lines served the city, including TAT and Western Air Express (WAE), both of which operated coast-to-coast services. The other six lines connected Kansas City with such cities as Denver, Dallas, Minneapolis and Atlanta.42 The acquisition of TAT and WAE proved to be more valu­ able than Holland originally realized. In 1927, United Air Lines had been awarded the transcontinental air mail service. The United route traversed the northern third of the country, the principal stops being New York, Chicago, Cheyenne and San Francisco. In 1930, Postmaster General Walter F. Brown decided to open two additional transcontinental routes, one to stretch from New York to Los Angeles by way of St. Louis and Kansas City, and the other to connect Atlanta with Los Angeles. Because TAT and WAE were experienced and financially secure companies, Brown wished to award them the central route, provided that they would merge. The two airlines had been competitive and consequently hesitated to combine, but the mail contract incentive eventually persuaded them to do so. The new company, Transcontinental and Western Air (T&WA), the predecessor of Trans World Air­ lines, was awarded the central air mail route on August 25, 1931.43

41 Holland to Matthew Murray, March 22, 1929, folder 4C (2), Box 181, Holland Papers; Kansas City Times, December 9, 1929; Kansas City Star, August 3, 1969. 42 Memoranda on the Chamber of Commerce Aviation Census, April 21. 22, 1930, folder 10C-P, Box 199, Holland Papers. Scenic Airways collapsed financially before it initiated operations and thus never serviced Kansas Citv. 43 Smith, Airways, 167-181. Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 263

In January 1931, Holland had heard that T&WA wished to com­ bine its scattered maintenance and operating headquarters and to locate the consolidated headquarters in the midcontinent. Im­ mediately, he launched a personal effort to persuade the company to locate in Kansas City. Aviation Industries Corpora­ tion, a creation of the Pennsylvania Railroad, had been a part of the T&WA merger. Although Pittsburgh Aviation Industries Corporation controlled only five percent of the T&WA stock, it held the balance of power between the mutually antagonistic TAT and WAE executives.44 Shrewdly sensing where the balance of power lay in the airline's board of directors, Holland first contacted board member D. M. Sheaffer, traffic manager of the Pennsylvania Railroad. Holland asserted that since the Pennsylvania had recently acquired the Wabash, whose western terminus was Kansas City, it would be in the railroad's interest to locate the T&WA head­ quarters in the city. Less than a week after he wrote to Sheaffer, Holland arranged a lavish Chamber of Commerce luncheon for Pennsylvania Railroad President W. W. Atterbury, who was visit­ ing the city. Holland also persuaded City Manager McElroy to write to Sheaffer.45 T&WA was not initially receptive to Kansas City's bid for the headquarters. Holland had two highly placed friends within the T&WA organization who secretly informed him of the board of directors' decisions. On February 6, one of those friends, Ted Everett, wrote Holland that the directors favored Tulsa, because the city had offered $300,000. The directors had deferred their final decision, however, until a recently appointed location com­ mittee had studied the problem and had issued a recommenda­ tion.46 Alarmed by the prospect that Tulsa might acquire the head­ quarters, Holland flew to New York in early February to confer with company executives. He discovered that Everett's report that Tulsa had offered $300,000 was essentially correct. However, the money had not been offered as a cash bonus; the city had offered to expend the sum on buildings to house the airline. The build-

44/fcid., 175-181. 45 Holland to D. M. Sheaffer, January 2, 1931, Holland Collection, Spencer Library; Holland to Henderson, January 9, 1931, Personal folder (Jan.-April, 1931), Box 99, Holland Papers; McElroy to Shaeffer, February 11, 1931, Holland Collection, Spencer Library. 46 Ted Everett to Holland, February 6, 1931, Personal—Chamber of Com­ merce folder, Box 101, Holland Papers. 264 Missouri Historical Review ings were to be leased to the company at five percent of cost, with an option to buy. Holland immediately wired Chamber of Commerce President Conrad Mann, asking him to ascertain as quickly as possible Kansas City's willingness to match Tulsa's offer. Four days later, in long letters to Mann and McElroy, Holland elaborated upon the situation. He had discovered that many T&WA executives would prefer Kansas City if it would provide the same facilities as Tulsa had offered. He had also discovered that addi­ tional competitors had entered the picture; St. Louis, Wichita and Amarillo, Texas, were also making vigorous efforts to obtain the headquarters. Holland had met with the location committee, how­ ever, and had persuaded the committee to postpone its recommenda­ tion until Kansas City made a decision on the erection of a head­ quarters building.47 Holland returned to Kansas City and attempted to persuade McElroy to match Tulsa's offer, but the city manager would not commit himself to erecting facilities for the airline. Armed only

47 Telegram, Holland to Conrad Mann, February 12, 1931; Holland to Mann, February 16, 1931; Holland to McElroy, February 17, 1931. Holland Collection, Spencer Library.

A TAT Maddox Ford Tri-Motor at the Municipal Airport, Kansas City, in 1929 Knowlson, Holland Coll., K. C. Museum Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 265

with a prospectus containing basic economic data on Kansas City, Holland flew to Los Angeles in early March to try to persuade location committee members Jack Frye and Jack Maddux that Kan­ sas City's general economic advantages outweighed the material of­ fers of the other cities. Maddux and Frye were impressed by Hol­ land's data, but stated that the financially hard-pressed company had to have material help. They also told Holland that Tulsa was no longer the prime candidate for the headquarters; several other cities had not only offered to erect physical facilities, but had also offered large cash bonuses. Unable to commit Kansas City to material aid, Holland persuaded Frye and Maddux to delay their decision further.48 Holland returned to Kansas City and again attempted to persuade the city administration to construct facilities for the air­ line. Again he failed. In early May, T. B. Clement, one of Holland's friends within the company, wrote that the board of directors had become impatient and had asked Frye to give an interim report. Frye had informed the directors that although Kansas City was the most desirable location, the city was unwilling to offer tangible assistance. Frye also reported that Amarillo was first on the loca­ tion committee's list because it had made the most substantial offer and also had the cheapest labor market. Clement suggested that Holland continue to work on Sheaffer and the location com­ mittee because a decision would be made in the near future.49 Holland wrote again to Sheaffer, pointing out Kansas City's many advantages, but the T&WA director confirmed what Maddux and Frye had told Holland in Los Angeles; the company badly needed financial aid.50 On May 26, 1931, Kansas City's electorate endorsed a $30,- 000,000 ten-year public improvements program. One of the bond issues passed was an appropriation of $500,000 for municipal air­ port improvements. The Civic Improvement Committee that had formulated the bond program had recommended that three-fourths of the airport appropriation be expended on diking and grading.51 The city council was under no legal obligation, however, to spend

48 Holland to Henderson, March 19, 1931, Personal—Chamber of Com­ merce folder, Box 101, Holland Papers; Kansas City Times, June 19, 1931. 49 T. B. Clement to Holland, May 13, 1931, Personal folder (May-July, 1931), Box 100, Holland Papers. 50 Holland to Sheaffer, May 15, 1931; Sheaffer to Holland, May 20, 1931, Holland Collection, Spencer Library. 51 Kansas City Star, May 25, 27, 1931; Ray Wilson, Where These Rocky Bluffs Meet (Kansas City, 1938), 260-261. 266 Missouri Historical Review the airport bond money precisely as the citizens' committee rec­ ommended. Realizing that there was no legal impediment to utiliz­ ing part of the airport appropriation for T&WA facilities, Holland met with McElroy and persuaded him to discuss the matter with the city council. On June 17, 1931, T&WA announced that its operating and maintenance headquarters would be moved to Kansas City. The company's ostensible reason for its decision was the city's central location, but undoubtedly the decisive factor was the city council's decision to appropriate $280,000 of the airport bond money to build facilities for the company. The city agreed to erect a 400-by- 120-foot hangar with adjoining offices and maintenance shops. The structure was to be rented at five percent of cost, and the company was given a twenty year option to purchase the build­ ing.52 Holland had played a decisive role in the acquisition of the

52 Telegram, Holland to Eric Matchette, June 16, 1931, Holland Collec­ tion, Spencer Library; Holland to Mann, June 19, 1931, Personal folder (May- July, 1931), Box 100, Holland Papers; Kansas City Star, June 17, 1931; Mc­ Elroy to Jack Maddux, August 4, 1931, Holland Collection, Spencer Library; Kansas Citian, XX (August 25, 1931), 7.

Municipal Airport Kansas Citian, December 18, 1928 Aviation Promotion in Kansas City 267

T&WA headquarters. He had delayed the company's choice of a location until the city could make a material offer, he had con­ vinced company officials of the general economic advantages of Kansas City, and he had persuaded the city administration to provide the company with facilities. His role did not end with the city's agreement to build the hangar, however. He also acted as liaison between the company and city hall during the erection of the building. T&WA executives, particularly board chairman Richard W. Robbins, were concerned that the Pendergast machine might try to take advantage of the company during the construc­ tion of the hangar. Holland assured Robbins, however, that he would act as mediator between the airline and the machine and would prevent any interference. Holland performed that role suc­ cessfully; the T&WA facilities were erected on a wholly business­ like basis.53 The acquisition of T&WA was the capstone of Holland's avia­ tion program. The transport company brought a large payroll to the city and was an important stimulant to the city's economy during the depression years. From 1931 to 1944, the company expended over $40,000,000 in the city on salaries and materials.54 T&WA also lent prestige to Kansas City as an aviation center and helped to consolidate the city's position as a hub of air commerce. Louis E. Holland, through his vigorous and imaginative lead­ ership, played a decisive role in the effort to establish Kansas City as a center of commercial aviation. The city's successes in aviation were not wholly attributable, however, to the community's eco­ nomic leadership. The city's political leaders also played a vital role. At several critical junctures the city administration invested in airport improvements that were crucial to the success of the Chamber's promotional efforts. The practice of combining private and public enterprise to promote economic growth was as essen­ tial to the city's aviation promoters as it had been to the com­ munity's railroad promoters.

53 Richard W. Robbins to the author, January 15, 1971. 54 Kansas City Times, May 25, 1945.

The Wrong Place Glemvood Criterion, January 13, 1881. It does not help the temperance movement a particle for our young men to take the pledge at the pawnbroker's. HISTORICAL NOTES AND COMMENTS Society Holds Annual Meeting On October 2, 1971, the Annual terms expired at the 1971 Annual Meeting of the State Historical So­ Meeting, were reelected to three-year ciety of Missouri was held in the Re­ terms expiring in 1974. W. W. Dalton, cital Hall of the Fine Arts Building, University of Missouri-Columbia. Presi­ dent T. Ballard Watters presided. Officers of the Society elected by the Executive Committee for the 1971-1974 term were: William Aull III, Lexing­ ton, president; L. E. Meador, Spring­ field, first vice president; Russell V. Dye, Liberty, second vice president; Jack Stapleton, Sr., Stanberry, third vice president; Mrs. Avis Tucker, War­ rensburg, fourth vice president; Rev. John F. Bannon, S.J., St. Louis, fifth vice president; and Sheridan A. Logan, St. Joseph, sixth vice president. Al­ bert M. Price, Columbia, was reelected treasurer. James C. Olson, Kansas City, and James W. Brown, Harrisonville, were chosen as trustees for terms ending in 1973, succeeding the late George Fuller Green, Kansas City, and the late Judge Roy D. Williams, Distin­ George H. Scruton, Sedalia. Lewis E. guished Service Award Recipient Atherton, Columbia; Robert A. Bowl­ ing, Montgomery City; Frank P. Briggs, St. Louis, was elected as the eighth Macon; Henry A. Bundschu, Inde­ trustee. pendence; R. I. Colborn, Paris; Rich­ Reports of the Society's treasurer, ard B. Fowler, Kansas City; and Vic­ the Audit, Finance and Executive com­ tor A. Gierke, Louisiana, trustees whose mittees preceded the annual report of

Society President, T. Ballard Watters Dr. Richard S. Brownlee (left), Dr. (left) and Dr. C. Brice Ratchford Ernest L. Schusky, and President T. (right), President of the University of Ballard Watters (right), during the Missouri and Guest Speaker at Annual REVIEW Article Award Presentation Meeting Luncheon Historical Notes and Comments 269

Dr. Richard S. Brownlee, director and Judge Roy D. Williams, Boonville, secretary of the Society. In his report received the fourth Distinguished Serv­ Dr. Brownlee noted that some 16,600 ice Award. The gold medallion and individuals engaged in research iu the framed certificate were presented, in Society's libraries during the 1970-1971 absentia, to his wife, Adda S. Williams. year, an increase of twelve percent over A past president of the Society, Wil­ the previous year. In the same 1970- liams also served on the Finance Com­ 1971 period the Society's staff sent out mittee from 1934-1942 and has been a 11,600 pieces of mail. The majority of trustee of the Society since 1932. this mail furnished research informa­ Among his numerous honors was his tion to people unable to come to election to the Missouri Academy of Columbia. Squires in 1963. Dr. Brownlee noted that in the past President Watters presented a cita­ year five new societies had been tion to Dr. Ernest L. Schusky, for con­ formed: the Heritage Seekers of Pal­ tributing the REVIEW article, "The myra, the Historical Society of Polk Upper Missouri Indian Agency, 1819- County, the Polk County Historical 1868." Dr. Schusky, chairman of the Society, the Warren County Historical Anthropology Department at Southern Society and the Perry County Histori­ Illinois University, Edwardsville, re­ cal Society. These new organizations ceived a framed certificate and a SI00 raised the number of Missouri com­ award for his article which appeared munity and county historical groups to in the April 1971, issue of the REVIEW. 117. Dr. Brownlee also mentioned as­ Dr. C. Brice Ratchford, president of sisting in the forming of two other his­ the University of Missouri, addressed tory-related organizations in 1970-1971 Society members and guests during the —the Urban History Association, com­ luncheon. Speaking on the future of posed of scholars and others interested the University of Missouri, President in Missouri's larger cities, and the Mis­ Ratchford stated that there must be a souri Museum Association. dramatic change in the area of uni­ Resolutions of appreciation of the versity programs and that an institu­ late George Fuller Green, Robert N. tional study to consider the overall Jones and George H. Scruton, were goals and mission of the university was read by Walter Smith, Independence; nearing completion. Alfred O. Fuerbringer, St. Louis; and After the luncheon guests viewed ex­ Secretary of State, James C. Kirkpat- hibits at the open house held in the rick. Green, Jones and Scruton had Society headquarters. A special exhi­ been trustees of the Society. bition with the theme, "Conflict: Men, Following the Annual Meeting mem­ Events and Artists," was displayed in bers and guests of the Society attended the art and corridor galleries. Artists a luncheon held at the Memorial Stu­ and lithographers included in the ex­ dent Union. During the luncheon the hibit were: George Caleb Bingham, Society awards for distinguished serv­ Thomas Hart Benton, Daniel R. Fitz- ice and the most popular and schol­ patrick, S. J. Ray, Louis Kurz, Alexan­ arly article in the year's REVIEW were der Allison, Gladys Wheat and James presented. Montgomery Flagg.

ERRATUM James Craig was born February 28, 1817, instead of February 29, as noted on page 49 of the October 1971 issue. Bray's Mill was built in 1875 near Iberia in Miller Coun­ ty. In the 1940s Isaac Smith operated an ice plant in the building. Massie—Missouri Commerce

VIEWS FROM THE PAST

Massie—Missouri Commerce Built near Sedgewickville about 1815 by Mathias Bollinger, the mill was purchased by John Hermann Dolle in 1853 and be­ came known as Dolle Mill. The building still houses the original equipment and mill stones but serves as a feed store.

The original Zanoni Mill "s~ i*.'.'«v --*i^. A-^^T sf V was built during the Civil War in Ozark County near Gainesville. The second structure burned and was rebuilt in 1905. A store and blacksmith shop also served the small Zanoni community at one time. Alfred McLane erected the original grist mill in 1824 on Apple Creek at Old Ap- pleton, one of the earliest settlements in Cape Girar­ deau County. Later moved across the stream and en­ larged, the mill ground wheat and corn and con­ tained a perpendicular wood saw operated by water pow­ er.

MISSOURI MILLS

George Milbank established the Chillicothe City Mills in 1867. Lead­ ing brands included "Superior," a soft wheat flour and "Famous," a hard wheat flour. The mill once provided power for the city's first electric lights.

