Homelessness Among Immigrant Women in Ireland: a Qualitative Exploration

Homelessness Among Immigrant Women in Ireland: A Qualitative Exploration

Sarah Parker

August 2011

This thesis is submitted to the School of Social Work and Social Policy, Trinity College Dublin, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Masters in Applied Social Research

Under the supervision of Dr. Paula Mayock

DECLARATION

I declare that this thesis is entirely my own work. It has not been submitted to this or any other institution for degree or publication.

I authorise the University of Dublin to lend this thesis to other institutes or individuals. I further agree that this thesis may be copied at the request of other institutes or individuals for the purpose of scholarly work.

______

Sarah Parker

29th August 2011

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The women who shared their unique and personal stories with me will be remembered for their honesty and generosity. Without their time, cooperation and openness this dissertation would not have been possible.

I would also like to thank my Supervisor, Dr. Paula Mayock, for her continuous guidance, and encouragement throughout this research process. For your commitment, insight and support I am truly grateful.

Finally, my family, who took on the arduous task of proof reading this thesis draft by draft, section by section. Thank you for all your help and support.

ABSTRACT

Alongside recent trends of ‘feminised’ migration, an increasing number of immigrant women are presenting as homeless in Europe. Yet a paucity of knowledge concerning the unique lives of these women exists within the homeless research literature, particularly in the Irish context. Relatively little is known about the experiences of this sub-group and as a result, they remain largely ‘invisible’ at a political, legal and socio-economic level, often facing high levels of marginalisation and social exclusion. The current study sought to contribute to an emerging body of research in this area, by providing a qualitative, in-depth understanding of the experiences of homeless immigrant women in Ireland. Based on a biographical approach, secondary analysis was performed on fifteen life-history interview transcripts with immigrant women who are participants in a larger study on women and homelessness in Ireland. These data were supplemented with two additional life-history interviews conducted by the researcher with immigrant women recruited using targeted sampling strategies. Qualitative thematic analysis was performed on the data - 17 interviews in total – identifying dominant themes, patterns and relationships that emerged. The findings indicated that a continuum of processes, crossing both individual and structural dimensions, shaped immigrant women’s experiences of homelessness in the Irish context. Indeed, personal factors were often linked to one or more systematic issues and compounded by a number of cultural barriers that not only propelled them into homelessness, but also perpetuated and pro-longed their experiences of housing instability. In addition a distinct connection between homelessness and domestic abuse was identified, exposing a dynamic relationship between these two processes. Finally, the study highlighted a number of cultural and structural barriers to disclosure in relation to domestic violence and homelessness, impacting the immigrant women’s ability, and willingness, to seek help despite their urgent need of assistance.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter 1: Introduction...... 1

1.1 Defining Homelessness…………………………………...…………………....1

Contemporary Definitions……………………………………………………..2

‘Home’ and ‘Homelessness’ – Theoretical Conceptualisations……………….4

1.2 Background and Rationale for the Current Study………………………….…6

1.3 The Study on which The Current Research is Based………………………….8

1.4 Overview of the Research Aims………………………………………………...8

1.5 Study Outline……………………………………………………………………..9

Chapter 2: Literature Review...... 10

2.1 Trading Places: An Overview of Immigration in Ireland...... 10

2.2 The Feminisation of Migration…………………………………………..…...12

2.3 Routes to Homelessness: The Role of Structural Factors……..………...… 14

Immigration Status and Access to Welfare ………………………………….15

Unemployment and Income Poverty………………………………………....15

Housing Market Discrimination……………………………………………...19

2.4 Routes to Homelessness: The Role of Domestic Violence…………………….21

2.5 Approaches to Help Seeking and Interaction with Services…………..……..23 Homeless Services Vs, Domestic Services…………………………………..24

