Colorblind Christians: White Evangelical Institutions and Theologies of Race in the Era of Civil Rights
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COLORBLIND CHRISTIANS: WHITE EVANGELICAL INSTITUTIONS AND THEOLOGIES OF RACE IN THE ERA OF CIVIL RIGHTS A Dissertation Submitted to The Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Jesse Nathaniel Curtis December 2019 Examining Committee Members: Lila Corwin Berman, Advisory Chair, Department of History Bryant Simon, Department of History Harvey Neptune, Department of History Paul Harvey, External Member, University of Colorado © Copyright 2019 by Jesse Curtis All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT Colorblind Christians: White Evangelical Institutions and Theologies of Race in the Era of Civil Rights, traces the history of black and white evangelical encounters between the 1960s and 1990s. In the crucible of these encounters, white evangelicals forged a new theology of race: Christian colorblindness. Drawing on biblical idioms and the rhetoric of spiritual unity, white evangelicals turned their back on white supremacist theologies even as they resisted black evangelical calls for a more thorough redistribution of power. In the ambiguous space between racist reaction and anti-racist Christianity, white evangelicals successfully expanded their movement and adapted to the changes the civil rights movement wrought. Professing to be united in Christ, they molded an evangelical form of whiteness while proclaiming colorblind intentions. Colorblind Christians embraced a politics of church primacy. They believed that conversion to evangelical Christianity, not systemic change or legal reform, was the source of racial progress. When people became Christians, their new identity as members of the Body of Christ superseded any racial identity. Black evangelicals could use such claims to press for inclusion in white evangelical institutions. But white evangelicals often used the same logic to silence black evangelical demands for reform. In these spaces of ostensible Christian unity, white evangelicals preserved whiteness at the center of American evangelicalism. The story of black and white evangelical encounters reveals an American racial order that was at once racial and religious. Colorblind Christians invites scholars of race to consider how religion shapes racial formation and encourages scholars of religion to think about how race structures religion. Using the archives of the nation’s largest iii Protestant denomination, overlooked records from the most influential church growth initiative of the era, and rarely-examined sources such as student newspapers from white evangelical colleges, Colorblind Christians shows how white evangelicals shaped the American racial order and became successful religio-racial entrepreneurs in a time of rapid change. Using race strategically to grow their churches, white evangelicals invested in whiteness in the name of spreading a colorblind gospel. Black evangelicals promoted an alternative evangelical vision that placed racial justice at the center of the gospel. Their efforts to belong in American evangelicalism revealed the racial boundaries of the movement. By the end of the twentieth century, Christian colorblindness had helped to grow evangelicalism and enhance its political power, but it did so by coloring evangelicalism white. Black evangelicals, outsiders in their own religious tradition, continued to expose these often-invisible investments and pointed the way toward an evangelicalism beyond whiteness. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I did not come to Temple to study evangelicals. That simple fact is a reminder that the people around me have shaped this dissertation in ways I could not have anticipated. I owe a great debt to my advisor, Lila Corwin Berman, who seems to know exactly where the problems and potential are in any chapter draft. It’s hard to imagine what this project would look like without her guidance. A big thank you to the rest of my committee, Bryant Simon and Harvey Neptune at Temple, and my outside reader, Paul Harvey. Their encouragement and feedback convince me that perhaps I’m on to something here after all. Thanks to the academic community at Temple and all the people who sparked new ideas, gave helpful suggestions, read portions of the dissertation over the years, or simply showed kindness that kept me going. Three cheers for writing club! I remember one fateful evening in a writing seminar when Devin Manzullo-Thomas said, “You know, you might find something useful in college student newspapers.” I think I have. Thanks to Sam Davis, Richard Kent Evans, David Farber, Holly Genovese, Petra Goedde, Steve Hausmann, Andrew Isenberg, Hilary Iris Lowe, Brian McNamara, Keith Riley, Travis Roy, Ali Straub, James Cook-Thajudeen, and David Watt. This dissertation was made possible through funding from the Temple University History Department, the College of Liberal Arts and, at the conclusion, a completion grant from the University. I also received research funding from the Billy Graham Center Archives and the Southern Baptist Historical Library and Archives. My working theory is that archivists are the salt of the earth. I know I won’t be able to name everyone who assisted me in archives and libraries, but I’d like to try as best I can. Thanks to Katherine v Graber, Keith Call, and the rest of the staff at the Billy Graham Center Archives. They were so quick to answer all my questions and help me with what I needed (even if I proved it is possible to ask stupid questions). Thanks to Taffey Hall and her staff at the Southern Baptist Historical Library and Archives. I have very fond memories of my week in Nashville. I also owe a special thanks to Glen Pierce at the Messiah College Archives, who patiently assisted me when I was a very green researcher indeed. Thanks also to Anna-Kajsa Anderson at the F.M. Johnson Archives and Special Collections at North Park University; Hendrina VanSpronsen at Heritage Hall, Calvin University; Laura Habecker at the Willard J. Houghton Library, Houghton University; Corie Zylstra at the Crowell Library Archives, Moody Bible Institute; Sunya Notley at Bailey Library, Nyack College; Amy Yuncker at the Everett L. Cattell Library, Malone University; and Melvin Hartwick at the Masland Library, Cairn University. Special thanks also to David Goss and Sarah Larlee at the Gordon College archives. On the strength of a single email inquiry from a stranger, Sarah spent what I imagine was a considerable amount of time tracking down documents in the archives. I would also like to thank the American Society for Church History, the Conference on Faith and History, and the New Hampshire Institute of Politics at St. Anselm College for opportunities to present parts of the dissertation at conferences. Thanks to all the people who took the time to chair panels, offer feedback, and ask questions that stuck with me, including Carolyn Renée Dupont, Mary Beth Swetnam Matthews, Andrew Moore, and Daniel K. Williams. Thanks also to those in and beyond these spaces who helped behind the scenes, including Curtis Evans, Paul Matzko, and David Swartz. vi To my spouse I owe the greatest thanks of all. The hardest work of a project like this is not intellectual, and much of the labor is borne by those closest to us. Alicia, you know my solitary name on the title page is merely convention that hides the truth. And to my three boys—I’ll not pretend I did this for them; after all, they would have preferred a little more Lego time. But I’m grateful to them for reminding me not to take this academic stuff too seriously. I will always remember the Chicago trip. I hope they do too. Finally, I must confess my gratitude to God. Completing a dissertation is an accomplishment, but my distinct impression is that it is a gift unearned. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS page ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.................................................................................................v CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION........................................................................................1 CHAPTER 2: WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE ONE IN CHRIST? EVANGELICALS ENCOUNTER THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT.........................17 CHAPTER 3: CREATING THE COLORBLIND CAMPUS............................................70 CHAPTER 4: GROWING THE HOMOGENEOUS CHURCH.....................................117 CHAPTER 5: A MISSION FIELD NEXT DOOR: COLORBLIND CHRISTIANS AND THE URBAN CRISIS............................................................................................167 CHAPTER 6: TWO GOSPELS ON A GLOBAL STAGE: FROM LAUSANNE 1974 TO HOUSTON 1985...............................................................................................212 CHAPTER 7: THE TURNING POINT THAT WASN’T: COLORBLIND CHRISTIANS AND “RACIAL RECONCILITION”......................................................264 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSION.........................................................................................324 BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................................................................334 viii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION On the evening of November 24, 2014, St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney Bob McCulloch announced that a white police officer would not be indicted for the shooting death of a black teenager, Michael Brown, in Ferguson, Missouri. As the nation looked on, Michael Brown’s family cried out in grief and fires raged in the night. The moment produced astonishing split-screen images: the President