Noser's Mill on Bourbeuse River, south of Beaufort, was built in the early 1850s by Dietrick F. Voss and later operated by John J. Noser. Wagon drivers enjoyed fish­ ing while waiting their turn at the mill. In 1959 Hugo Rohlfing owned the mill which he had converted into a resort and tavern. 272 Missouri Historical Review

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EDITORIAL POLICY

The MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW is always inter­ ested in articles and documents relating to the history of Missouri. Articles pertaining to surrounding states and other sections are considered for publication when they involve events or personalities having a significant bearing on the history of Missouri or the West. Any aspect of Missouri history is considered suitable for publication in the REVIEW. Genealogical studies are not accepted because of limited general reader interest. In submitting articles for the REVIEW, the authors should examine back issues for the proper form in foot­ noting. Originality of subject, general interest of the article, sources used in research, interpretation and the style in which it is written, are criteria for acceptance for pub­ lication. The original and a carbon copy of the article should be submitted. It is suggested that the author retain a carbon of the article. The copy should be double-spaced and the footnotes typed consecutively on separate pages at the end of the article. The maximum length for an article is 7,500 words. All articles accepted for publication in the REVIEW become the property of the State Historical Society and may not be published elsewhere without permission. Only in special circumstances will an article previously published in another magazine or journal, be accepted for the REVIEW. Because of the backlog of accepted articles, publica- _ tion may be delayed for a period of time. | E Articles submitted for the REVIEW should be ad- 1 dressed to: g Dr. Richard S. Brownlee, Editor P§ MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW I The State Historical Society of Missouri g Corner Hitt and Lowry Streets Columbia, Missouri 65201

1 Historical Notes and Comments 273

NEWS IN BRIEF

At the September 12-14 meeting of terian Church-Division and Recon­ the American Association for State struction after 1860." and Local History in Portland, Oregon, the National Awards Committee voted At the First Congregational Church a Certificate of Commendation to His­ Auditorium, Webster Groves, the Mis­ toric Florissant. The Missouri organi­ souri Commission on the Status of zation was honored for "conducting Women celebrated the state's 150th several historic projects that contribute anniversary, July 15, with an infor­ to Florissant's cultural and historical mal buffet supper and a musical per­ heritage." Historic Florissant has been formance highlighting "Women in one of a number of area historical Missouri" over the past 150 years. The groups organized to preserve the herit­ show, written by Bea Adams and age of the old town of Florissant, Clarissa Start Davison, included a cast settled by the French as early as from the members of the Women's 1767. Established in 1969, Historic Advertising Club Gridiron. They por­ Florissant's primary purpose was to trayed such figures as Carry Nation, raise funds to restore the home of , Belle Starr, Phoebe Auguste Archambault, mountain man Couzins, Edna Gellhorn, Mrs. Bess and pathfinder. The city received Truman and Mrs. Julia Dent Grant. matching funds from the Department Arrangements were made by the of Housing and Urban Development Group Action Council of Metropolitan for this restoration project. Fund-rais­ St. Louis with the proceeds going to ing activities have included special the Missouri Commission on the historic tours and treasure and trinket Status of Women. sales. Historic Florissant was one of 88 Over 3,000 persons attended the organizations, individuals and publica­ Harrisburg centennial, July 17-18, and tions to earn special recognition from many were dressed in period costumes. the AASLH. Featured attractions included a pa­ rade, turtle and frog races, tractor pull To commemorate 150 years of the and rodeo, the reading of the town's Presbyterian Church in Northwest Mis­ history and a number of interesting souri, the Northwest Presbyteries spon­ contests. sored an essay contest last winter. The essays featured events or persons con­ A cast and crew of 75 persons staged nected with the Presbyterian past. an original historical musical, "Turn First-place winner was Stephen A. Out Missouri," for six nights begin­ Woodruff, Marshall, with the essay, ning July 23, at Minor Park, Kansas "William H. Black, Missouri Leader in City. The outdoor theater in the paik the Ecumenical Movement." The sec­ overlooked an actual Santa Fe Trail ond place essay, "George Miller, Presby­ site. The show, a project of the terian Light in Missouri's Dark Hour," Kansas City Parks and Recreation De­ was written by Mrs. Dale B. Pedrick, partment, was free to the public in Prairie Village, Kansas. Becky Brown, honor of Missouri's sesquicentennial Excelsior Springs, received third place year. Jerry Stark, Rockhurst High for her essay entitled, "The Presby­ School history teacher and summer 274 Missouri Historical Review employee of the park department, pro­ The late Governor James T. Blair, duced the show and wrote the book Jr., founded the organization in 1960 en which the musical was based. The to honor Missourians for accomplish­ original music was by Tony Molina, ments in the community, state or na­ choral music instructor at Notre Dame tion. He placed a ceiling of 100 mem­ de Sion French Institute. bers of the Academy. With the 1971 class, the membership total reached 100. New members will be elected each Citizens of Ste. Genevieve staged year in the future if five or more their 6th annual, two-day celebration, vacancies exist. Jour de Fete, August 14-15. Mayor Ervin Weiler and Chamber of Com­ merce President Marvin Harman of­ Westminster College, Fulton, is cur­ ficially opened the event with wel­ rently undertaking the restoration of coming addresses. A children's pet its historic columns which were taken parade, merchants' antique displays, down in the spring of 1970 after one historic homes tour, French Market, of them collapsed. A remaining legacy art show, a Kings Ball and the Prince's from the original administration Cotillion, were featured events. Some building, which was built in 1853 and 20,000 spectators viewed the Sunday burned in 1909, they have been pre­ parade, led by Governor Warren E. served through the years by alumni Hearnes as Grand Marshall. Perry efforts. An impressive ceremony utiliz­ Fairfax served as general chairman of ing the columns began in 1929. Each the Jour de Fete. freshman class at the time of its entry into the college passes through these portals toward the present administra­ On September 14, the Missouri tion building immediately to the west Academy of Squires announced the of them. Each graduating class passes names of seven new members elected out through them to the east just to its 12th annual class. New members prior to its commencement. Last spring are John R. Cauley, Washington weathering of their internal brick core bureau chief of the Kansas City Star; finally took its toll, and today their Dr. Howard Doane, civic leader at capitals stand upon the original base Point Lookout (School of the ) ; as a gaunt reminder of what has D. W. Gilmore, Kansas City jurist and been. An alumni effort to raise funds insurance executive; Dr. C. Brice for the restoration is being led by Ratchford, Columbia, president of the Tom Botts, Columbia, track coach at University of Missouri; Mrs. Jane Fro- the University, who captained Brutus man Smith, Columbia, famed movie Hamilton's 1927 M. C. A. U. track and radio-television star; Mrs. Leonor champions at Westminster. K. Sullivan, St. Louis, Missouri's first woman in Congress; and Robert M. White II, Mexico, nationally known A corporation for the Clay County journalist and editor. sesquicentennial celebration was Governor and Mrs. Warren E. formed September 30 in Liberty with Hearnes entertained all members of the following officers selected: Dr. Sam the Academy with a luncheon at the Chapman, president; Ralph Conley, executive mansion, Jefferson City, Oc­ vice president; and Robert J. Weag- tober 29, when the Squires held their ley, Jr., secretary-treasurer. Lindsay annual meeting and induction cere­ Crossett is general chairman and monies. Ernest O. Mosby is chairman of the Historical Notes and Comments 275 board of advisors. Citizens of both nineteenth-century iron works. The Clay County and Liberty will celebrate museum is on the site of the old com­ their sesquicentennial in 1972. The pany store and features detailed climax of the observance is planned models of the Maramec village and for July. the iron works in the 1860s. Numerous other items include geology, Indian and transportation exhibits; dioramas A historical pageant, "MISS-ouri, of the iron mine, charcoal production, Her History," was a featured attraction grist milling and daily village life; at the Jackson Harvest Festival, and a display of the activity in a October 2. The one and one-half hour show depicted the history of Missouri typical mid-1800s general store. The women including Belle Starr, Carry exhibits were prepared under the Nation, Joan Crawford, Ginger supervision of Dr. Thomas Beveridge, Rogers, Jean Harlow and Sally Rand. chairman of the Department of Mrs. Warren E. Hearnes portrayed Geology, University of Missouri-Rolla; Jane Froman. The pageant was spon­ Dr. William Hays, State Geologist; and sored by the Charleston Junior Study Ralph Roberts, U.S. Bureau of Mines, Club with proceeds going to the Oliver Rolla. Admission to the museum is 25 House Museum in Jackson. cents.

On October 24, the First Bank of The eigjith annual General Sterling Commerce, Columbia, held a premier Price Festival, held at Keytesville, showing of two historical paintings October 1-2, emphasized a historical depicting the Boone County court­ theme appropriate for Missouri's ses­ house columns and the University of quicentennial year. Old-fashioned ac­ Missouri columns, by artist Sidney tivities and entertainments were rem­ Larson. Also on display were Mr. Lar­ iniscent of the "good ole days." son's sketches from his recent trip to Featured attractions included a pa­ Africa. Mr. Larson is art curator of rade, window displays, country store, the State Historical Society of Missouri contests and musical entertainment. and chairman of the Art Department James J. Wheeler was general chairman at Columbia College. of the celebration. Mrs. Dorothy J. Caldwell, associate Maramec Museum, located in Mar­ editor of the MISSOURI HISTORICAL RE­ amec Spring Park, south of St. James, VIEW, spoke October 29, at the Sa­ was formally dedicated and opened line County Extension Homemakers to the public, October 17. The park, Achievement Day. In keeping with with its huge spring and partially re­ the sesquicentennial theme, Mrs. stored ruins of Missouri's first iron Caldwell spoke on "Missouri Women works, has always had a great attrac­ in History." The meeting was held in tion for Missouri historians. Now, the new Home Economics Building at visitors to the park can recapture the Saline County Fairgrounds, Mar­ much of the romance of life in a mid- shall.

Working Overtime Sedalia Bazoo Monthly Magazine, February 1921. The criminals of Kansas City are so well organized they are working day and night shifts, regardless of hours. 276 Missouri Historical Review

LOCAL HISTORICAL SOCIETIES

Antioch Community Church tory of 4-H Clubs and Boys and Girls Historical Society Club work in the county over the past More than 100 persons attended the 50 years. The bulletin was distributed annual dinner meeting, September 19, at the Atchison County 4-H Leaders at the Antioch Community Church. banquet, held October 21, at Fairfax. The Society has completed restoration of the old church building, constructed Audrain County Historical Society in 1859. One of the oldest sanctuaries Admiral Samuel G. Fuqua, the coun­ in Clay County, the frame structure, ty's only Medal of Honor winner, was moved to conform to the new church honored at a reception in the Society building, was reroofed and painted. museum, August 10. Bradford Brett The interior contains period altar and served as chairman of the reception pews, wood burning stoves and repli­ committee. cas of chandeliers and light fixtures. In order to encourage more out-of- Hugh Loughrey supervised the restora­ town visitors to the American Saddle tion. Horse Museum and Ross House, The following officers were re­ Colonel Charles R. Stribling III de­ elected: John Henning, president; Wil­ signed and made arrangements for a liam Eldridge, vice president; John W. new series of highway and street signs. Colt, secretary; Wilbur C. Black, treas­ He has also worked with the news­ urer; and Mrs. Irene Vanduff, cor­ paper and radio staffs to increase pub­ responding secretary. licity and has ordered new brochures to be placed in area museums, hotels Atchison County Historical Society and motels. Members enjoyed a covered-dish Members held their annual meet­ luncheon at their annual meeting, ing, November 23, in the Mexico April 24, in the Rankin Mule Barn, Methodist Church. Guest speaker Vir­ Tarkio. The program consisted of a gil Johnston, Jr., curator of the Win­ review of, and future plans for the ston Churchill Memorial Museum, Mule Barn Museum. Fulton, presented a program on Win­ Officers elected for the coming year ston Churchill. The talk included were Claude Templeton, president; taped excerpts from Churchill's Mrs. Louise Noelsch, secretary-treas­ speeches including his famous "Iron urer; Mrs. Jess Bowman, vice president Curtain Speech." Mr. Johnston also in charge of memberships; and Mrs. showed slides illustrating the removal Ruth Hills, vice president in charge of of St. Mary Aldermanbury Church programs. from England to Fulton. On May 3 the Society sponsored a Recent TV shows, sponsored by the tour of historic sites in the county in­ Society, were the popular "Hold Your cluding the burial spot of outlaw Horses," the history of the automobile Hank Roberts; the extinct towns of in Audrain County, and a history of El Paso and Sonora; Charity Lake; "The Old Fleet Academy," which was site of an early brickyard; Linden, first presented on October 25. county seat; Grange Hall; and Mule Barn Museum. Barry County Historical Society Past president Harry Broermann Emory Melton presented a program prepared a bulletin relating the his­ on Missouri's struggle for statehood at Historical Notes and Comments 277 the July 8 meeting in the Monett Park^Cape Girardeau County Casino. Maps and materials for sesqui- ; Historical Society centennial tours were distributed to Members held their annual meeting those in attendance. in the Common Pleas Courthouse, At the October 10 meeting in the Cape Girardeau, on September 28. Dr. courthouse, Cassville, President Charles Peter Hilty, professor of English, Vaughan showed a film produced over Southeast Missouri State College, spoke his thirty years as scoutmaster in the on "Cape Girardeau During the 1870s." Cassville area. This film, "The Trail Dr. Hilty is preparing a history of the of the Eagle," has won national awards. college for publication in 1973. Mem­ Loren Roden displayed pioneer tools bers were given an opportunity to visit and instruments for making and load­ the Society museum where Helen B. ing various types of guns. Mrs. J. Fred Mueller, museum director, acted as Mermoud presented a memorial tribute hostess. for the Society's first president, the Reverend Oscar Higgins, who died Carondelet Historical Society September 25. At the October 25 meeting in the Carondelet Branch Library, Bernard Beauchamp, director of the City Bates County Historical Society Beautification Commission, spoke on Members of the Society held a tea the possibilities for making Carondelet and open house at the museum, But­ more attractive. ler, October 3, in honor of the organi­ zation's tenth anniversary. A silver of- Carroll County Historical Society fering from the large crowd will go This past summer and fall the So­ toward a museum air-conditioner. ciety sponsored three bus tours under On October 5 the Society sponsored the direction of Pearl Edwin Lowrance a popular "Yesteryear Fashion Show" and Katie Marie Adkins. On the first in the new high school auditorium, tour, July 18, over 60 persons traveled Butler. Mrs. Saline Kenney was chair­ to St. Charles for a visit at the first man of the event which netted over a state capitol and then to St. Louis to thousand dollars. see the Gateway Arch and visit the Edgar Lee Robertson spoke on "The Shriners Hospital. Romance of Advertising in History— Some 50 members traveled on the Pinbacks," at the October 14 meeting Sgt. Floyd boat from Waverly to Glas­ in the Butler City Hall. gow, on August 16. The captain and crew pointed out numerous interesting sites. The group later toured the his­ Benton County Historical Society toric places in Glasgow and Arrow Carl Baldwin, Vienna, presented a Rock. program of Civil War incidents at the On October 31, more than 60 persons October 14 meeting in the Enterprise enjoyed a trip to the Eisenhower Cen­ newspaper office, Warsaw. ter in Abilene, Kansas, where they visited the Eisenhower library, muse­ Brush & Palette Club um, home and chapel. The tour also The annual Hermann Art Fair, included a visit at Tuttle Creek Dam sponsored by the Club, October 3 on near Manhattan, Kansas. Market Street, featured scenes and peo­ ple of Missouri in honor of the state's Cedar County Historical Society sesquicentennial. Some 50 members attended the July 278 Missouri Historical Review