Social Isolation and Cultural Remoteness……………………………………25

A ‘Culture of Shame’………………………………………………………...27

2.6 Conclusion...... 28

Chapter 3: Methodology...... 29

3.1Study Aims and Objectives...... 29

3.2 Study Design...... 30

The Qualitative Approach……………………………………………………30

Research Methods……………………………………………………………32

Participant Recruitment………………………………………………………34

Data Collection……………………………………………………………….36

Data Analysis………………………………………………………………...39

3.3 Ethical Considerations………………………………………………………….40

Participant Safety…………………………………………………………….41

Researcher Safety…………………………………………………………….43

3.4 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………43

Chapter 4: Research Findings...... 45

4.1Participant Profile...... 45

4.2 Immigrant Women’s Pathways to Homelessness…………………………..47

Intimate Partner Violence……………………………………………….….47

Experiences of Violence……………………………………………….…...48

Exiting Domestic Violence……………………………………………..…..51

Poverty, Unemployment and Personal Challenges……………………..….,54

4.3 Barriers to Exiting Homelessness………………………………………...... 57

Structural Factors………………………………………………………..….57

Interpersonal Factors…………………………………………………….…..59

4.4 Approaches to Help Seeking and Interaction with Services…………..…..…61

Lack of familiarity with Services…………………………………………….62

Reluctance to Use Services…………………………………….……….……64

Experiences with Services……………………………………………….…..64

4.5 Coping with Homelessness……………………………………….………..……67

Identity and ‘Self’……………………………………………………………67

The Future……………………………………………………………………69

4.6 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………….71

Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusion...... 72

5.1 The Role of Structural Factors……………………………………………….73

5.2 A Dynamic Relationship: Homelessness and Domestic Violence………..….76

5.3 Barriers to Disclosure: Approaches to Help Seeking…………………...... …78

5.4 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………….81

References...... 83

Appendices...... 91

Appendix A: Information Sheet and Consent Form……………………………...91

Appendix B Information Sheet for Service Providers……………………………94

Appendix C: Information Flyer……………………………………………………95

Appendix D: List of Support Services……………………………………………..96

Appendix E: Interview Schedule…………………………………………………..99

Appendix F: Questionnaire……………………………………………………….113

1. INTRODUCTION

An increasing number of immigrant women are presenting as homeless in Europe (FEANTSA, 2002). Yet a paucity of knowledge concerning the unique lives of these women exists within the homeless research literature, particularly in the Irish context. Based on a biographical approach - incorporating secondary data analysis of life-history interviews with homeless immigrant women and the conduct of two additional interviews by the researcher – the present study sought to help fill this gap by providing an in-depth understanding of the experiences of homeless immigrant women in Ireland. This chapter introduces the subject of the current research in more depth and locates it within the wider contexts of immigration and female homelessness. It begins with a discussion of the ambiguity of the term ‘homelessness’, including an overview of the debate concerning its definition. These points will be discussed in the context of legal, theoretical and contemporary discourses within existing literature. The focus then shifts to a brief discussion of the relevant gaps in research knowledge that have been identified and highlighted with the aim of providing the rationale for the present study. An outline of the larger biographical study on women and homelessness on which the current research is based, and from which the bulk of the data for the purposes of secondary analysis has been drawn, will then be provided. This will be followed by a brief description of the current study including a summarised overview of the research aims; concluding with an outline of the proceeding chapters.

1.1 Defining Homelessness

There has been a traditional lack of consensus in relation to agreement on a universally accepted definition of homelessness across the EU due to it’s ambiguous and dynamic nature (Edgar, 2010). Indeed, the insurmountable difficulties associated with defining homelessness have been widely acknowledged and debated, both in Ireland and internationally (Mayock& O’Sullivan, 2007). This section provides an overview of contemporary and theoretical definitions of homelessness that have been used within interdisciplinary discourses.

Contemporary Definitions

Challenges in relation to defining homelessness often arise due to difficulties associated with identifying the particular processes that make an individual particularly vulnerable to housing instability. For instance, Edgar (2010: 1) highlights the complexity of the interactions between the various ‘pathways’ into homelessness, which can involve; ‘structural, institutional, relationship and personal factors’. These factors often refer to a myriad of issues

that may impact an individual’s homeless trajectory such as; poverty, housing exclusion, immigration, inadequate mainstream services, relationship/family break-down or abuse, disability, addiction and/or low educational attainment This highlights the diversity of homeless populations and the uniqueness of their individual life-histories and experiences. Such diversity makes any kind of restricted or homogenous definition largely insufficient.

In addition, there may be a lack of agreement on what exactly constitutes homelessness. For instance, the definition of homelessness outlined in Section 2 of the Irish Housing Act, 1988 ‘includes individuals accommodated within emergency hostels, shelters, bed and breakfast accommodation and those sleeping rough but excludes those involuntarily sharing accommodation with family or friends or living in insecure, inadequate or below standard accommodation’. Often regarded as representing a narrow view of homelessness, this definition has been criticized for excluding individuals who experience ‘hidden homelessness’ and those who are ‘at risk’ of homelessness (Collins and McKeown, 1992). Indeed, it has been argued that homelessness should be considered as a ‘continuum’ ranging from ‘people at risk of homelessness to people who are temporarily or episodically without shelter, to individuals who are persistently homeless’ (Mayock& O’Sullivan, 2007: 41). It would therefore seem that the legal definition outlined above is somewhat inadequate.