26 meeting and covered-dish supper at and Bill Jennens provided a commen­ the Stockton United Methodist Church. tary and slides, with appropriate back­ A number of historical items were dis­ ground music, on the Civil War Battle played by the members. The group of Westport. also discussed the county-wide ceme­ Dr. Rodney C. Loehr, professor of tery project. Officers elected for the History at the University of Minne­ coming year were Dallas Dale, El­ sota, spoke on "Civil War Eccentrics" dorado Springs, president; Woodford at the October 26 meeting. Wilson, Jerico Springs, vice president; Mrs. Virginia Montgomery, Stockton, Civil War Round Table of secretary; and Ray Fowler, Eldorado The Ozarks Springs, treasurer. Round Table member Jack Randall Joe Hendricks, Stockton, presented presented a program on "Anderson- the program on the early settlement of ville: Infamous Civil War Prison" at Stockton, the first merchants and home the September 8 meeting in Ramada owners at the August 30 meeting. Inn, Springfield. At the September 27 meeting in the Members heard Dr. William E. Par- American Legion Hall, Eldorado rish, professor of History at Westmin­ Springs, approximately 40 members ster College, Fulton, speak at the and guests attended. Art Hicks, El­ October 13 meeting on "Jeff Davis" dorado Springs, reported on his visit Visit to Missouri." to the site where mastodon remains were discovered near Fristoe. Three Civil War Round Table of St. Louis old family wills were read. Dr. John Margreiter presented a pro­ gram on the "Woodruff Gun, one of Chariton County Historical Society the lesser known field pieces of the At the July 18 meeting in Dulany Civil War," at the September 29 meet­ Library, Salisbury, D. T. Blake and ing at Le Chateau. Only 36 of these Chester Fagerlund had charge of the guns were made, all at Quincy, Illinois. program on "Early Banking in Mis­ Dr. Margreiter has been researching on souri." the "mysterious weapon" for four A program on "Early Printing" was years. given by Mrs. J. A. Collet at the Oc­ At the October 20 meeting, Dr. Rod­ tober 17 meeting in Dulany Library, ney C. Loehr, University of Minnesota, Salisbury. Minneapolis, spoke on "Civil War Ec­ The Society recently received $5,000 centrics." During World War II, Dr. from the William H. Potts Trust Fund Loehr served as historical officer for Committee to help with the renova­ the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff. tion of the new museum buildings. A number of other cash donations en­ Clay County Museum Association abled the Society to purchase avail­ A program on "Missouri: 1846 able back issues of the MISSOURI HIS­ Through The Civil War" was presented TORICAL REVIEW for its library collec­ by Russell Dye at the July 22 meeting tion. in the historical museum, Liberty. At the August 26 meeting, L. E. Civil War Round Table of Oberholtz told about Waltus L. Wat- Kansas City kins and his Watkins Mill Complex as At the September 28 meeting in an example of early industry in Mis­ Twin Oaks Apartments, Glen Whitaker souri. Historical Notes and Comments 279

Catherine D. Wilkerson gave a pro­ studies, a movie of the children in gram on "Literature and Art in Mis­ costumes taking part in various pioneer souri's First 150 Years" at the Septem­ activities, a square dance and an old- ber 30 meeting in the Clay County His­ time songfest. The group was assisted torical Museum. by Mrs. Nadean Daffron and Mrs. Anne Sifers. Clinton County Historical Society Twenty-four members attended the Dent County Historical Society July 10 family picnic and meeting at Over 100 persons attended the Au­ Sportsmen Lakes near Plattsburg. gust 3 covered-dish dinner at the Salem Members discussed plans for a display . Charles Jefferies was at the Plattsburg Fall Festival. given an honorary life membership for Some 16 members attended the Sep­ his outstanding work in the Society. tember 11 meeting in the Plattsburg Members held a "Flea Market" in City Hall and heard Alta Mae Shirk Salem, August 6-7 and raised more speak on the Plattsburg chautauqua than $2,000 for their museum fund. and horse races and the Grayson Com­ At the Fall Festival in Salem, Sep­ munity Fair. tember 10, the Society sponsored a Members of the Society compiled a booth which depicted a bedroom scene sesquicentennial newspaper, with his­ in "Grandmother's Day." torical items, for distribution at the Plattsburg Fall Festival in September. Florissant Valley Historical Society The newspaper was published through Mrs. Carter E. Moebius presented a the courtesy of the First National program on "Antique Fruit Jars" at Bank, Plattsburg. The Society also dis­ the October 21 meeting in Taille de played three rooms of antique furnish­ Noyer, Florissant. ings during the festival. Members held their annual Christ­ mas bazaar, November 27-28 at Taille Dade County Historical Society de Noyer. Homemade bakery goods, At the October 19 meeting in the jellies, jams, candy and handmade county courthouse, Greenfield, N. Mat­ items were on sale. thew of Lawrence County, spoke on early settlers of Dade and Lawrence counties. Friends of Arrow Rock The Society has for sale mimeo­ The Friends held a county-wide cele­ graphed marriage record books, 1863 bration recognizing Missouri's sesqui­ to April 1867, and 1867 to 1873. centennial, September 26, at Arrow Rock. Activities included a tour of his­ toric sites, a basket dinner on the lawn DeKalb County Historical Society of the Little Chapel, and a program Members observed Missouri's sesqui­ featuring the Santa Fe Trail. The first centennial and the 126th birthday of trading expedition to Santa Fe started DeKalb County at the September 19 September 1, 1821. David Thompson, meeting in the county courthouse, , Richmond, Vir­ Maysville. Sixteen fifth grade area stu­ ginia, was guest speaker at the celebra­ dents presented the program in keep­ tion. ing with the anniversary observance. The program consisted of a tape re­ Members sponsored a tour of six cording of playlets written by the stu­ Marshall homes on October 17. The dents in their fourth grade historical proceeds will be used to continue resr 280 Missouri Historical Review

toration and preservation of historic Members held their September 14 sites in Arrow Rock. meeting in the Old Simpson College The Friends are soliciting the co­ Building. Mrs. Floyd Miller gave a operation of all doctors and interested history of the state, 1821-1971. Twelve area persons in the establishment of a members answered the roll call, giv­ medical museum at Arrow Rock. The ing facts about the state in recogni­ museum will be dedicated to the tion of its sesquicentennial. pioneer country doctor, Dr. John Sap­ pington, a resident of Arrow Rock in Grand River Historical Society the early 19th century who is credited More than 100 persons attended the with introducing quinine for the treat­ October 28 meeting at Wheeling High ment of malaria. Dr. John R. Law­ School and heard guest speaker Milton rence, Marshall, is heading the fund S. Perry, curator of the Harry S. Tru­ drive. The sale of Dr. Sappington's re­ man Library, Independence. Mr. Perry printed book, The Theory and Treat­ discussed the pitfalls to avoid in plan­ ment of Fevers, is a major source of ning a museum. revenue. Inquiries may be directed to Dr. Lawrence at Marshall Professional Greene County Historical Society Building, 917 South Odell Avenue, The Society sponsored a bus tour to Marshall 65340. St. Charles, September 18, where mem­ bers and friends were conducted Friends of Keytesville through the restored first state capitol The Friends reported that many per­ building. Tourists also visited the His­ sons visited the General Sterling Price torical District of St. Charles. Robert Museum this past autumn before it Neumann was general chairman of the was closed, November 1, for the winter event. months. Members held their October 28 meeting at the elementary school in Gentry County Historical Society Republic. Postmaster Herbert L. Cog- Russell McCampbell directed a sur­ gin presented a chronological survey vey of antiques and old dishes at the and reminiscent history of Republic, July 11 meeting in the Gentry County one of the oldest incorporated com­ Library, Stanberry. munities in the county. Some 40 persons attended the Octo­ ber 10 meeting at the Berlin Baptist Grundy County Historical Society Church. Mr. and Mrs. Paul Daniels, Dr. William E. Parrish, Westminster Stanberry, showed a film of their trip College, Fulton, spoke on "Missouri to Hawaii. and the Confederacy," at the October 31 meeting held in the Hodge Pres­ byterian Church, Trenton. Graham Historical Society The Society's new museum was Officers elected for the coming opened August 3-4 during the Graham year were Mabel Burrill, president; Street Fair and has been open each Carl Muff, vice president; Deva Mc- Sunday afternoon, 2-4:30 p.m. The So­ Claskey, secretary; and Lyman Rice, ciety and the Community Betterment treasurer. Association placed a plaque in the mu­ seum to honor the Lawrence Talbott Harrison County Historical Society family, donors of the building and The Reverend Noel T. Adams pre­ land. sented the program at the July 8 Historical Notes and Comments 281 meeting in the First National Bank, City Hall. Bone samples were dis­ Bethany. From first-hand experi­ played. ences as a paymaster, Reverend Adams related details of the Grand River Historical Association of Coal and Coke Company, which Greater Cape Girardeau operated in Cainsville. At the September 13 meeting in the The October 7 meeting featured a Carriage House, Mrs. Myrtle Shep- pard, retired area teacher, presented program on the Masonic Lodge in a program on "Negro Families of Missouri and Harrison County. Ran­ Cape Girardeau and their Contri­ dall Williams told about the organi­ butions." zation of the Grand Lodge in Missouri The Society sponsored a bus tour, and Robert Mcintosh related infor­ October 7, to Fort , the mation about the lodges in the coun­ Pierre Menard Home and Fort De ty- Chartres in Illinois, and to a number Officers for the coming year are of historic sites in the St. Charles Ruby Smith, president; Carl Slaughter, area. first vice president; Earl Stephens, second vice president; Vesper Nina Historical Association of Mcintosh, secretary; and Robert Mc­ Greater St. Louis intosh, treasurer. Members held their November 5 meeting in Brown Hall Lounge, Wash­ Hazelwood Historical Society ington University. John Francis Mc- The Society sponsored a country Dermott, Adjunct Research Professor, store booth at Howdershell Park, Sep­ Southern Illinois University, Edwards- tember 18-19, as part of the city's ville, addressed the group on "Lost 22nd anniversary celebration, now and Found: Hunting Historical Manu­ known as "Festival of Fun." scripts on the Early Mississippi Girl Scouts of Elm Grove School Valley." toured the Little Red School House, Officers of the Association are Her­ October 18, and saw a movie on the bert T. Mayer, president; William F. closing of the Little Red School in Nolan, first vice president; Charles E. 1950. Farr, second vice president; Mrs. A. B. Lampe, treasurer; Betty Jean Phoebe Apperson Hearst Hakim, recording secretary; and Ralph Historical Society P. Bieber, corresponding secretary. The Society sponsored a historical tour, October 3, to the St. Johns and Howell County Historical Society New Port area, the first large settle­ An illustrated program on old mills ment in Franklin County. Sappington of Howell County was presented by and Maupin cemeteries and the un­ Dick Fleming at the September 14 marked gravesite of John Colter were meeting in the First National Bank, included on the itinerary. Area his­ West Plains. torian Ralph Gregory provided the Members held their November 12 historical information. dinner meeting in Harlin House, West Plains, and viewed the film, "Shep­ Hickory County Historical Society herd of the Hills." Members discussed old cemeteries and Indian burial grounds at the Sep­ Jackson County Historical Society tember 14 meeting in the Hermitage Jackson Countians staged a major 282 Missouri Historical Review observance of the year-long sesquicen­ the United Hebrew Congregation tennial celebration on August 21 in Temple. An estimated 500 persons at­ Kansas City's Loose Park. Mrs. War­ tended the event. ren E. Hearnes, wife of the Missouri The Civil War Round Table com­ governor, was the guest speaker at mittee sponsored a bus tour to Wil­ the program, under the auspices of son's Creek Battlefield National Park the historical society. An old-fashioned near Springfield on October 9. watermelon cut preceded the talk and Mrs. Warren E. Hearnes, wife of a program of band music. Members Missouri's governor, was guest speaker and guests also toured the Wornall at the Society's fall meeting, October House in the afternoon. 19, in the First Presbyterian Church, Dr. Philip C. Brooks was chairman Joplin. Mrs. Hearnes spoke on "Mis­ of the committee which planned the souri's Sesquicentennial, 150 Years of local observance. Other groups co­ Statehood." Musical entertainment operating with the Jackson County featured the "Losts and Founds," a Historical Society included the Jack­ youth group from the First Baptist son County Court, the Kansas City Church, directed by Ken Ragsdale; a Parks and Recreation Department, violin duet by Mischa Ash and Patty Kansas City Museum, Westport His­ Pack, accompanied by Mrs. Mary torical Society and the Raytown His­ Bingham Porter; carillon numbers by torical Society. Mrs. Otto C. Seymour; and an organ solo by Mrs. Johnny Kemm. Approxi­ Johnson County Historical Society mately 300 persons attended. Dr. Leslie Anders, professor of His­ tory at Central Missouri State Col­ Kansas City Westerners lege, Warrensburg, spoke on "Mis­ At the August 10 meeting in Hotel souri, The Historian's Gold Mine," Bellerive, Dr. J. Donald Mclntyre, film at the April 25 meeting in the Old writer-producer presented the pro­ Courthouse, Warrensburg. Musical en­ gram. He showed three of his films tertainment of folk songs was pre­ dealing with arts and crafts in the sented by Mrs. Frederick W. Homan, Southwest. who accompanied herself on the auto- The program, "The Long Hot Sum­ harp. mer of 1864," was given by Calvin At the annual business meeting, Manon at the September 14 meeting. September 26, members reviewed the The account of day-to-day events in Society's accomplishments and made Kansas City and Westport leading up plans for future activities. to the Civil War battle in October was The Heritage Library, Warrensburg, taken primarily from the pages of the is open Tuesday and Thursday of each Kansas City Journal of that time. week from 1:00 to 5:00 p.m. Glen Whitaker and Bill Jennens, of the Civil War Round Table, presented Joplin Historical Society an illustrated program on "The Battle The Society sponsored its fifth an­ of Westport," at the October 12 meet­ nual historical homes tour, September ing. 26. Seven attractions were featured on the itinerary including the Rothan- Knox County Historical Society barger, Cain, Albert Newman, Jr., D.C. Mr. and Mrs. Charles Baldwin con­ McKee and Schermerhorn homes, ducted members on a tour of their Schifferdecker Gardens and Home and pre-Civil War home, on September 19. Historical Notes and Comments 283

Built by Mr. Baldwin's great-grand­ states attended the Society's eighth an­ father near Plevna, the home still con­ nual historical exhibit, September 26, tains some of the original furniture, at Highland High School, near Ewing. dishes and other family keepsakes. Re­ Some 55 exhibitors from surrounding freshments were served. counties, Independence, Missouri, Illi­ At the October 19 meeting in the nois and Iowa displayed historical and Knox County High School, Edina, Dan archaeological items along with gene­ Reed of Quincy, Illinois, presented the alogies and cemetery records of Lewis program. He displayed his collection and Shelby counties. Outdoor exhibits of Spanish-American War and World featured antique cars, gasoline engines War I and II weapons, medals, flags and steam engines. Visitors could also and uniforms. view a narrated film. This event is held each year on the Lafayette County Historical Society last Sunday of September. On August 15 in Lexington, the So­ At the October 10 meeting, held at ciety sponsored a 150th anniversary the La Grange Presbyterian Church, celebration in observance of Missouri's Ben Plank showed slides of the Lewis- statehood and the formation of Lil- town centennial parade, old buildings lard, now Lafayette County. The pro­ and street scenes of Lewistown and gram consisted of an open house at other sites in the county. city hall and the courthouse, the old­ est remaining in use in Missouri. Visi­ Officers, elected for the coming tors also participated in walking tours year, are Delmar L. Lake, president; and bus tours of historic sites and Ebert Reiter, first vice president and viewed movies of an old homes tour program chairman; Thelma Brinkley, and a reenactment of the Civil War second vice president and membership Battle of Lexington. chairman; Alyce Mae Lake, secretary; and Elizabeth Pollock, treasurer. Landmarks Association of St. Louis At the June 6 annual meeting in Lincoln County Historical and Christ Church Cathedral, past presi­ Archeological Societies dent Verner Burks, architect, described Members held their July 15 meet­ the rehabilitation of the Victorian- ing in the future museum building on Gothic church. Officers elected for the Main Street in Troy. Vice President coming year were H. Meade Summers, Conrad Cheatham presented the pro­ Jr., president; William Bodley Lane, gram entitled, "The Long and Short first vice president; Mrs. J. Arthur Line Railroads in Lincoln County." Baer II, second vice president; Thomas He displayed several pictures of C. Grady, secretary; and Arthur E. engines and old stations. Bill Watts Koelle, treasurer. also displayed interesting railroad The Association sponsored a tour to paraphernalia. Mrs. Alberta Knotts, historic St. Charles on October 17. chairman of the Cemetery Committee, Participants visited the first state capi- reported that 204 cemeteries had been tol buildings and toured the old Ger­ located in the county and a complete man quarter of town under the guid­ census had been taken for 54. ance of the St. Charles County His­ Archaeologist J. Allen Eichenberger torical Society. presented a program on "The Temple Mound—Meeting Place of History and Lewis County Historical Society Archeology," at the October 21 meet­ Over 2,000 persons from 10 different ing in the courthouse, Troy. The 284 Missouri Historical Review illustrated talk dealt with the Uni­ sesquicentennial special edition of the versity of Missouri project near New Pioneer Press, which went on sale for Madrid known as the Lilbourn Site. Calamity Jane Day, October 2. Dedi­ Officers for the coming year are cated to Missouri pioneers, the issue Charles Worsley, Jr., president; the featured the first 40 families in the Reverend Conrad Cheatham, vice county. president; Thomas W. Wi throw, The Society is also publishing a treasurer; and George W. Giles, sec­ song, "On the Banks of Wildcat retary. Creek," which will sell for $1.00. Ira Mullinax, a native of the county, Macon County Historical Society wrote the lyrics in 1898. Elford Horn Some 50 members and guests at­ and Edith Jewel Horn Robinson com­ tended the fall meeting, October 19, posed the music. at Traveller Cafe, Macon. Bertha Brown gave the program on "Three Missouri Historical Society Hundred Years of Missouri History." The Women's Association of the President Gerald Kerr presented a Society, in cooperation with the Wo­ memorial service for Mary Graves, man's Club of Ste. Genevieve, spon­ who had served as secretary of the sored a field trip to Ste. Genevieve, Society since its organization. and Fort Kaskaskia in Illinois, October 2. Participants were able to choose The following officers were elected: between a special drive-yourself rate Mrs. Letha Barrow, Macon, president; or a round-trip bus tour of some 15 Parker Stokes, Macon, vice president; sites. The Jean Baptiste Valle House Ida L. Graves, Macon, secretary; and and Garden and the Beauvais House Mrs. Howard Gilleland, New Cambria, in Ste. Genevieve were open to illus­ treasurer. trate early French colonial architec­ ture. Cafe Genevieve and the Old Marion County Historical Society Brick House served a special Creole Postmaster Bill Talbot, Keokuk, luncheon for the tour. Iowa, gave an illustrated lecture on The Society sponsored an "Ozark "The Fur Trade on the Upper Weekend" fall tour, October 23-25, to " at the October 13 the Branson area. Participants stayed meeting in Mt. Christian Church. two nights at Rock Lane Lodge on The Society and the Missouri Bap­ Table Rock Lake, visited Silver Dollar tist College are co-sponsoring the City, School of the Ozarks, Shepherd "Civilization" movies in the Hannibal- of the Hills Farm and viewed memora­ La Grange Campus Auditorium. bilia of writer Rose O'Neill, creator of the Kewpie doll. McDonald County Historical Society Moniteau County Historical Society Members held their August 15 meet­ Some 60 persons attended the Sep­ ing at Indian Creek Cove, near tember 20 ten-cent supper meeting at Lanagan. Mrs. Meda Feasel had charge the Christian Church, California. of the program which consisted of Charles Mathaney presented the pro­ early historical facts about the coun­ gram on "General JO Shelby." ty. Monroe County Historical Society Mercer County Historical Society As a part of the 100th anniversary The Society published a 16-page of Stoutsville, the Society sponsored a Historical Notes and Comments 285 tour of the area's historic sites Sep­ was the burning of a cancelled note tember 12. Some 200 attended. At the for the museum building which was Methodist Church, Ralph Gregory, paid off in August. Mrs. Gene Bart- curator of the Shrine, ram read a short history of the So­ Florida, presented an orientation talk ciety since its organization in 1965. on the history of Stoutsville. Everett Mrs. Elmer Welty reported that over H. Dooley and Otto Loutenschlager one thousand visitors from 24 states also gave short histories. The group had toured the museum the past visited the original residence of Robert summer. A medley of old songs was Stout, Old North Fork Baptist Church, played on the piano by Mrs. Roy Stoutsville Cemetery, the Catholic Bolton. Mrs. Bar tram led group sing­ Church and the school. ing. The Society held its annual meeting, October 25, at the courthouse in Paris. Native Sons of Kansas City Mrs. Karen Platz, Shelbina, a teacher The Native Sons held their annual in the Paris school, gave an illustrated meeting, October 6, at Red Coat Inn. talk on archaeological work, much of Frank Vaydik addressed the group on which was in Monroe County. Mrs. "Kansas City—A Heritage on Which to Platz traced the cultures of man in the Build." area from 8,000 to 4,000 B.C. and un­ Officers, elected for the coming year, til recent times. are Sanford W. Stuck, president; Robert A. Closser, first vice president; The following officers were elected: Ralph C. Hedges, second vice presi­ Mrs. Jesse Stockton, president; Ralph dent; L. Goodman Simonds, secretary; Gregory, vice president; and Mrs. Henry F. McElroy, treasurer; and Christy Menefee, secretary-treasurer. Sterrett S. Titus, historian.

Morgan County Historical Society Nodaway County Historical Society On August 22 Judge A. J. Bolinger At the September 13 meeting in the conducted dedication services at the First Christian Church, Maryville, museum for the fireproof vault which Mrs. Chloe Brown, Maryville, gave a will be used for the newspaper file travelogue of her family's covered- storage in the library. The vault was wagon trip to Yellowstone National a gift of D. K. Hunter, in memory Park in 1898. Thomas Carneal, history of his late parents, W. K. and Jennie instructor at Northwest Missouri State Sharpies Hunter. Mr. Hunter spoke College, introduced his history stu­ briefly about the need to safeguard dents who told of their work and re­ valuable historical records. President search on various historical projects. Elmer Welty accepted the gift. Mrs. I. E. Tulloch reported on neg­ Museum displays for the dedication lected cemeteries in the county and included coin collections and old bot­ told of plans to restore them. tles and antique dishes. President Mrs. Neva Rhodes partic­ "One Hundred Fifty Years of Prog­ ipated in the 4-H Youth Consumer- ress," in keeping with the Missouri ama, held July 6 at Hickory Grove sesquicentennial, was the theme of the Rural Schoolhouse on the campus of decorations and program at the Sep­ Northwest Missouri State College. tember 27 annual dinner meeting in Dressed as a 19th-century schoolteach­ the Women's Civic Club Hall, Ver­ er, Mrs. Rhodes greeted approximately sailles. Some 50 members and guests 300 visitors and told them stories of attended. A highlight of the meeting early school days. 286 Missouri Historical Review

Old Trails Historical Society Joseph, November 6-7. Many rare The Society sponsored an antique items were shown for sale or trade show and art fair, September 26, at with proceeds for the benefit of Patee the Bacon Log Cabin. Profits from House Museum. Special the event totaled over $200. trophies and cash awards were pre­ Mrs. Gloria Williams spoke on the sented. history of the Better Business Bureau at the October 20 meeting at the Putnam County Historical Society Library, Ellisville. The purchase price of a building for use as a museum has been do­ Members held a tea, November 10, nated by Dr. and Mrs. N. W. Gillum, at Clayton House Nursing Home. Resi­ Dr. Grover Gillum, Don Gillum and dents, as special guests, enjoyed a dem­ Mr. and Mrs. Royal Gillum. Dr. N. onstration of "fur fantasies." W. Gillum is chairman of the build­ ing committee. Glen Palmatary and Platte County Historical Society Don Herrick are co-chairmen of a Members held their October 27 din­ fund raising committee to secure do­ ner meeting at the exhibition hall, nations for remodeling the museum. Platte County fair grounds. Majors David J. Walters and Georges Bernier, Raytown Historical Society two Canadian Allied Officers from Ft. Speaker John J. Doohan discussed Leavenworth, showed slides and spoke "Recollections of the Thirties" at the on the history, people and geography April 28 meeting in St. Matthews of their native homeland. Episcopal Church. Mr. Doohan is li­ The Society's project for the year brarian for the Kansas City Star and is the reprinting of the original land editor of the "Forty Years Ago" grant map of the county. Only one column. Raytown High School grad­ copy is in existence. uates from 1929 through 1933 were honored guests. Former school super­ Pleasant Hill Historical Society intendent Albert Oetting acted as the The Society offered awards for items official host. of historical interest exhibited at the West Central Missouri District Fair, Ripley County Historical Society held July 13-17 in Pleasant Hill. Members of the Society met October Awards were presented in each of the 14 in the Current River Regional Li­ following classes: 1) photograph of brary, Doniphan, and discussed the most historical interest, 2) old news­ restoration of the 72-year-old county papers, 3) Civil War relics, 4) oldest courthouse. The county court is con­ envelope with Pleasant Hill address, sidering the construction of a new 5) best collection of Pleasant Hill building. The Society voted to cir­ picture postcards and 6) newspaper culate a petition supporting restora­ items. tion of the present courthouse which Members held a genealogy work­ has been one of ten in Missouri nom­ shop, August 30, at the home of inated for preservation as a historical Marjorie and John Buckner. monument.

Pony Express Historical Association St. Charles County The Association held its annual fall Historical Society Pony Express Antique Gun and Col­ In cooperation with the St. Charles lectors Show at Patee House, St. County Junior Historical Society, the Historical Notes and Comments 287 group sponsored the premier showing "The History of St. Clair County of a documentary film on historic Schools" was given at the September St. Charles, July 22, at the Young 15 meeting by John Mills of Osceola. Auditorium, Lindenwood Colleges. Mr. Mills related that the log Roscoe The movie was written, produced and school was one of the first erected in filmed by members of the junior his­ 1839 and that newspaper publisher torical society. John Smith was one of the first coun­ The Society held a book fair in the ty commissioners. President James D. mall of Mark Twain Shopping Center, Attebery showed color slides of pre­ September 17-18. historic sites and landmarks in the Members enjoyed a "Howdy Nabor" Osage River Basin, including the ex­ party with a covered-dish dinner and cavations at "Boney Springs," near square dancing at the Lake St. Louis Stockton Dam. Villas Courtyard, October 14. St. Joseph Historical Society St. Charles County Junior The Society sponsored a fair, Historical Society October 15-17. Featured events in­ Members of the Society recently cluded a country store; a silent film, filmed, edited and wrote the screen­ "The Phantom of the Opera"; Vaude­ play for a new movie, "St. Charles ville show; and two bus tours. One Missouri—Essence and Reality." The tour featured the 1859 Miller home on Ashland Avenue; the other conducted film depicted the architecture of St. tourists through the 1871 Corby Charles where French and German Chapel and stopped at Wyeth Park. designed buildings coexist side by side in the historical district. The movie, filmed both inside and out­ St. Louis Westerners side, featured such structures as the Members held their October 15 Piker's Club and the Erhart, Tayon meeting at the Al Smith Restaurant. and Powell homes. The usual tour of Following the dinner the group drove the St. Charles historical district does to the home of Lyle Woodcock to view not include the interiors of these a collection of Western oil paintings. buildings. John Wickersham of Maryville Col­ The 30-minute film cost about lege spoke on "Mining in the Rocky $1,000 to produce, some of which Mountains" at the November 19 meet­ was realized from the sale of bicen­ ing at Cheshire Inn. tennial newspapers published in 1970 by the Society. Rolland Kjar, advisor Shelby County Historical Society to the Society, supervised the movie Over 70 persons attended the July production. 18 meeting and picnic supper at the Shelbina Lake. Roy Neff spoke on his St. Clair County Historical Society work in the cemetery, church and Dr. Franklin P. Johnson spoke on school records of the county. He re­ "Kate Warren" at the July 21 meet­ ceived a plaque for his efforts in pre­ ing in Commercial Hotel, Osceola. serving area history. Jim Dixon, a Kate Warren was a daughter of one representative of the Shelbina Jaycees, of Charles Younger's slaves. presented a Missouri sesquicentennial At the August 18 meeting, County map to the Society. Agent Roswell Wayne presented a pro­ The new historical museum was gram on "Humanities." opened to the public in Shelbyville, 288 Missouri Historical Review

August 28, during the Old Settlers and folkcraft at the Bloomfield Home­ Reunion, August 26-28. Located in two coming and Stoddard County Fair, upstairs rooms at the courthouse, the September 20-October 2. The exhibit exhibit included a showcase of Civil included folk music and demonstra­ War articles, old hardware and flags tions in spinning, weaving, blacksmith- of World War I and II. Century-old ing and board riving. garments, photographs, cemetery rec­ At a special business meeting held ords and a number of books and October 5 at the Bloomfield Com­ ledgers were also on display. munity Building, members discussed Some 60 persons attended the de­ alternative museum sites for purchase. dication ceremony, October 3, for the It was reported that the sale of the marking of "Lone House" historical new History of Stoddard County had site near Emden. The early structure exceeded 600 copies. was the only house located in pioneer days on the long road between Vernon County Historical Society Palmyra and Shelbyville, and its At the September 5 board of direc­ owners were noted for their hospital­ tors meeting in the Farm and Home Building, Nevada, members voted to ity. Mrs. Virgil Vandiver gave a his­ close the Bushwhacker Museum for the tory of the site. Emmett Goe and Ivo winter season. The group also dis­ Blackford unveiled the marker. This cussed plans for an essay contest and was the second historical marker a membership drive. placed by the Society. Coffee and cake were served by the present owners of the site, Mr. and Mrs. Walter Schmidt. Warren County Historical Society Some 60 persons attended the So­ Palmyra postmaster Corbyn Jacobs ciety's organizational meeting, Novem­ presented a program on "The Palmyra ber 8, 1970, in the county courthouse, Massacre," at the October 21 meeting Warrenton. The following officers in Sky Way Cafe, Shelbina. Over 70 were elected: M. Neal Schowengerdt, persons attended. Warrenton, president; Mrs. David Officers for the coming year are Brockfeld, Truesdale, vice president; Charles Timmons, president; Roy Mrs. William Simon, Warrenton, sec­ Neff, vice president; Mrs. Gladys Goe, retary; and Mrs. James Bueneman, secretary; and Mrs. Margaret Farley, Wright City, treasurer. treasurer. The Society held its first annual meeting, October 28, in the court­ Smithville Historical Society house at Warrenton. Guest speaker On October 30-31 the Society spon­ was Dr. Ira N. Chiles, Knoxville, sored a "Haunted House" project at Tennessee, former president of Cen­ 510 East Brasfield in Smithville. A 25- tral Wesleyan College, a collector and cent donation was collected from authority on the appraisement of his­ visitors. torical documents and artifacts. Officers of the Society are Jane Jones, president; Ann Coleman, vice Westport Historical Society president; Lucille Taylor, treasurer; At the November 19 meeting in the and Edith Sims, secretary. WTestport United Presbyterian Church, Kansas City, Gregory Franzwa, St. Stoddard County Historical Society Louis, spoke on "The Oregon Trail Members of the Society presented a as it is Today." The talk was illus­ two-week exhibition of historical items trated with over 400 slides. Historical Notes and Comments 289

GIFTS

J. E. AESCHBACHER, Versailles, donor: Sandhill Preacher, by donor. R*

MRS. MARGARET MCDAVID ANDERSON, Orlando, Florida, donor: Samuel Montgomery Documents, 1861-1864 including muster rolls and quarterly return of ordnance & ordnance stores concerning a Missouri cavalry battalion. M

DORA BOHM, Edwardsville, Illinois, donor: Xerox copies of Louis F. Bohm letters, 1866-1868, from Missouri resi­ dents. M

VIRGINIA M. BOTTS, Columbia, donor: "History of Long Branch Baptist Church, South Fork Township, Monroe County, Mo." R

MRS. WILLIAM BRADSHAW, Columbia, donor: Newspaper clippings, brochures and maps of Missouri subjects. E & R MRS. C. B. BROOKS, Rocheport, donor: Lithographic reproductions: "Missouri's Historic Capitol," "Minor Heir and Dan Patch" and "90,000 People Welcome Dan Patch." A