This critique is particularly relevant to homeless women, who are more likely to be ‘at risk’ of homelessness, particularly in contexts where they may be experiencing domestic abuse or living under the threat of violence (Baptista, 2010). Many women may also avoid homeless hostel accommodation and/or sleeping on the streets, instead preferring to remain ‘unseen’ by arranging to stay temporarily with friends, acquaintances or family (Baptista, 2010). Indeed, Baptista (2010: 166) argues that narrow definitions akin to the one outlined above render women’s homelessness as ‘statistically invisible’. Although such definitions may allow authorities to assess homelessness and service provision, they fail to capture the service requirements and needs of homeless women (Edgar & Doherty, 2001). Thus, it would appear that the absence of a reliable, inclusive and global definition of homelessness has lead to a significant gap in the homeless research literature, particularly in relation to gendered homelessness, which is often ignored within broader policy frameworks as a result.

While there has been no agreed universal or absolute definition of homelessness to date, the last decade has seen changing conceptualizations of homelessness emerge alongside a

growing body of literature on the subject. This new consensus is gradually evolving in both academic research and policy development (Busch-Geertsema, 2010). Indeed, recent years have seen significant progress in both European and Irish contexts in this regard. Of particular note is FEANTSA’s (The European Federation of National Organisations Working with the Homeless) development and adoption of ETHOS – European Typology on Homelessness and Housing Exclusion – which provides a more inclusive and comprehensive range of homeless and housing exclusion situations. The ETHOS typology, described in brief below, has been cited in contemporary reports on homelessness in Ireland (e.g. Homeless Agency, 2008) and is widely accepted in almost all European countries as a useful approach to homelessness (Busch-Geertsema, 2010).

‘The ETHOS typology begins with the conceptual understanding that there are three domains which constitute a “home”, the absence of which can be taken to delineate homelessness. Having a home can be understood as: having an adequate dwelling (or space) over which a person and his/her family can exercise exclusive possession (physical domain); being able to maintain privacy and enjoy relations (social domain) and having a legal title to occupation (legal domain). This leads to the 4 main concepts of Rooflessness, Houselessness, Insecure Housing and Inadequate Housing all of which can be taken to indicate the absence of a home.’

(www.feantsa.org)

Advocates of the model argue that this robust definition helps to better understand and address the experiences of homeless women since it is a ‘home-based’, more inclusive definition, which classifies individuals according to their living situation rather than houselessness alone. It therefore captures both the process of housing instability and the factors that underlie this process (Busch-Geertsema, 2010).

It is clear from the above discussion that increased risk of homelessness cannot be attributed to one single event. Rather, it arises from varied and diverse circumstances or processes that lead to increased vulnerability in the housing and labour markets (Edgar, 2010). Thus, it is important that definitions of homelessness reflect this multi-dimensionality; viewing homelessness as a dynamic and multifarious process that is ‘socially constructed’ as opposed to a purely ‘static phenomenon’ (Mayock& O’Sullivan, 2007).

‘Home’ and ‘Homelessness’ – Theoretical Conceptualisations

Paralleling the debates on definitions of homelessness, theoretical discourses surrounding the notion of 'home' have sparked much interdisciplinary debate in relation to the meanings attached to, and experiences of, this malleable concept (Mallett, 2004). Many authors refute the view that 'home' is simply a physical structure or dwelling, arguing that this one- dimensional conceptualisation fails to take into account associations of home/home ownership with social interaction/relationships (Saunders & Williams, 1988), a sense of safety and comfort (Moore, 1984), feelings of security and belonging (Dupuis & Thorns, 1996), or indeed, feelings of fear, isolation and confinement (Giddens, 1994). Mayock& O’Sullivan (2007: 43) support this notion, noting a number of studies in which young people define homelessness in relation to the meaning of ‘home’, which for them, had ‘significant emotional, social and psychological dimensions’. Similarly, Wardhaugh (1993: 93) states that homelessness ‘serves to define and delineate home, in a dynamic and dialectic fashion’. Thus, it has been argued that those who become homeless may experience the loss of, not only a place to live, but also, ‘their self identity, self-worth and self-efficacy’ (Boydell, Goering & Morrell-Bellai, 2000:26).

Wardhaugh (1999: 93) argues that; ‘to be homeless brings with it an awareness of absence, a consciousness of difference, of deviation from the norm’. This feminist perspective has particular relevance for homeless women since the ‘home’ has been ideologically constructed as ‘an essential foundation of social order’ (p.91). From this viewpoint, the ‘homeless woman’ is one who has ‘rejected, or been rejected by, traditional family and domestic structures’ in a largely patriarchal society (p.92). Similarly, Taylor’s (1993) qualitative study of homeless women reported characteristics associated with homelessness, such as un- cleanliness and an un-documented existence, affected women’s self-esteem and personhood, leading to collective experiences of depersonalization, devaluation and stigmatisation. However, such studies, while offering critical insights into the gendered nature of homelessness, can also perpetuate the characterization of homeless women as passive and disempowered. It is therefore important that theories surrounding women and homelessness also highlight the personal strengths of these individuals. For instance Montgomery (1994) found that homeless women, especially those who have experienced domestic violence, felt that their harrowing experiences and determination helped create a sense of freedom, hope,

11 independence and pride in being able to remove themselves from abusive and unstable living environments.