MRS. C. B. BROOKS, Rocheport, donor, through VIRGINIA M. BOTTS, Columbia: Ads for Fayette clothing store and Missouri fur prices; Howard Female College, 1884-1885; Valley Farmer, August, 1860; Missouri School Journal, June, 1896; and other items. R

MRS. VERALEE BURCHFIELD, Marshfield, donor, through T. BALLARD WAITERS, Marshfield: Centennial of Immanuel Lutheran Church and the Rader Families (1871- 1971), Rader, Missouri. R

ARTHUR B. CALDWELL, Chevy Chase, Maryland, donor: Early map of Missouri and Illinois (1823). R

COL. HOWARD V. CANAN, Alexandria, Virginia, donor: Research notes concerning James Craig. M HORACE E. CANTRELL, Elmhurst, Illinois, donor: "Cantrell Families," compiled by donor. R EMMETT B. CARMICHAEL, Birmingham, Alabama, donor: Clippings regarding gold medal to donor. R

MRS. PAULINE CARNELL, Jane, donor: "Southwest Missouri Resource Conservation and Development Project Plan." R

•These letters indicate where the gift materials are filed at Society head­ quarters: R refers to Reference Library; E, Editorial Office; M, Manuscript Col­ lection; N, Newspaper Library; A, Art Room; and B, Bay Room. 290 Missouri Historical Review

CENTENNIAL COMMITTEE, Cross Timbers, donor: Cross Timbers, Missouri, 1871-1971. R

CYRIL CLEMENS, Kirkwood, donor: "The St. Louis-Missouri Centennial Celebration, October, 1921," containing descriptions of exhibits at celebration. M

DR. HOMER CLEVENGER, Orrick, donor: Commemorative stamp book. A

DR. H. DENNY DONNELL, Columbia, donor: Carl Haller Papers, 1881-1943. M

HENRY EDMONDS, St. Louis, donor: "Civil War Experiences Told Out of School," by John Phillip Cone, loaned for copying. R

TOM EICHHORST, St. Louis, donor: Thesis, "Representative and Reporter: Joseph Pulitzer as Missouri State Representative," by donor. R

SAM T. EVANS, Gallatin, donor: "1700-1971 Missourians and Their Sesquicentennial Anniversary." R

ROY & OLIVE FEEMSTER, Amherst, New Hampshire, donors: "History of the Lefors Family," by donors. R

ALMA FLETCHER, Arcadia, donor: Civil War muster roll. M History of Broadway Methodist Church, Plattsburg, genealogical findings and other misc. items. R

MRS. JESSE Fox, Boise, Idaho, donor, through IDAHO STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, Boise: Two photographs and souvenir card of Sunny Side School, Jasper County, 1897-1898. E

MRS. SALLIE FROST, Columbia, donor: Genealogical material including the Alexander Fletcher and Sada Frances Ringo family. R

MRS. NORENE GANN, Boonville, donor: "A History and Genealogy of the Ruddle Family," by Kirk Bentley Barb. R

MR. & MRS. CLYDE GODDARD, New Boston, donors: "The Christian Family," compiled and published by Clyde Goddard. R

MRS. O. R. GRAWE, Rolla, donor: Geology papers of Oliver Rudolph Grawe, 1930-1962. M

DR. ELMER L. GRIFFIN, Overland, donor: Journal of the Annual Convention of Knights of Pythias, Missouri, 1966- 1970. R Historical Notes and Comments 291

PHILIP A. GRIMES, Columbia, donor: Don C. Carter Papers, 1862-1902, concerning Sturgeon Court of Common Pleas, Boone County Circuit Court, Civil War and Centralia Massacre. M MRS. GEORGE E. HAFSTAD, Cambridge, Wisconsin, donor: "Genealogy of the Riggs Family," compiled by Margaret Riggs Hafstad. R MRS. ALLENE HALE, Urbana, Illinois, donor: Pamphlets, books and clippings concerning the First Christian Church, Co­ lumbia, and other related material. R & E

JAMES R. HALL, Hawkpoint, donor: James Oran and Mary Jemima Lemonds Hall genealogy, compiled by donor. R

HARMONY BAPTIST ASSOCIATION & OLIVE BRANCH BAPTIST CHURCH, donors, through NINA GRIMES, Sedalia: Minutes of Harmony Baptist Association, 1957-1970, and "History of Olive Branch Baptist Church, Ladies Aid and Woman's Missionary Socy. 1917- 1959." R

MRS. LAWRENCE HOENIG, Wellsville, donor: "Montgomery County, Missouri, Catholic Churches and Cemeteries." R MRS. KURT HOLZ, Chicago, Illinois, donor: Thomas P. Bundridge Papers, 1859-1906. M

MRS. OLIVER HOWARD, Columbia, donor: Missouri Pacific Railway booklet, 1888. R Brief history of the First Christian Church, New London, 1912-1962. R

LARRY A. JAMES, Neosho, donor: "The Snell-Feland Families, Pioneers of Kentucky & Missouri," compiled by donor. R

MR. & MRS. FRANCIS JONES, Hallsville, donors: "Grandview Baptist Church, Murry, Missouri." R

MARY PAXTON KEELEY, Columbia, donor: A number of Gentry Family letters, 1830-1880. M

CARL G. KELSAY, Rocky Mount, donor: "Moses Kelsay and Some of His Descendants," by donor. R

WARREN KIMSEY, Chattanooga, Tennessee, donor: Letter and article concerning Missouri history and genealogy. M MRS. G. DAVID KOCH, West Terre Haute, Indiana, donor: "300 Years of Cecils in America 1665-1971," compiled by donor. R MRS. R. D. KOERNER, Boonville, donor: Letter of Jordan O'Bryan, Boonville, 1854, loaned for copying. M

LAMINE BAPTIST ASSOCIATION OF MISSOURI, donor, through MRS. ALVIN E. PHIL­ LIPS, Florence: History of Lamine Baptist Association of Missouri, 1872-1971. R 292 Missouri Historical Review

MARK H. LAUGHLIN, Kirksville, donor: Manuscript: "Still's Temple," by donor. R

RICKA LEIMKUEHLER, Mt. Sterling, donor: Copy of Peter Vanbebber letter, 1855, and notes. M

EDWARD A. LOOMIS (deceased), Cameron, donor, through RALPH LOOMIS, Co­ lumbia: Programs from Chautauqua Assembly, Meadville, 1905-1931. R

LEONA LUNCEFORD, Columbia, donor: Several books including Reports of Cases Argued and Determined in the Supreme Court of the State of Missouri (1858 & 1886). R

DR. CLAIR V. MANN, Rolla, donor: Genealogical material, cemetery records, scrapbooks and photos relating to William James family. M

D. O. MANSHARDT, M.D., Peoria, Illinois, donor: "Renfro-Rentfro Genealogy." R

MRS. RVBY HEARD MAUPIN, Jefferson City, donor: A History of the Maupin Family, compiled by donor. R

ROGER MCCOY, Excelsior Springs, donor: Annual Reports for the Kansas City Stock Yards Company of Maine, 1955- 1963. R

MRS. THELMA S. MCMANUS, Doniphan, donor: "Ripley County Records, Marriages 1860-1881 and Mortality Schedules 1850- 1880," transcribed and indexed by donor. R

ROE F. MONTGOMERY, Orlando, Florida, donor: Booklet, photographs and newspaper clippings concerning aviation. R & E

ARTHUR PAUL MOSER, Springfield, donor, through MILDRED M. ROBLEE, Spring­ field: "Directory of Towns of Webster County, Missouri July, 1971," compiled by donor. R

MRS. ADOLPH MUELLER, Meta, donor: "A Brief History of St. John's Lutheran Church, Babbtown (Meta) , Mis­ souri." R

MRS. LOUISE B. PEARCE, Salt Lake City, Utah, donor: "Niels Byergo & His Wife Helene (Bertelson) of Nodaway County, Mo.," by donor. R

MABEL GAYE PHILLIPS, Everton, Arkansas, donor: Master's thesis, "The Transformation of a Library: The Transition of the Library of the School of the Ozarks, Point Lookout, Missouri, From High School To Four-Year College From May 1955 to January 1970," compiled by donor. R Historical Notes and Comments 293

MRS. CECIL RICE, Waynesville, donor: The Pioneer's News, a historical paper with historical items, published June 1971, Waynesville, in conjunction with Missouri's Sesquicentennial celebra­ tion. R MRS. CARL W. SAWYER, Kansas City, donor: Genealogical material on the Lentz Family. R Color print and slide of Missouri State Flower. E WALTER SCHROEDER, Columbia, donor: "To Commemorate the 100th Anniversary of the Founding of St. Peter's Evangelical and Reformed Church, Washington, Missouri." R

JUNE DORTHY SCHUSTER, Overland, donor: "An Annotated Bibliography of Children's Books About Missouri and a Bibliography of Children's Books by Missouri Authors," research paper by donor. R HARRY SCURLOCH, Columbia, donor, through VIRGINIA M. BOTTS, Columbia: Photograph, moving into Boone County Courthouse, loaned for copying. E P. O. SELBY, Kirksville, donor: "The Shoops and the Novingers," compiled by donor. R WILLIAM G. SHANNON, Columbia, South Carolina, donor: "The Smarr Family," by Sara Belle Shannon and donor. R TOM C. SHORT, Joplin, donor: Newspapers: Mountain Grove Mountain Advertiser, December 1, 1898, & October 11, 1900. N REX L. SPEER, Kansas City, donor: George Stein, Clark County, travel-voyage report, 1881. M GRANT STAUFFER, Kansas City, donor: Missouri Commission on Human Rights Papers, 1958-1968. M JAMES L. STONE, Moberly, donor: Newspaper clippings and photographs of Stella Strawn Stone, Robert Gip- son, and old Central School of Moberly. E Copy of commencement exercises of old Central School. E JOHN L. SULLIVAN, Flat River, donor: "History of Banks In Flat River," "History of First Baptist Church of Flat River," and "History of Miners Lumber Co.," all by donor. M MRS. STEPHANIE HILLFGEIST TALLY, Corpus Christi, Texas, donor, through GERALD B. HUBBLE, Columbia: "Genealogy of the Boggs Family," by donor. R MRS. MARGARET W. TEAGUE, El Paso, Texas, donor: Templin railroad maps. R MARVIN W. THILL, Adel, Iowa, donor: Centennial history of Church of the Brethren, Plattsburg, Mo. R ROBERT G. THOMPSON, St. Joseph, donor: Documents of Robert C. Thompson, 1838-1843 of Lexington and Clay County. M 294 Missouri Historical Review

WILLIAM TROGDON, Columbia, donor: Glass plate thought to be Kansas City scene. E

VERONA BAPTIST CHURCH, Verona, donor: A brief history of First Baptist Church and Verona Swedish Baptist Church, 1921-1971. R

BRENT VOORHEIS, Harrisburg, donor: The History of Harrisburg, by donor. R C. H. E. WALTHER, Boonville, donor: Copy, West Boonville Evangelical Cemetery. R

RUPERT E. WILCOX, Kansas City, Kansas, donor: Photograph of Rev. David Doyle. E

VICTOR E. WILLIAMS, Ethel, donor: Letter to Frank Williams, Ethel, from George W. Bailey, Brookfield, July 29, 1937, loaned for copying. E JOHN H. WILSON, Fort Worth, Texas, donor: "Blanks Family From Amherst County, Va.," compiled by donor et al. R MRS. JACK WIPRUD, Great Falls, Montana, donor: Photograph: Hospital Camp Dockery, Nevada, 1901. E R. LEE WOOD, Shillington, Pennsylvania, donor: Daniel Boone medal. A

MARIE WOODS, Columbia, donor: Mrs. Jack Armil Papers. M

MRS. ILENE YARNELL, Vesailles, donor: Data from newspapers in Morgan, Camden, Moniteau, Laclede, Callaway, Miller and Pulaski counties. R

MRS. HAZEL YATES, Greenfield, donor: "Dade County Marriages, 1867-1873, Indexed, Colored Marriages Included," and "Marriage Records, July 1863-1867, for Dade County." R

REVEREND ALLEN ZOOK, Versailles, donor: Centennial booklet, including history, of Mt. Zion Mennonite Church, Ver­ sailles. R

The cumulative index of the MISSOURI HISTORICAL RE­ VIEW, volumes I-XXV (October 1906-July 1931), has been re­ printed by the Society. Copies can be purchased from the Society for $5.00. Checks or money orders should be payable to the State Historical Society of Missouri. The Society's address is: Corner of Hitt & Lowry Streets, Columbia, Mis­ souri 65201. Historical Notes and Comments 295

MISSOURI HISTORY IN NEWSPAPERS

Ashland Boone County Journal July 8, 1971—Old. school photographs. Brunswick Brunswicker July 1, October 28, 1971—A weekly picture series.

Carrollton Daily Democrat August 20, 1971—"County Has Co-Champion Mulberry Tree," by Harold Calvert.

Carthage Press August 14,1971—Civil War battles were commemorated in the article, "Bear­ ing Carthage scars, warriors collided at Wilson's Creek," by Marvin VanGilder. September 30, October 1, 2—A series on the centennial history of the Preston Presbyterian Church, located near Carthage. October 13—A history of the First Baptist Church of Jasper, by Marvin Van- Gilder.

Columbia Missourian August 22, 1971—"J. W. [Blind] Boone Was County Celebrity," by John Jaeger. September 1—[Columbia] Homes [Confederate Hill and Greenwood Heights] Reflect History," by Judy Toll. September 23—"Blind Boone's Piano Finally Comes Home." September 26—Boone County Courthouse columns, "Now . . . And Then." September 28—"Gingerbread Houses Symbolize Victorian Age," by Kathleen Stout. October 3—"[University of Missouri Memorial Tower] Noble Land Mark," written and photographed by John Morgan. October 27—" 'Stan' [Anton J. Stankowski] Remembers Old Tiger 'Home- comers' [at the University of Missouri]," by Ann Hurst.

De Soto Press July 5, 1971—"When De Soto Was Host to Drummers 1917 Convention." July 12—"The Old-Time Ice Cream Parlour." July 19—"Missouri Was Born in Our Area." July 26—"[Henry N. Roe] Never Too Old To Be a Patriot." August 2—"Presidential Historic Papers." August 9—"Work and Play in an Earlier Day." August 16—"Three Swingers [Bridges] From Another Era." August 23-September 13—A 4-part article on De Sotoans and the World's Fair, 1904. September 20-October 25—A 6-part article on the International Shoe Com­ pany. All above articles from the column, "As You Were," by Eddie Miller.

Fayette Democrat-Leader August 7, 1971— "Howard County Had Leading Role in State's Formation." August 14, 28, September 4, 11, 25, October 9, 16—"Historical Fayette," a pic­ ture series of area scenes. 296 Missouri Historical Review

Glasgow Missourian August 26, 1971—"The Kuemmel Family Contributed Much To Glasgow's Early Cultural Life," by Hazel Price.

Jackson Journal July 7, 1971—"What's Behind The Door?" from an interview with Captain Clarence Nelson Fultz, retired Mississippi riverboat captain. August 4—"History of County Livestock Shipping Association." August 11, 18, 25—Early area history, as recalled from picture postcard col­ lections, a series. September 1, 8—A history of the Southeast Missouri District Fair. September 15, 22—Recollections of the origin of the Trail of Tears State Park. All the articles above by K. J. H. Cochran.