Although much progress has been made in relation to arriving at a common basis for defining homelessness in the EU, it nevertheless remains clear that we are ‘still some important steps away from achieving an accepted European-wide definition’ (Busch-Geertsema, 2010: 29). Conceptual and theoretical debates, over the past fifteen years in particular, have helped to advance a more nuanced perspective on ‘homelessness’ and ‘home’, terms which are no longer viewed as simply referring to a space bound by physical restrictions. Instead, they pertain to complex and fluctuating experiences and identities, including expressions of lived/unlived space, social meaning and a state of being. As Wardhaugh (1993: 95) succinctly states, ‘home is not a private, static, taken-for-granted entity, but something that represents the dynamic inter-change between the individual and the world, between inside and outside, private and public, individual and community’.

The above discussion highlights the shortcomings of viewing homelessness as simply a housing or welfare issue caused only by structural or individual factors (May, 2000). For the purposes of the current research, homelessness will be explained with reference to ‘the manner in which changing structural conditions impact most severely upon particular groups, either because of a position of structural disadvantage or because of some further vulnerability that renders a person ill-equipped to cope with these changes’ (May, 2000). This definition has the advantage of viewing homelessness as a fluid rather than a fixed process that is both multi-dimensional and complex and that can vary by age, gender, location and ethnicity (Mayock& O’Sullivan, 2007). Research using such definitions can then capture the experiences of immigrant women who may otherwise have been hidden within the homeless population. Taking this definition of homelessness into account, the background and rationale of the current research will now be considered in the context of changing immigration trends both nationally and internationally.

1.2 Background and Rationale for the Current Study

Ireland has experienced a substantial trend of inward migration in recent years coinciding with a time of economic prosperity spanning the period from the mid-1990s to 2006. This has impacted the demographic make-up of the homeless population, with an increasing number of non-nationals reporting homelessness (OECD, 2008). For example, Cross-care (the social care agency of the Catholic Diocese in Dublin) reported that in 2009, over 50% of those they found to be sleeping rough across the four local authority areas in Dublin were non-nationals (Stanley, 2009). Similar statistical

trends have been reported in Spain, which has experienced comparable immigration rates in recent decades (Meda, 2010). For example, in Barcelona 62% of those sleeping rough were found to be immigrants and, in Madrid, the percentage was recorded as 55% (Spanish National Statistics Institute (INE), 2005). It is increasingly recognised that immigrants are currently making up a growing proportion of the homeless population across EU member states including Greece (Sapounakis, Delfaki&Pellas, 2010), France (Trostiansky, 2010), Luxembourg (Cornelius, 2010) and the UK (Nicholls &Quilgars, 2009). FEANTSA has also identified migrant homelessness as an increasingly significant issue throughout Europe and, as early as 2002, highlighted its relevance in the broader context of globalisation (FEANTSA, 2002). This recognition is itself an indication that homelessness among immigrants is an issue worthy of further exploration, not least because the topic is under- researched at present.

This dearth in knowledge is particularly evident in relation to immigrant women who remain a largely hidden sub-group in many EU nation states. Indeed immigrant women were found to constitute the majority of homeless women found in domestic violence refuges in most European countries (FEANTSA, 2002). Yet relatively little is known about the unique life circumstances of this sub- group and as a result, they remain largely ‘invisible’ at a political, legal and socio-economic level, often facing high levels of marginalisation, social exclusion, segregation and stereotyping. This is of particular interest to the current study, as women are now representing an increasing proportion of the homeless population in Europe (Edgar & Doherty, 2001). This trend is reflected in Ireland where 32% of homeless adults in Dublin were found to be female in 2006 (Homeless Agency, 2008). Despite growing recognition that women make up a sizeable proportion of the adult homeless population, the paucity of research on the lives and experiences of these women has been widely acknowledged in the European context (Baptista, 2010; Jones, 1999; Edgar & Doherty, 2001) as well as the Irish literature (O’Sullivan & Higgins, 2001). Indeed, it is over twenty-five years since the publication of the last qualitative, in-depth study of homeless women in Ireland (Kennedy, 1985).

It is clear that little systematic research has been carried out to date on homeless women, particularly immigrant women, presenting a notable gap in the homeless research literature. Further gender- specific research in this area is necessary and important in order to give and accurate and in-depth insight into the extent, causes, and experiences of homelessness among immigrant women and women in general. Such research would not only increase the knowledge base, but would also raise public awareness and help to inform policy makers and service providers to enable them to develop and implement effective integration strategies and targeted initiatives to better help and guide these women through this process.