Kansas City Star March 4, 1971—"A Man Makes a Job What He Is," a reminiscent article about the Carrollton streetcar, by Hugh P. Williamson. July 10, 24, August 21, September 4, 18, October 2, 9—"Missouri Heritage," by Lew Larkin, featured respectively, telephone, Mary Sibley, Julia and , Zenon Trudeau, Lewis & Clark, Francis Xavier Aubrey and Mormon news­ paper Evening and Morning Star. July 11—"A 20th Century Look At Mark Twain's Hannibal," written by Jim Lapham, photographs by Roy Inman. July 17, August 7, 14, September 11, IS, 25, October 16, 23—Postcards from the collection of Mrs. Sam Ray featured respectively, Swope Park, Kupper Hotel, Walnut Street scene, Second Church of Christ Scientist, New York Life Building, Christian Church Hospital, Jones Dry Goods Company, telephone and Sisters of Loretto School. July 25—"The Last Shoot-Out Of The ," by David Dary. August 1—"Rose O'Neill's Legacy Of Kewpies," by Jim Lapham. August /—"Following The Lewis And Clark Trail," by Dwight Pennington. August 7—"Looking Back at State's History With a Purpose." August 7—"Tracing Ancestors a Rewarding Task," by Jane Emerson James. August S—"How The National [Restaurant] Association Began Here." August 8—"An Indian Woman [Sacajawea] Led The Way As Explorers Pushed Westward," by Dwight Pennington. August 29—"Curators Call Her Madam President [Mrs. Avis Tucker]," by Sally Morgan. September 5—"Excelsior Springs, Mo., Old Milwaukee Station Once Pride of the Line," by Joe Roberts. September 26—"Freemasonry's First 150 Years in Missouri," by Wes Cook. September 26—"Sentiment Saves A Swinging Bridge [at Warsaw]," text and photographs by Grier Lowry. October 10—A special "American Royal Section" featured a number of his­ torical articles on the cattle industry. October 10—"Blind Boone's Piano, A Bit of History Returns [to Colum­ bia]," by Mike Lavery. Historical Notes and Comments 297

Kansas City Times July 2, 12, August 28, September 4, 1971—Postcards from the collection of Mrs. Sam Ray featured respectively, Scarritt Building, Electric Park, Victor Build­ ing and Morse Elementary School. July 16—"Stormy Life for Outlaws' Mother [Zerelda James Samuel]," by Earle R. Thomason. August 7, October 23—"Missouri Heritage," by Lew Larkin, featured re­ spectively, highways and Charles Carroll Spalding. August 10—"Governors From Many Walks of Life," by William E. Dye. August 10-" 'Show Me*—[Willard D. Vandiver] He Said It First." August 26—A history of the John B. Stetson Company, St. Joseph, written by Margaret Olwine. September 21—"Timetables a Part of Rail History," by Calvin Manon. September 22—"[Col. D. B.] Dyer Mansion a Jigsaw Structure," by Edward F. Bowman. October tf—"Balloon Event a Lift for the City," by Cornelius Ashley. October 14—"[Robert Gipson] The Missourian Who Voted For 22 U.S. Presidents," by James L. Stone. October 21— "[Liberty] Memorial Start 50 Years Ago," by James J. Fisher. October 22—" Was His [T. Dwight Thacher] Big Story," by Calvin Manon.

Maysville DeKalb County Record-Herald September 2, 1971—"Woods Is A DeKalb County Ghost Town," by Bessie L. Whiteaker.

Oak Grove Banner July i, 8, 15, 22, August 5, 12, 19, 26, September 2, 16, 23, 30, October 7, 21, 28, 1971— "Lick Skillet," a historical series, by Dorothy Butler.

Paris Monroe County Appeal July 1, 8, 15, August 5, 12, 19, 26, September 2, 9, 16, 23, 30, October 7, 14, 21, 28, 1971— "History of Monroe County," a series reprinted from an 1884 his­ tory of the county. July 8—"Sam Clemens and The Florida Girls," by Ralph Gregory.

Pineville McDonald County News-Gazette August 11, 1971—A special sesquicentennial edition featured a number or historical articles. August 18—"Pineville To Get A Railroad," compiled by Pauline Carnell, from the Pineville Herald, Aug. 19, 1905.

Richmond News July 1, 2, 1971—A number of historical articles commemorating Ray Coun­ ty's sesquicentennial.

St. Charles Journal August 9, 1971—A special sesquicentennial edition featured numerous his­ torical articles. 298 Missouri Historical Review

Ste. Genevieve Fair Play July 2, 9, September 10, October 22, 29, 2P7i—"History Of Our Town," a series, by Mrs. Jack Basler. St. Louis Globe-Democrat July 2, 1971—"Memories Of Culp's [Culpepper's]," by Bob Goddard. August 21-22—A special sesquicentennial edition featured numerous his­ torical articles. August 28-29—The history of a Missouri National Guard unit was presented in the article, "Historic 'Battery A' Finally Gets a New Home," by James Floyd. September 4-5—"James Milton Turner, One of America's first black dip­ lomats," by Reasons and Patrick. September 12—A picture story, "[Thomas Hart Benton] Old statues never change." September 27—"Jazz, A great legend is coming—Dixieland on the Mississippi," by James Floyd. October 9-10—"Building of the [St. Louis] cathedral." October 11—"Belated 'Thank You' From Chicago [To St. Louis]," by David Nathan, recalled the Chicago fire of 1871. October 25—"Eighty Years of Loving Care," a brief history of the Children's Home Society of Missouri, by Elise Cassel. October 30-31—"Langston Hughes," by Reasons and Patrick. St. Louis Post-Dispatch July 2, 1971—"South St. Louis [Blair-Hughes] Mansion Restored Single- Handedly," by Peggy Johnson. July 22— [Sarah M.] Boone [Tomb] Stone Found On Farm," by Patrick Strickler. August 2—"A One-Street Town [Femme Osage]," by Jack Rice, photos by Lester Linck. August 8—A special sesquicentennial edition featured numerous historical articles. August 25—"The Historic City of Meramec," a letter from Jeanine E. Ahle- meyer. August 28—The violent history of the State Training School For Boys, Boon­ ville, was recalled in the sixth article of a series by Jacob H. Wolf. October 24—"In A Missouri Mansion [built by Dr. Elijah McLean, Wash­ ington, Missouri]," by Richard M. Jones, photos by Lynn T. Spence.

Shelbyville Shelby County Herald August 4, 1971—An article about old Shelby County towns, by John Glover, was entitled "Moulton, Ivanhoe, New York All In Shelby At One Time." August 25—"1888 Get Together First Old Settlers [Reunion]," by John Glover.

Steelville Crawford Mirror July 15, 29, August 5, 12, 1971— "Souvenir Photos."

Webb City Sentinel July 2, August 20, September 24, October 15, 1971— "Webb City's Past," by Harry Hood. July 9, 16—"Original Town of Carterville," a history. Historical Notes and Comments 299 MISSOURI HISTORY IN MAGAZINES

American Jewish Historical Quarterly, September, 1971: "The Honorable Nathan Frank," by Burton Alan Boxerman.

American West, July, 1971: "All the Daring Young Men, Aviation Comes to the West," by Joseph F. Hood.

Army, June, 1971: "Why Does This [Missouri] Area Grow Great Generals?" by Col. William G. Stewart.

Bulletin, Missouri Historical Society, July, 1971: "Two Old Battles Fought by Baronet Vasquez," by Janet Lecompte; "The St. Louis Union Station," by M. Patricia Holmes; and "Freethinkers and Spiritualists: A Missouri Case Study," by H. Roger Grant.

, October, 1971: "Abel J. Vanmeter, His Park and His Diary," by Mrs. Jean Tyree Hamilton; "May 1, 1971: The End of an Era, 'I've been aworking on the Railroad,' " by Lester F. Turley; "The Colony of Economy and the Harmonist Sect," by M. Louis Cortambert, translated by Mrs. Max W. Myer; and "Views of Missouri by an Anglo-American," reprinted from the Missouri Republican, December 20, 1831.

Chariton County Historical Society Newsletter, July, 1971: "[Stephen Donahoe] A Land Baron in Chariton?" and "A Scrap of Early [School] History of Chariton County," a reprint.

, October, 1971: "The Mysterious Doctor of Chariton County, Missouri—What Became of Him," contributed by R. P. Leach.

Clay County Museum Association Newsletter, July & August, 1971: "Mount Gilead Church," Part I & II, by Mrs. S. R. "Bud" Helton.

, September, 1971: "Waltus L. Watkins, Industrialist," by L. E. Ober- holtz.

DeKalb County Heritage, July, 1971: "The R.F.D. Comes To DeKalb County," by Oscar L. McConnell; "Winslow Church—1855-1950," by Harry Bryson; "Delano Church," by Mrs. Milbert B. Constance; "Colfax Township and Osborn," by Ruth Lybarger; "The Elias Hawn Family," by Mrs. Ruth Lybarger; "Remembering Our Ancestors In Colfax Township," by J. D. Dunham; "Fordham—1904-1942," by Fred and Esther Osborn; and "The Fairport Tornado 31 May 1898," by J. L. Pritchard, M.D.

, October, 1971: "Picnics In DeKalb County," by Mrs. Lora R. Lock- hart; "Clarksdale," by Elizabeth Guinn and Vessie V. Moore; "Business Places in Clarksdale in 1887"; "Early Doctors at Clarksdale"; "Gridley," by Judge Dayle C. McDonough; "Harris School," assembled by Lora R. Lock- hart; and "Oberg School," by Hazel Ford. 300 Missouri Historical Review

Franklin County Historical Society Newsletter, August, 1971: "Kinkead Caldwell, Early Settler of Franklin County, Missouri," by A. B. Caldwell; and "Nancy S. Harris Armstrong Valentine Biography," by Maggie Wright.

Florissant Valley Historical Society Quarterly, October, 1971: "St. Stanislaus Seminary," a reprint; "Keokuk Chief of the Sacs & Foxes."

Howell County Review, June, 1971: "James Patterson Harlin," by Bob Harlin.

Jackson County Historical Society Journal, Summer, 1971: "Laundry Run by One Family 75 Years," by John B. Spence; "History Student Edits Civil War Letters of Circuit Riding Methodist Preacher [James S. Griffing]," by James W. Dibble; and "Anniversary for Presbyterians, Too."

9 Faii^ 1971: "At Kansas City Museum, Dyer Indian Collection One of Finest," by Irene Gentry; "Fair Days Once Meant End of Summer," by Sue Gentry; "Early German Families Here Were Methodist."

Journal of the Missouri Bar, September, 1971: "Francis Preston Blair, Jr., Sword of the Union," by Hugh P. Williamson.

Kansas Citian, August, 1971: "Missouri's 150-Year History Founded on Prog­ ress, Geared for the Future," by Lew Larkin; "Wornall House Links Kansas City to Civil War," by Francis "Brick" Wornall; "Kansas City Has Had Transit System Since the Civil War," by Calvin Manon; "Two Great Americans, Two Great Missourians [Harry S. Truman & Thomas Hart Benton]," by Randall Jessee; "Big Muddy—A Vital Part of Kansas City"; "KC's OK," by George Franklin.

Kansas Historical Quarterly, Summer, 1971: "The Ranch at Walnut Creek Crossing," by Louise Barry; "A Journey of Stephen Stone: Observations on Kansas in 1881," edited by Gerald Gaither and John R. Finger; and "Estab­ lishing a Church on the Kansas Frontier: The Letters of the Rev. O. L. Woodford and His Sister Henrietta, 1857-1859," edited by Virginia Mc- Loughlin.

Kirkwood Historical Review, September, 1971: "Kirkwood's First Medical Men," and "Cary Nicholas Hawes, M.D. (March 5, 1836-August 19, 1874) ," by Cara B. Dawson.

Lawrence County Historical Society Bulletin, July, 1971: "William Connell, A Pioneer of Lawrence County, Missouri," by Mrs. Ruth Barker.

Mark Twain Journal, Summer, 1971: "Sam Clemens: Pilot," by Lucian R. Smith; and "Mark Twain's Indiantown," by Elmo Howell.

Missouri Alumnus, September-October, 1971: "A [University of Missouri] Corner­ stone for Civilization," by Sue Hale. Historical Notes and Comments 301

Montana Magazine of Western History, Summer, 1971: "Lewis & Clark on the Upper Missouri: Decision at the Marias," by John L. Allen.

, Autumn, 1971: "Lewis and Clark: Westering Physicians," by Drake W. Will.

Nebraska History, Summer, 1971: "The Diaries and Writings of George A. Maston, Black Citizen of Lincoln, Nebraska, 1901-1913," edited by Lila Gravatt Scrimsher.

North Dakota History, Fall, 1970: "Colonel [Pat] Donan and the Image of Dakota," by Lewis O. Saum.

Ozark Quarterly [Pioneer Enterprises Genealogical Services], Spring, 1971: "The Old Wire Road."

Ozarks Mountaineer, August, 1971: "The Great Missouri Cave Hunt," by H. D. Weaver.

, October, 1971: "Early Day [Big Spring] School," by Maxine Curtis.

, November, 1971: "Old time horse farm put—Prussians & Percherons

on the Preston Prairie," by Opal Stewart Butts.

Pacific Historian, Fall, 1971: "Was It Jedediah Smith?" by Don M. Chase.

Pony Express, March, 1971: "Appeal for [Pony Express] Riders 1860-1861." Pony Express Historical Association News, August, 1971: "Early History of Association."

Prairie Gleaner, September, 1971: "Missouri Sesquicentennial 1821-1971."

Prologue, The Journal of the National Archives, Fall, 1971: "Our Heritage in Maps, Sketch of Part of The Missouri & Yellowstone Rivers With A Descrip­ tion of the Country & C," by Ralph E. Ehrenberg.

Raytown Trail News, April, 1971: "The Changing Times As History Is Made," by Thelma Croskey.

Saint Louis Commerce, October, 1971: "The unsung rivermen," by James Swift.

Skylines, Midwest Architect, Summer, 1971: "Early Buildings of the Kansas City Area," by Jack B. Henry; "Cast Iron Store Fronts," by M. Patricia Holmes; "Architecture in Kansas City: 1885-1913," by Donald Hoffman; and "Architecture 1913-1933," by Kenneth Coombs.

Southwestern Historical Quarterly, July, 1971: "Arthur E. Stilwell and the Founding of Port Arthur: A Case of Entrepreneurial Error," by Keith L. Bryant, Jr. 302 Missouri Historical Review

VFW, Veterans of Foreign Wars Magazine, July, 1971: "Missouri's Soldier-Editor, John N. Edwards Wrote History as He Made It," by Elijah L. Jacobs.

, September, 1971: "[Civil War battle site of Newtonia] forgotten ground," by David B. Weems.

Westport Historical Quarterly, June, 1971: "Opening The Santa Fe Trail," by Marc Simmons; "A Commentary," by David J. Weber; "The Western Adventures of Washington Irving," by Fred L. Lee; and " 'Boston' Adams, A Gentleman of the Old School," by Nellie McCoy Harris.

, September, 1971: "The Westport Police Guard in the Civil War," by Howard N. Monnett; "A Letter From Reverend James S. Griffing," edited by James W. Dibble; "Interesting Letter From Santa Fe," reprinted; "Recollections of Old Times," by Mattie Lykins-Bingham; "Papers of French Settlers Record Kansas City's Business Beginnings," reprinted; "In Kansas City Forty Years Ago," reprinted.

The Passing of the Gourd Columbia Missouri Herald, May 29, 1903. Water is never so pleasant from a tin dipper or from a cut glass goblet as from a gourd. The tin dipper smacks of cheapness, vulgarity. It is tawdry and leaky. The cut glass goblet suggests cracked ice and a dark brown taste the next morning. The gourd has the flavor of home and shade trees and the hint of sunbonnets and calico. The water bottle gives thought of dinner parties and dress suits and decolette dresses and other evidences of progress and poverty of ideas. The gourd reminds of the outdoors and red cheeks and redder lips; the simple life of yesterday when we had time to be friendly and understanding enough to be real. Alas, that the gourd has disappeared before the coming of the tin dipper and the glass goblet. No one has tasted genuine happiness who has not quaffed spring water from an old-fashioned gourd.

Titles Were Easy to Acquire Butler Weekly Times, February 1, 1882. When we came to Butler we were only a plain mister; all at once we leaped from a high private in the rear rank right into a full-fledged colonel. If our growth in military titles is not checked by drouth or cold weather, we are afraid we will run right into being a brigadier brindle. We like to live in Butler, be­ cause we acquire titles so easily. One is not required to put his carcass up to be perforated on the field of battle. It's a glorious thing to be a colonel and the local editor of the Times all at once. That's spreading it on pretty thick. It takes a Solid Muldoon to attain that distinction; you heard our horn blow. Historical Notes and Comments 303 GRADUATE THESES RELATING TO MISSOURI HISTORY

NORTHEAST MISSOURI STATE COLLEGE, 1971 MASTER'S THESES Owen, Helen, "Ruskin College 1900-1903." Shrout, Mildred Ray, "A History of Culver-Stockton College 1937-1956."