1.3 The Study on which the Current Research is Based

It was the paucity of knowledge, outlined above, that prompted the initiation of a study of homeless women at the School of Social Work and Social Policy, Trinity College Dublin in late 2009. Funded by the Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences Research Fellowship Scheme, it is a cross-sectional, qualitative and in-depth study, which set out to explore the nature of, and possible solution to, homelessness among women in Ireland. The study adopts a biographical approach and its primary objectives are focused on generating a greater understanding of the processes associated with women’s ‘journeys’ to, and experiences of, homelessness. The study also investigates how women negotiate and cope with homelessness and housing instability, particularly in relation to marginalisation, stigmatisation and social isolation. This research project is currently nearing completion, with 58 biographical, life history interviews with homeless women over the age of 18 years completed to date. A sub-sample of fifteen immigrant women has participated in the research.

The current study was derived from the research described above with the permission of the Principal Investigator. A synonymous methodological approach was adopted, where the core method of data collection was based on secondary analysis of the fifteen interview transcripts with the immigrant women who were participants in the larger biographical study on women and homelessness in Ireland. This data was supplemented by two additional life history interviews conducted by the researcher, using the same research instruments as the original study. A detailed account of this work’s methodology is provided in Chapter 3.

1.4 An Overview of the Research Aims

Drawing upon the larger study of homeless women, and in light of the fact that a comprehensive, qualitative study of homeless immigrant woman has yet to be conducted in the Irish context, the proposed research aimed to help fill the aforementioned gap by providing an in-depth understanding of the experiences of homeless immigrant women in Ireland. More specifically, it aimed to: explore immigrant women’s entry routes to homelessness; examine factors that may facilitate, or act as barriers to, their exit from homelessness and to investigate immigrant women’s experiences with services, namely; their approaches to help-seeking, their interaction with various homeless services and accommodations as well as any individual or structural barriers they may face in seeking access to these services.

As discussed previously, the researcher in the present study carried out secondary analysis on the fifteen life-history interview transcripts with immigrant women from the larger study of women and homelessness. An additional two life-history interviews were conducted with immigrant women recruited using targeted sampling strategies, to supplement and extend the scope of the original fifteen narratives. Qualitative thematic analysis was performed on the data - 17 interviews in total –

14 identifying dominant themes, patterns and relationships that emerged in order to gain insight into the lived experience of homelessness among immigrant women in Ireland.

1.5 Outline of the Current Study

The present research will be structured as follows: Chapter 2 will outline and critique the existing national and international literature pertaining to immigrant homelessness. Chapter 3 will provide a thorough overview of the research methodology and study design; documenting the qualitative methods selected; detailing the sampling and recruitment process and addressing the limitations and ethical considerations of the current study. Chapter 4 reports the significant findings of the present research project and finally, Chapter 5 summarises the major findings and elaborates on the main themes of the research in more detail. Comprehensive explanations relating to the research questions are provided while simultaneously locating the findings within a theoretical context grounded in established research. The study will conclude with a summary of the implications associated with the findings and an overview of recommendations for further research.

2. LITERTURE REVIEW

As highlighted in the introduction, a dearth in knowledge concerning immigrant women’s experiences of homelessness in Europe has been identified. This gap in the data is particularly evident in the Irish homeless research literature, as very few studies have been conducted on the topic to date. This accentuates the need to broaden the Irish research focus beyond an assessment of local homelessness, into an in-depth qualitative investigation of the wider processes that influence the experiences and impact of homelessness on immigrant women in the Irish context. This approach would include an exploration of the nature of their vulnerability to housing instability and also, the factors which underlie their exposure to becoming at risk of homelessness. With these aims in mind, this chapter reviews national and international literature, considering contextually relevant dimensions and patterns for the understanding of homelessness among immigrant women. Various structural and interpersonal processes that can place them at risk of, propel them into, or act as barriers to their exiting, homelessness are discussed. Specific focus is placed on the role of poverty, social exclusion, cultural differences, labour and housing market discrimination and domestic violence in shaping the women’s experiences of housing instability. Before these issues are addressed, a broad overview of immigration trends in Ireland will be provided in order to locate the study in Ireland’s demographic history.

2.1 Trading Places: An Overview of Immigration in Ireland

According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), a migrant is ‘any person who lives temporarily or permanently in a country where he or she was not born, and has acquired some significant social ties to this country’ (UNESCO, 2005). FEANTSA (2002) has identified migrant homelessness as an increasingly significant issue in Europe. Edgar & Doherty (2005: 11) highlighted its relevance in the broader context of globalisation, where there has been a ‘heightened level of mobility in all sectors of society’. This global influx of immigrants into countries is of particular interest in Ireland, which has experienced quite dramatic demographic changes in recent times. Following a sustained period of outward migration that began in the 1800’s, a reversal in this historical trend occurred during the 1990’s alongside the economic boom, which saw a substantial increase in the number of non-nationals enter the country (Stanley, 2010). The available data demonstrate that inward migration is one of the main factors that have shaped Ireland’s socio- demographic landscape, with over half the population growth in Ireland over the past decade attributable to migration (National Economic and Social Council, 2006). The Central Statistics Office reported that in 2006, there were 612,000 people resident in Ireland who were not Irish-born, which ‘amounts to 15% of the population, up from 10% in 2002 and 7% in 1996’ (Berman, 2009: 3). The main countries of origin of these immigrants were the UK, Poland and Lithuania, with an increasing

number of individuals migrating to Ireland from Africa and Asia (Berman, 2009). Importantly, although Ireland has recently seen a return to net immigration coinciding with the economic downturn that began in 2008, the high levels of immigration experienced prior to the recession have impacted non-national representations within the homeless population. Indeed, reports have shown the number of immigrants in Ireland reporting homelessness has increased (OECD, 2008; Homeless Agency, 2008).

The study published by the Homeless Agency in 2008, aimed to provide a comprehensive analysis of homelessness in Dublin. Based on the Counted In survey of homeless service users carried out in 2008, rough sleeper street counts and the administrative records of various local authorities, the reportfound that a total of 407 foreign-nationals, asylum seekers and refugees (including EU and non- EU nationals) were using homeless services in Dublin. These findings corroborated results published in a similar report by the Homeless Agency in 2006 concerning EU10 immigrants using homeless services (Homeless Agency, 2006). With specific focus on immigrants from the EU10 accession states (including Cyprus, The Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia), this 2006 survey found a total of 283 immigrants using homeless services in Dublin. Well over half of the respondents reported having ‘little or no’ written or spoken English language skills. The housing status of respondents included: 20% living in private rented accommodation, 18% living with friends or relatives, 14% living in tourist accommodation, 12% living in a squat, 11% sleeping rough, and 13% staying in homeless accommodation. Unemployment was reported by 62% of the sample. Housing was recorded as their main service need with language skills, employment and financial support also identified as significant areas of indigence. Of the EU- nationals surveyed, 17% were women.

It is important to note that caution is required when interpreting statistical data on homelessness, such as those cited above, due to the transient nature of homelessness itself (Meda, 2010). This, coupled with the lack of comparable data across the EU, makes it difficult to determine exact and accurate numbers. Consequently, the available estimates are unlikely to accurately represent the real number of homeless immigrants, even if they do provide useful data that helps to profile the homeless immigrant population.This analytical point is particularly relevant in relation to minority ethnic groups and in particular, immigrant women. This is because homelessness among immigrant women may be ‘hidden’ or ‘concealed’ due to their documented preference to rely on family and other unofficial networks of support when in housing need’ (Nicholls &Quilgars, 2009: 74). This dependence is often the result of a lack of knowledge of and/or reluctance to access, mainstream services (Nicholls &Quilgars, 2009: 74). With women now making up an increasing proportion of the homeless population in Ireland (32%) (Homeless Agency, 2008) and given that immigrant women constituted the largest proportion of women found in domestic violence refuges in Ireland in 2002 (FEANTSA, 2002), it seems highly likely that the number of immigrant women experiencing homelessness in the

Irish context has increased. These female orientated trends of immigration and homelessness will now be explored in more depth.

2.2 The Feminisation of Migration

Increasingly high levels of immigration across countries in recent times have impacted gender representation within populations (ESRC, 2008). According to UN estimates, around half (49%) of the immigrant population worldwide was comprised of women in 2005 (UN Population Division: 2005). Riaño, Wastl-Walter & Baghdadi (2006:1) argue that this ‘feminisation of migration’ is not an isolated phenomenon but ‘part of a global trend whereby the number of female migrants is rapidly increasing’. This not only highlights the extent of immigration and its influence on global demographics, but also demonstrates that immigration is a gendered process.Women have always immigrated, however, while past trends have been primarily linked to theories of partner dependence and family responsibility, more recent times have seen a growth in ‘autonomous female migration’ (Pillinger, 2007). This means that more immigrant women are becoming primary migrants in their own right; choosing to leave their country of origin independently. According to a report published by Caritas (2009) the factors determining female migration are wide-ranging and can include; inadequate economic and social opportunities and/or political unrest in their country of origin, increased demand for ‘feminised’ work in the domestic or care-work domains, the hope for a better life and job opportunities in their host country, wanting to flee domestic violence or abusive relationships or to escape patriarchal or restricting traditions in their country of origin that limit their freedom of choice.