SOUTHEAST MISSOURI STATE COLLEGE, 1971 MASTER'S THESES McGhee, James E., "The State Guard in Southeast Missouri."

Page, John C, "A History of Men's Physical Education at Southeast Missouri State College."

SOUTHWEST MISSOURI STATE COLLEGE, 1971 MASTER'S THESIS Kraai, Menno John M., "The Landers Theatre: 1906 to 1970."

UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-COLUMBIA, 1971 DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS Bellamy, Donnie Duglie, "Slavery, Emancipation, and Racism in Missouri—1850- 1865." McLaws, Monte Burr, "Early Mormon Journalism and the Deseret News, 1830- 1898." Steffen, Jerome Orville, "William Clark: Enlightenment Man on the Frontier."

UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI-KANSAS CITY, 1971 MASTER'S THESES Adams, Joseph L., Jr., "Reformer—Kansas City Style."

Craig, Douglas L., "An Examination of the Reasons for Missouri's Decision Not to Secede in 1860." Garrett, Lawrence D., "Missouri's Disrupted Path to Secession."

Nesheim, William C, "A History of the Missouri Penitentiary 1833-1875." Spletstoser, Frederick M., "A City at War; The Impact of the Second World War on Kansas City." 304 Missouri Historical Review

IN MEMORIAM

LAFAYETTE M. MOORE COVINGTON, JOSEPH O., Farmington: Lafayette M. (Lafe) Moore, a lead­ July 25, 1896-July 20, 1971. ing promoter in the development of DAINS, EMMIT, Rockville: Septem­ Pershing State Park and the Pershing ber 19, 1914-July 15, 1971. Old Home Shrine at Laclede, died October 5, at Jacksonville, Florida. He DENNEY, G. C, Carmel, Indiana: was 93. Born in New Cambria, Mr. January 30, 1882-August 12, 1970. Moore lived for a time in Canada and then returned to Missouri where he EADES, RALPH H., Kansas City: No­ worked as a telegrapher for the Bur­ vember 11, 1903-April 23, 1969. lington Railroad. He settled in Laclede where he took an active role in com­ ERBE, DOROTHY, St. Louis: July 13, 1895-September 2, 1970. munity work. His efforts on behalf of the Pershing background in Linn FETTING, EDWARD A., Kansas City: County and the establishment of the November 2, 1900-July 28, 1971. park won honors from public offi­ cials throughout the nation. FRANKEN, MRS. W. A., Carrollton: Mr. Moore was a member of the October 29, 1881-August 17, 1971. United Methodist Church and of the Laclede Masonic Lodge. He is sur­ GRAHAM, MRS. EVARTS A., St. Louis: vived by a daughter, Mrs. William July 21, 1890-April 4, 1971. VanCleve of Moberly. GRUNER, ELIZABETH LEE, Morongo BERKOWITZ, SIDNEY, Kansas City: Valley, California: February 18, 1905- June 29, 1900-July 26, 1971. July 3, 1971.

BETTIS, FRANK A., Kansas City: April HALL, MRS. JOHN R., Columbia: 11, 1882-August 4, 1971. February 6, 1892-July 12, 1971.

BUHRMAN, MRS. WILLIAM O., Bloom- HARRIMAN, FRED L., St. Louis: Oc­ ington, Indiana: January 12, 1889- tober 28, 1890-July 14, 1971. November 22, 1970. HARRINGTON, DR. F. L., St. Charles: CLAY, T. E., Jamestown: January 12, July 7, 1905-May 1, 1971. 1892-August 20, 1971.

CLIFTON, CURTIS, Crystal City: Au­ HIGGINS, REVEREND OSCAR, Monett: gust 26, 1912-August 16, 1970. September 7, 1884-September 25, 1971. Former president, Barry County His­ COHN, R. ROBERT, Kansas City: Sep­ torical Society. tember 17, 1898-April 8, 1971. LANE, LIDA L., Kansas City: January COLEBERD, ROBERT E., Liberty: No­ 15, 1888-July 18, 1971. vember 9, 1896-February 4, 1971. LINDSEY, RALPH, Hillsboro, New COOPER, MRS. HUDSON, Carrollton: Mexico: September 15, 1895-July 13, June 7, 1891-June 1, 1965. 1971.

COSGROVE, MRS. THOMAS P., Sullivan: MCCLOSKEY, MRS. GLADYS ROGERS, June 5, 1902-May 18, 1971. Springfield: Died January 26, 1971. Historical Notes and Comments 305

MCCORMICK, LEONARD R., SR., Fred­ SHOUP, EULA B., Kansas City: Oc­ ericktown: October 29, 1893-December tober 27, 1895-April 16, 1971. 2, 1970. SKAGGS, MRS. W. L., North Little MCDERMOTT, WILLARD, Richmond, Rock, Arkansas: January 17, 1885- Virginia: August 2, 1897-January 3, September 19, 1971. 1971. SMITH, HAROLD A., Independence: MOHLIS, MRS. M. J., Waterloo, Iowa: January 14, 1910-June 13, 1971. December 4, 1887-May 5, 1970. STEPHENS, BERTHA FLOYD, Seattle, MOULDER, CADY, Lebanon: July 12, Washington: April 19, 1879-September 1903-June 28, 1971. 4, 1971. MURRAY, JAMES E., Neosho: March 5, 1898-July 17, 1971. THOMPSON, ARDELL, St. Louis: March 31, 1906-July 24, 1971. NOLAND, MARY ETHEL, Independ­ ence: October 23, 1883-August 10, 1971. ULREY, FRED W., Jefferson City: September 22, 1892-March 24, 1971. PURTEET, BRYAN, St. Louis: July 23, 1896-September 1, 1971. WESTFALL, R. E., Half Way: Febru­ RILEY, F. S., Kansas City: March 15, ary 28, 1911-August 14, 1971. Repre­ 1897-November 19, 1970. sentative of District No. 140.

SEABAUGH, DR. O. L., Cape Girar­ WISE, MRS. ABIGAIL ROZIER, Barn- deau: January 9, 1885-December 9, hart: October 25, 1885-September 30, 1970. 1970.

SEIFERT, SHIRLEY, Kirkwood: May 22, WOODS, V. PARKS, Joplin: August 4, 1888-September 1, 1971. 1900-September 2, 1971.

Missouri Girls Are Worth a Fortune Cameron Daily Vindicator, September 27, 1881. Missouri girls not only beat the world for clear heads and good looks, but they just take the cake, when it becomes necessary, to go out in the field and do manual labor. To verify the above, we will state that the other day, pretty Miss Sue Chenoweth, living just north of town, completed cutting a field of thirty acres of corn. Such girls are worth a fortune to any man.—Lathrop Herald.

He's a Dude Cameron Daily Vindicator, September 29, 1881. The youth who parts his hair at the equator, sucks the end of a rattan cane, squints with dreamy looking eyes through airy glasses, wears No. 5 boots on No. 6 feet, sports a double-breasted watch chain to which is attached a $4 watch, wears a horse's hoof scarf pin and sporting-dog studs and says "duced," "aw, yes, damme," and "don't you fail to remember it," has a soft thing in this hard world. He wears it in his hat just beneath his unusually thick skull. 306 Missouri Historical Review

BOOK REVIEWS

Sterling Price: Portrait of a Southerner. By Robert E. Shalhope (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971). 311 pp. Indexed. Footnoted. Bibliography. $12.00.

"These two elements, hunger for status and an attachment to republican principles, were to become the guiding forces in Price's life . . . these two inherently contradictory influences on his charac­ ter were to create an ambivalence in his personality that could be resolved only after much anxiety and soul searching." In these few words, Professor Shalhope has ably explained much that is contradictory and controversial in the character and career of Ster­ ling Price of Missouri. In the last three years, the long-recognized need for a scholarly yet readable analysis of one of Missouri's out­ standing nineteenth-century leaders has been met, first by Albert Castel's General Sterling Price and the Civil War in the West, and now by this first (but hopefully not the last) book by Robert E. Shalhope. With virtually no Price papers surviving, Shalhope has drawn upon many sources, including a large number of manu­ script collections in the writing of this book. Shalhope has not, fortunately, attempted to concentrate on the story of Price's Civil War campaigns, already so well done by Castel. He has, instead, for the first time brought out into the light a unique personality who, in Castel's own words, remained a somewhat shadowy figure in his own book. He has furnished us a life-size study of Price the man, the politician and the slave- holding Unionist, as well as Price the general. In so doing he has indeed filled a significant gap in our knowledge of antebellum Missouri politics, and has portrayed clearly and sympathetically Historical Notes and Comments 307 the dilemma faced by so many border-state, slaveholding South­ erners in response to Lincoln's election, secession, and civil war. Professor Shalhope gives us a detailed and logical analysis of Price's long allegiance, both to Jeffersonian Republicanism and Nationalism, as represented by Senator Thomas Hart Benton, and to his own deeply ingrained beliefs and reactions as a Virginia- born slaveholding tobacco planter. Price supported Old Bullion long after Claiborne Jackson and other Democrats had joined in opposition to Benton. Shalhope contends that Price did not completely abandon hope for Missouri's remaining in the Union, with slavery safeguarded, until the Jackson-Lyon confer­ ence in St. Louis on June 11, 1861. He is convinced that Price had entered into his agreement with General William Harney on May 21 in complete good faith, trusting in armed neutrality for Missouri as "the only course that would keep the state in the Union and at the same time protect its institutions." (p. 159). Nonetheless, Shalhope himself quotes Price as saying at the time of his vote for the Bast Amendment in the state convention in March, an attempt to pledge the state to support the South in case the other border states seceded, that "now I see that war is inevitable. I am a military man and can't fight against the South. This is revolution." (p. 153) Actually, as Castel and others have pointed out, unless we write off Governor Thomas C. Reynolds as a deliberate and conscienceless liar, the evidence is clear that Price had planned with Reynolds to seek immediate military aid from the Confederacy, prior to his journey to St. Louis which resulted in the agreement with Harney. Shalhope's belief that Price was incapable of such deception, even in support of a cause in which he then firmly believed, does not stand up. This otherwise excellent book is detracted from somewhat by the absence of good battle maps to accompany the detailed de­ scriptions of a number of Price's military actions. (Iuka, Corinth, Helena, Little Rock, Pilot Knob and Westport are among the best examples.) Other minor shortcomings are the overuse of such trite adjectives as "brash" and "pompous" to describe Price; and the presence of a few factual errors, some not attributable to over­ sight in proofreading. One example of the latter is his statement (p. 118) that Thomas G. Reynolds was born in Virginia. Thomas C. Reynolds, elected lieutenant governor of Missouri in 1860 was a native of South Carolina. Professor Shalhope caps a fine biography with a masterful 308 Missouri Historical Review summary characterization of Price as a general, probably the high point of the book. He has made a significant contribution to the understanding, not only of Sterling Price himself, but also of the times during which he lived. This book will be of interest to most Missourians, and to Civil War enthusiastists, and is a must for students of mid-nineteenth-century Missouri.

Rethany College A. Roy Kirkpatrick

The Taos Trappers The Fur Trade in the Far Southwest, 1540*1846. By David J. Weber (Norman, : Univer­ sity of Oklahoma Press, 1971), 263 pp. Illustrated. Indexed. Footnoted. Bibliography. Maps. $8.95.

A number of studies have been written attesting to the sig­ nificance of the Far Southwest fur trade in America's westward advancement. Most readers interested in this episode of United States history are familiar with David Lavender's Benfs Fort, Rob­ ert Glass Cleland's This Reckless Breed, of Men and LeRoy Hafen's editorship of the multi-volume Mountain Men and the Fur Trade in the Far West. Until now the literature of the Far Southwest fur trade has lacked a comprehensive study of the Mexican, French and American fur trappers—David J. Weber's treatment of the Taos trappers, however, has filled this void. Beginning the study with a chapter on the Spanish fur trade from 1540 to 1821, Weber destroys the myth held by some that the Spanish were ignorant of the profitability of a trade in furs. Spanish explorers knew of the abundance of fur-bearing animals in the Far Southwest and trade of a local significance, albeit with numerous problems, did develop before Mexico achieved independence from Spain. Americans had developed an interest in the Far Southwest fur trade before Mexico gained its independence but the Spanish officials had made every effort to thwart any foreign intrusion. Once Spanish restraints ceased to be a problem and the Mexican officials embarked on a more lenient policy toward foreigners, the Far Southwest became an important area for trapping and Taos became a central location for traders and merchants. Mexican au­ thorities, however, eventually attempted to control foreign trade and to alleviate this problem some of the foreigners became citizens Historical Notes and Comments 309 of Mexico. Besides removing trade restrictions in furs and other articles, many of the new citizens of Mexico were less inclined to smuggling, and some even established permanent homes in the area which influenced not only the economic life of the area but the cultural life as well. Although the large fur companies operated in the area, the small, independent trapping groups dominated the Far Southwest fur trade. It was in this area that William H. Ashley introduced the famed and colorful rendezvous. Even though the rendezvous took away some trappers returning to Taos, that town remained a center of American economic activity and many of the partner­ ships for trapping ventures were formed there, among them the Ewing Young, David Jackson and David Waldo combination that included a beaver-trapping expedition to the foothills of California in 1831. The story ends with the years of decline, 1834-1846, when the trapper as an occupational type disappears shortly before the Mexican War. Set in the Far Southwest, this volume nevertheless emphasizes the importance of Missouri. Such men as Manuel Lisa, Ceran St. Vrain, Ewing Young, Charles Bent, and Ashley, all of whom spent some time in Missouri, are frequently mentioned throughout the text. St. Louis as an important market for beaver and other fur-bearing animals is often noted. Weber's book is not just a study of the trappers. Throughout the narrative, he weaves their stories through the important events that affected their lives and their livelihoods. And, he places their activities in the proper historical framework and perspective. Weber's task of recreating the lives and times of the Taos trappers was not an easy one. In fact, the many problems attendant to such a project probably has turned some Western historians to other pursuits. Many Far Southwest trappers, unfortunately, were not given to keeping diaries or letters. The very nature of their ac­ tivities, at times being at odds with Spanish or Mexican officials, necessitated the minimum amount of written information. What records do remain of these men have been examined by the author. His bibliography reflects a thorough use of the manuscripts, news­ papers and documents located in the United States. And, he has gone one step further by adding important information located in Mexican archives. The result of his labor is a thoughtful and detailed but never tedious account of a subject long neglected. The Taos Trappers 310 Missouri Historical Review is a significant addition to Western history and it probably will be the standard work on the subject for years to come.

State Historical Society of Missouri James W. Goodrich

Truman and the Eightieth Congress. By Susan M. Hart- iiiami (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1971). 241 pp. Indexed. Illustrated. Footnoted. Bibliography. $9.00.

Truman and the 80th Congress is a modest, carefully docu­ mented, and closely reasoned account of the Eightieth Congress as "the arena in which the battle for the Presidency in 1948 was waged." With increasing and welcome frequency, monographs like this one are appearing which contribute to a fuller understanding of the motives and methods of that most incredible of political animals—Harry S. Truman. Susan Hartmann correctly views Tru­ man as a strong example of "the reunification and reinvigoration of the progressive movement" in American politics. Like many Mid­ western politicians, both Democrats and Republicans, Truman was suspicious of most forms of intellectual liberalism that came from other quarters. He was instead a symbol of the enlightened con­ servative and an important part of "the general tendency of do­ mestic reform to support the long-term needs of corporate capital­ ism, and the limitations on presidential power. . . ." In short, the Fair Deal, despite its failures was in the tradition of many of the "Populist Progressive goals." This is precisely the point which has eluded so many other historians of the Truman era. Unquestionably, this book is important as a detailed examina­ tion of governmental policies and actions in both domestic and foreign matters during a most disquieting period of modern Ameri­ can life. Professor Hartmann's treatment provides full and informa­ tive discussions of most of Truman's major legislative goals. The presentation follows a conventional chronological order. The author not only has made good use of the appropriate collec­ tions of personal papers and other primary source materials, but has assiduously combed the most current research by other scholars. There are excellent discussions of several neglected areas of investi­ gation such as portal-to-portal legislation, the politics of inflation, health insurance and medical care, housing, federal aid to educa­ tion, and all of the complexities of foreign affairs during the early Cold War years. Historical Notes and Comments 311

The author addresses herself admirably to the important role played by Clark Clifford in Truman's plans to arouse voting blocs against the Republican-controlled Eightieth Congress as the 1948 election neared. She correctly concludes that Truman was victorious in his bid for reelection because he was successful in focusing the electorate's attention on the popularity of the Democrat's domestic program and was able to contrast "it with the least popular aspects of the Eightieth Congress and skillfully identified that Congress with the Republican party in general." This is an eminently sound conclusion based upon judicious scholarship. Professor Hartman also concludes that: Comparison of the Administration's legislative program with the record of the Eightieth Congress in domestic affairs invites the conclusion that Truman's legislative leadership was a failure. Such a view, however, ignores the degree to which the legislative record was at odds with the President's goals and fails to consider the extent to which circumstances that Truman could not influence contributed to the dearth of reform legislation and the attacks on New Deal programs. In fact, the unsatisfactory record in do­ mestic legislation resulted from a combination of external circumstances and ineffective presidential leadership. Moreover, in view of the high priority that Truman placed on Cold War measures and his own re-election, it must be concluded that Truman was highly successful where he most wanted to be. It is this reviewer's judgment that Harry Truman would prob­ ably admire the clarity and straightforwardness of such a conclu­ sion. And characteristically he would deserve the right to disagree with all or part of its implications.