Kofman (2001) notes that female dominated trends such as those outlined above are particularly evident in developed countries such as those in Europe, who remain key players in relation to migratory movements such as these. For instance, it has been reported that there were approximately 29 million immigrant women living across EU nation states in 2002 (UN International Migration Report, 2002). The CSO (2004) reported that Ireland had a net immigration of 58% in 2004. Of these immigrants, 28% were females representing 14,600 women in total. The percentage of female immigrants within the immigrant population increased to 48.8% in 2006 (Pillinger, 2006).Pillinger (2007) argues that this influx of immigrant women has had a profound social, cultural and economic impact on Ireland in particular. Although these women are often highly skilled, educated and qualified, their contribution to Ireland’s socio-economic infrastructure is often undermined as they encounter racial and gender based discrimination and inequality on a regular basis, particularly in relation to the devaluation and exploitation of their skills in the Irish labour market (Pillinger, 2007). The experiences of these women are therefore diverse and varied in the Irish context.

Despite the increase of immigrant women in Europe, it has been argued that mainstream literature continues to ‘ignore their presence’ (Kofman, 2001: 3). This is particularly the case for immigrant women experiencing homelessness – a sub-group that is growing in numbers both nationally and internationally (FEANTSA, 2002). Indeed, Klodawskyet al (2005) note that immigrant women, particularly those with children, are a fast-growing group among the homeless population, making up a increasingly disproportionate share of homeless shelter users in centres across the EU.

Little is known about the unique experiences and specific pathways to homelessness among immigrant women. Only a relatively small number of studies have been carried out on this hidden population (Edgar & Doherty, 2004). Given that these women are oftenstereotyped as passive, uneducated, incompetent and untrustworthy within public discourses (Lee & Fiske, 2006), it is important that their diverse backgrounds, skill and educational levels, as well as their reasons for, and experiences of, migration be highlighted, emphasised and reflected in societal attitudes and integration policies (Riaño et al, 2006). Gender-specific research is impetrative if we are to gain a better understanding of these women’s experiences and incorporate such knowledge into the broader policy framework. Edgar & Doherty (2004) state that such research should begin with an examination of why these women have become homeless in the first place. The existing literature pertaining to the various processes that propel immigrant women into homelessness will now be discussed.

2.3 Routes to Homelessness: The Role of Structural Factors

This section describes immigrant women’s pathways to homelessness as documented in the existing literature. It begins by outlining the role of various structural factors leading to homelessness among immigrant women. These factors include: immigration status and access to welfare, unemployment and income poverty and housing market discrimination.

Immigration Status & Access to Welfare

Edgar & Doherty (2005: 95) argue that due to the extent of change in immigration trends across Europe in recent years, ‘the causes of homelessness will vary for immigrants dependent on their personal situation and the legal status afforded to them’ by their host country. Immigration status directly affects an individual’s right to reside in the country, to work, avail of social protection and access social or public housing (Edgar & Doherty, 2005). The legal status granted determines access to different social entitlements depending on the host country’s immigrant legislation (FEANTSA, 2010). In turn, these factors increase the individual’s risk of homelessness. For instance, in the UK, new migrants can lose their eligibility for welfare payments if they lose their job during the first year, ‘making it difficult for them to access emergency homeless shelters which usually require housing

19 benefit to be claimed’ (Nicholls &Quilgars, 2009: 81). Undocumented immigrants are highly marginalized and vulnerable in some EU member states since their access to welfare, education, housing, employment and homeless services is often denied (Chauvin et al, 2009). Similarly, in some cases, immigrant women fleeing situations of domestic violence may not be granted residency rights or be entitled to social benefits (FEANTSA, 2002). While being an immigrant does not necessarily denote an individual who is vulnerable to social discrimination and economic and housing instability (Nicholls &Quilgars, 2009), immigrants who have restricted, temporary, or no entitlements at all, are faced with social exclusion and limited access to social rights and services (FEANTSA, 2010). These structural barriers have been shown to have a significant impact on immigrant women’s routes to, and journeys through, homelessness.

Unemployment and Income Poverty

The available published literature indicates that homeless immigrants may face anomalous adversities within their host countries compared to the indigenous population. This is largely because of inadequate integration systems in mainstream society (Avramov, 2002; FEANTSA, 2010). For instance, research has shown that immigrants are more likely to be at a higher risk of income poverty and social exclusion (Avramov, 2002). This risk of poverty is related to high levels of unemployment, lack of welfare entitlements and labour market inequality, and is often exacerbated by difficulties centred around language, living on the margins of society, job application procedures, unrecognised qualifications and racist attitudes among employers (Meda, 2010). Indeed, in some cases migrants (Sapounakis et al, 2010), and women in particular (SPRC, 2011), may experience employer abuse and accept unregistered employment at lower rates to maintain an income. The acceptance of low skilled employment further demonstrates immigrant women’s vulnerability; exposing their exploitation when seeking employment, and their dependency on employment to ensure economic independence, status and financial security (Pillinger, 2007). Authors such as Avramov (2002) and Barrett et al (2005), found that labour market inequality for immigrants exists even among those with high qualifications and university degrees. However Avramov (2002: 12) argues that ‘the causes of immigrant women’s disadvantaged employment status do not ‘stem solely from their formal educational attainment’; rather, they are the ‘by-product of a whole host of difficulties faced by immigrants as they attempt to enter the labour market’. These difficulties primarily refer to income poverty and social isolation. These barriers will now be considered in more detail.