Central Missouri State College Arthur F. McClure

Books reviewed and noted in the MISSOURI HISTORICAL REVIEW cannot be purchased through the Society. Inquiries for purchases should be made to the publishers.

An Empty Shell St. Joseph Gazette, January 18, 1882. Nothing makes so much noise as a ricketty [sic] wagon with nothing in it, unless it be a man who insists on talking when he has nothing to say. 312 Missouri Historical Review

BOOK NOTES

The North Arkansas Line, The Story of the Missouri 6- North Arkansas Railroad. By James R. Fair, Jr. (Berkeley, Calif., 1969). 304 pp. Illustrated. Bibliography. Indexed. $7.50. This account of the vicissitudes of the Missouri & North Arkan­ sas Railroad during its some 77 years of existence involves a num­ ber of prominent St. Louisans. John Scullin, president of the road from 1899 until his death in 1920, Charles Gilbert, "confidential man" for Scullin, David R. Francis, former governor of Missouri, Festus J. Wade, president of the Mercantile Trust Company, Rich­ ard Kerens, former overland mail operator and Robert Brookings, benefactor of Washington University, were some of the St. Louis men influential in the management of the line. Formally opened in 1883 as the Eureka Springs Railway, the line extended from Seligman, Missouri, to the health spa of Eureka Springs, Arkansas. Powell Clayton, former governor of Arkansas and United States senator, was a guiding light in the promotion and construction of the railway. Hoping to extend the line to the zinc fields in north central Arkansas, Kerens and Powell incorporated the St. Louis & North Arkansas Railroad Company on May 25, 1899. Regular train service from Seligman to Leslie, Arkansas, was inaugurated on September 11, 1903. For further extension of the line, a capital stock of $3,- 500,000 was subscribed almost entirely by St. Louisans as the com­ pany was reorganized as the Southeastern Railroad Company. In 1906 the St. Louis & North Arkansas was sold for $2,000,000 to a committee composed of Scullin, Francis, Clayton, Kerens and Brook­ ings. The company was reorganized as the Missouri & North Arkan­ sas. In 1909 the Missouri & North Arkansas was completed from Joplin, Missouri, to Helena, Arkansas, at a cost of $6,000,000. The M. & N. A., which traversed some of the roughest terrain of the Ozarks, always presented hope for a prosperity which did not materialize. After several sequences of receiverships and corpo­ rate reorganizations, the line was partially abandoned in the late 1940s and the year 1960 marked its demise. The only remaining vestige is a six-mile short line in Arkansas. The author lists the causes of the fall of the North Arkansas to its location through non­ productive territory, speculative-type construction, difficult topog­ raphy, absentee ownership and management, and hard luck. Historical Notes and Comments 313

James R. Fair, Jr., a native Missourian, who first rode on the line in 1930, continued his interest in the M. & N. A. through the years. The result is a carefully researched volume with more than 200 excellent photographs of interest to railroad "buffs" and to students of area railway history.

The Story Of A Missourian. By C. Jasper Bell, 310 West 49th Street, Kansas City (Kansas City, 1971). 419 pp. Illustrated. Not indexed. $6.95. Though not a Missourian by birth, the author moved to In­ dependence at an early age and lived an active political life in Missouri as a member of the city council of Kansas City and as judge of the Independence Division of the Circuit Court of Jackson County. Mr. Bell was elected to Congress in November 1934, where he served during the historic depression years and the years before and during World War II. Representative Bell was active in the exposure of the Townsend movement which helped defeat the third party in 1936, and he participated in the congressional investiga­ tions of conditions in Puerto Rico in the early 1940s. He also helped repeal the "Pink Slip Clause" of the Revenue Act of 1934, which made income tax returns a public record available to anyone. Rep­ resentative Bell retired from Congress in 1948 and returned to Missouri. The narrative is illustrated with photographs and with repro­ duced newspaper clippings concerning Bell's activities. The Story Of A Missourian, an account of life in the fast- changing, eventful twentieth century, should be of great interest to historians as well as to Missourians.

Centennial History Of Lowry City, Missouri "Pride Of The Prairies' 1871-1971 (Clinton: The Printery, 1971). 256 pp. Illus­ trated. Not indexed. $5.00 (out of print). In St. Clair County on the high divide between the Osage and Grand rivers, Lowry City was platted in March 1871. In­ corporated as a village in August 1884, it became a fourth-class city in 1897. The book lists city officials and presents brief histories of area schools, churches, businesses and social organizations. Over half the book is devoted to family biographies. Many old photographs illutrate the work. 314 Missouri Historical Review

Billings Centennial, 1871-1971. By Centennial Historical Com­ mittee. Mrs. Peggy Napper, Secretary, Billings Fair Association (Billings, 1971). 128 pp. Illustrated. Bibliography. Indexed. $3.40. A pictorial history illustrated with over 450 rare photographs, the book presents an account of life in Christian County from early pioneer settlers to 1971. Included is a biographical sketch of Fred­ eric Billings for whom the town was named. A shareholder in the St. Louis and San Francisco Railroad, Billings donated a site and $1,000 for the construction of Union Church. The town was platted at the site, May 1, 1871.

Tall Tales from the Sage of Cane Hill. By Leland Fox (Green­ field: Vedette Printing Company, 1971). 172 pp. Illustrated. Not indexed. $3.75. Through the years Mr. Fox has written stories and histories of the Cane Hill area, now near the Stockton Reservoir. This book is a compilation of his best stories, many of which have appeared in metropolitan newspapers and others that are published here for the first time. Mr. Fox has viewed the new Stockton lake and surrounding land, and reported the passing scene as well as the progress in recent years. The book is illustrated with a number of old photographs and amusing line drawings.

Centennial Celebration, Spickard, Missouri, 1871-1971 (James- port, Missouri: K-K Printing Co., 1971). 187 pp. Illustrated. Not indexed. $3.00. Located in Franklin Township of northern Grundy County, the settlement was at first referred to as "Big Foot." On June 27, 1871, the county court incorporated it as Spickardsville, but the "sville" was eliminated from the name a few years later. The illustrated booklet relates the town's history and presents short sketches of area churches, schools, businesses and various organizations. Many family biographies are included.

Slightly Ambiguous St. Joseph Daily Gazette, February 4, 1883. A famous college president was made a happy father, and the following morning at prayer in the chapel he introduced this rather ambiguous sentence: "And we thank Thee, O Lord, for the succor Thou hast given us," which caused a general smile to creep over the faces of the class. rf.Vv.LSY^'

~l>2>*

Missouri Houn' Dog Outlasts The Mule

BY HALLIE M. BARROW

[Editor's Note: This article was published in the Kansas City Times, March 12, 1960, and is reproduced with permission of the Kansas City Times.~\

Reading about the "Missouri Waltz" recently brought to mind the en­ thusiastic promotion given another competitor for the official state song. The unsuccessful number was pushed by the Missouri Fox Hunters associations and its title was, "Makes No Difference If He Is a Houn', They've Gotta Quit Kickin' My Dog Aroun'."

A veteran of the first World war remembers the tune as the regimental march of the Sixth Missouri infantry, later consolidated with the old Third to make the 140th infantry, 35th division. Played with abandon on a bitter winter dawn in camp, it added materially to the rigors of combat training in Oklahoma.

The competition was strong, early in this century, between the mule and the foxhound as a symbol of Missouri. More fine mules were shipped from Missouri than any other state. More fine foxhounds were shipped from Missouri than any other state. . . .

The foxhound men wanted the new national highway being laid across the state to be called "The Houn' Dog Trail," at least in Missouri. They lost when it was designated Highway No. 36. Then they wanted their "Houn' Dog" song to be made the state song. They lost to "The Missouri Waltz"—and no move has been made, to date, in behalf of the Elvis Presley classic, "Houn' Dog"

315 316 Missouri Historical Review

The tractor pushed the mules off the farm. . . . Mule classes were discon­ tinued at the American Royal. The sight of a mule was as rare as a horse and buggy. There was even some talk of putting a few mules in Swope Park so the next generation could at least say, "Once at the zoo we saw a mule." But they'll see many a foxhound as they motor through the country. Foxhounds hunt in packs and a farmer is about the only sportsman who can keep from three to 30 hounds at his home. Furthermore, the farmer need not buy a lot of special hunting clothes, boots and equipment or go far away from his home and business for his fox hunt. Likely, his hounds can pick up a fresh scent right at the farmer's henhouse door. All the preparation he has to make on any good trailing evening is to grab up an old hat and coat his wife has been threatening to burn, take his old steer horn off its peg on the porch, and blow a few mellow toots to call his hounds and to notify his neighbors and their hounds to meet him at the rendezvous, the old hay stack on the bluff over the creek. This is the farmers' country club.

They will spend the best part of the night in rare good fellowship, listening to the sweetest woodland music known, a pack in full cry. There is no head waiter or other service. An old gallon bucket hangs from a tree fork. The first one to arrive starts a campfire, takes the bucket and fills it at a nearby spring. He adds coffee from a supply cached in a bee tree cavity and the aroma of boiled coffee floats over the moonlit scene. It's just potluck after the coffee is made. If one of the formers had butchered he may bring a sack of hamburgers, sausage cakes or a few slices of sugar-cured ham to broil over the coals, and pull from his pockets some hunks of cold corn bread.

Young foxhounds have sweet soprano voices. Older hounds have deep, chesty altos, and for each turn and twist of the fox, the hounds have inflections, variations and modulations. Each man knows his own hounds' voices and from the musical message the hounds send to the hilltop, he can picture every move of the chase.

The foxhounds have never been asked to appear at the American Royal but they have "sponsored" a most unusual entertainment which resembles the old-fashioned chautauqua. The farmers owning foxhounds will nearly all be­ long to their county fox hunt associations, and once a year they meet and run their hounds in competition.

The Platte-Clay Fox Hunters association has held its 50th meet at Dear­ born, Mo. This association owns eight acres of virgin timber. In a grassy valley the members have built an open air theater with covered stage and dressing rooms, a modern cook shack, a recreation hall and an office. These annual hunts last three days. The farmers bring their families and camp out. There is just about everything in the line of camp equipment from the latest station wagon and trailer with every camping gadget known, on down to tents and just plain bedrolls. With all the campers, it looks much like an old chautauqua ground. But Historical Notes and Comments 317 the programs on the stage and in the big tent are not by paid professional talent, as with the chautauquas of the 1890s. The farm wives are members of extension clubs and the farm children belong to 4-H clubs, F.F.A. and Audubon societies. They put on pageants, musical contests, style shows, judging demonstrations, plays, all kinds of sports, even to a rodeo and religious services. The men hunt for three days in peace. The farmers, their families and their hounds have a wonderful time . . . and even the fox seems to enjoy the chase. No one carries a gun, as the object of the chase is not to kill the fox but to enjoy the sport, and the music and behavior of the hounds. Old fox hunters are not surprised their hounds have won the last round of the battle with the mules. As one of them summed it up: "Our hounds sort of ran with their tails between their legs all during the war years, but a good hound never quits a trail."

The Razor-Back Hog Sedalia Bazoo Monthly Magazine, January 1922. To the traveler through the Ozarks in Missouri and Arkansas, one of the strangest and most peculiar features of the landscape is the razor-back hog. He is of the Swiss Cottage style of architecture. His physical outline is angular to a degree unknown outside of a textbook on the science of geometry. The razor-back's ears—or the few rags and tatters of them that the dogs have left—are curled back with a knowing vagabondish air. His tail has no curl in it—but it hangs aft, limp as a wet dishrag hung out of a back window to dry. The highest peak of his corrugated back is six inches above the level of the root of his tail. He does not walk with the slow and stately step of the patrician Berkshire which N. H. Gentry raises, but usually goes in a lively trot. He leaves the impression that he was late starting in the morning and is mak­ ing up for lost time, or that he is in doubt about the payment of that check, and is hurrying to get it cashed before the bank closes. The Ozark razor-back prowls around in the woods and lives on acorns, pe­ can nuts and roots. When he can spare the time he climbs under his owner's fence and assists in harvesting the corn crop. In this respect he is neighborly to a fault, and, when his duty to his owner's crop will allow, he will readily turn and assist the neighbors, even working extra hours or at night rather than see the corn spoil for want of attention. He does not, the razor-back hog, know the luxury of a sty. He never gets fat, and, from the day he was pigged, sometimes two years roll into eternity before he is large enough to kill. Crossing the razor-back with blue-blooded stock makes but little improve­ ment. The only effective way to improve him, is to cross him with a railroad train. He then becomes an imported Berkshire or Poland-China hog, and if he does not knock the train off the track, the railroad company pays for him at about the rate of one dollar a pound, for which they are allowed the mourning privilege of shoveling the remains off the track. The ham of Southern Missouri's razor-back is more juicy than the hind leg of an and-iron, but not quite so fat as a pine knot.

Missouri Women In History

Helen Guthrie Miller

Helen Guthrie Miller, pioneer in the public health and woman suffrage move­ ments, was born September 2, 1861, in Zanesville, Ohio. She was the daughter of Stephen Hand Guthrie, Civil War leader in the struggle to abolish slavery, and Mary Annette Strong, who before her marriage was president of Putnam Semi­ nary, Zanesville. Helen Miller was educated at Putnam Seminary, the University of Nevada, Stanford University, the University of Missouri and in Europe.

After her marriage to Dr. Walter McNabb Miller in 1889 she lived in Reno, Nevada, and in foreign countries until her husband was appointed professor in 1902 of Pathology and Bacteriology at the University of Missouri, Columbia. In Reno she was organizer and president of the Red Cross and of the first women's club in Nevada. She served as the first auditor of the National American Woman Suffrage Association with Anna Howard Shaw and as vice president of the association under Carrie Chapman Catt.

In Missouri she was chairman of the Pure Food and Drug Commission, 1904-1908, and a member of the governor's commission on tuberculosis, 1910- 1911. As president of the Missouri Equal Suffrage Association in 1913, she toured the state to secure the requisite number of signatures for a petition to initiate the vote on woman suffrage. She was again elected president of the association in 1917. During World War I she served as state chairman for food conservation of the Woman's Council for Defense and a member of 's National Speakers Committee. In 1919 she spoke on woman suffrage at the Missouri Democratic Convention, the first woman ever invited to speak at a political party convention in Missouri. Elected delegate-at-large to the 1922 Missouri Constitutional Convention, she acted as chairman of the Com­ mittee on Public Health and Welfare. In 1925 she was chairman of the De­ partment of Public Welfare of the General Federation of Women's Clubs. During her later years she served as a special consultant for the United States Public Health Service, associate director of the Division of Publication and Promotion of the American Child Health Association and as a member of several national committees on public health and welfare. She was a charter member of the Columbia League of Women Voters.

In 1948 she was named one of 22 outstanding Missouri women by the Group Action Council of St. Louis. She died in Columbia on June 22, 1949.