Poverty has been identified as a significant factor contributing to vulnerability to homelessness among women. This is often cited as being due to ‘the segregation of paid work along gender lines, which results in women facing much higher poverty rates than men’ (The Social Planning and Research Council, 2011:5). This relationship between the ‘feminisation of poverty’ and homelessness among women was highlighted by Edgar & Doherty (2001), in the first published overview of women’s

homelessness in Europe. While Edgar & Doherty (2001) highlight the progress that has been made in relation to women’s access to education and employment in recent years, they argue that female employment patterns throughout Europe are characterised by persistently high levels of gender inequality, low pay and part-time work. For immigrant women in particular, these issues are exacerbated by the fact that their experiences of employment are particularly open to exploitation as they may be unsure of their rights, lack social-economic support or may be in dire need of income; agreeing to work for low wages or in poor working conditions (Pillinger, 2007). In this sense, poverty remains a structural factor undermining the capacity of immigrant women to ‘establish and maintain independent homes, thus directly contributing to an increased vulnerability to homelessness’ (Baptista, 2010: 167).

Riaño et al’s (2006) study of social integration and social exclusion of immigrant women in Switzerland attributes labour market inequality to adverse conceptualization of immigrant women within socio-political discourses. They argue that these conceptualizations underlie much government policy with regard to immigration. Thus, a negative ideology is entrenched within society at a political, legislative, economic and social level. They proposed that a substantial restructuring of the policy framework surrounding immigration would need to occur in order to utilize and develop women’s social and cultural capital. The research also highlighted the conditions of the labour market itself, and social attitudes toward immigrants from countries outside the EU, as contributing to labour market discrimination for female immigrants. A summary of these points and their implications for immigrant women in Switzerland is outlined below.

‘We have identified discriminatory concepts that are embedded in migration policies and the minds of many employers in Switzerland. Particularly important among these are the undervaluation of the personal and educational qualifications of non-EU immigrants, and patriarchal attitudes regarding the child-rearing role of immigrant women in society. These concepts combine to produce unequal opportunities for women to access the skilled labour market. Skilled immigrant women are not only faced with barriers to applying their educational resources in Swiss society, but they are also confronted with the associated de-skilling, loss of confidence and loss of autonomy. ‘

(Riaño et al, 2006:2)

According to this theory, immigrant women may therefore face double marginalization in the labour market because of their gender and ethnicity, which can increase their vulnerability to homelessness. Indeed, Pleace (forthcoming 2011:144) argues that structural inequality within conventional labour and housing markets, coupled with what he describes as ‘prejudice and outright racism’, has created a situation in which housing exclusion and homelessness became more likely for some immigrant groups. Importantly, Riano et al’s (2006) study also found that immigrant women are often pro-active; 21

making significant efforts and drawing upon available resources to facilitate and improve their access to the labour market. These include improving their language skills, voluntary participation in social/political activities, as well as ‘re-skilling, taking up employment at a lower skill level, building new networks and doing unpaid work in social and political institutions’ (Riaño et al, 2006:3). Indeed, Riaño et al (2006:3) make the point that ‘skilled immigrant women perceive professional development as a principal aim and as central to their personal identity’. However, little research has focused on the personal strengths and achievements of women within the homeless population (Montgomery, 1994). Boydell et al (2011:36) suggest encouragement of professionals to focus on the fortitude displayed by immigrant women, as well as early intervention to ‘capture and use this motivation to escape homelessness’ would be valuable and beneficial for both immigrant women and the economy.

The findings of Riaño et al’s (2006) study are supported by the work of Meda (2010), who found that migrants in Spain became less likely to be at risk of homelessness over time as they became integrated into Spanish society; becoming familiar with, and adapting to, cultural and linguistic norms. Similarly, Nicholls &Quilgars, (2009:82) argue that there are two ‘types’ of homeless migrants: those who seek advice, improve their language skills and knowledge of their host country and are thus better able to exit homelessness; and those who have long standing personal vulnerabilities, alongside language and employment difficulties, relating to substance abuse, mental health, physical disability, education and experiences of institutionalisation. These factors may further perpetuate their situation; making them more susceptible to long-term or recurrent homelessness. Thus, they conclude that, although being at risk of homelessness and societal exclusion may be ‘directly related to being a migrant’ with regard to social and cultural differences, ‘it may also have roots in other support needs’ (Nicholas &Quilgars, 2009: 82). Consequently, homeless immigrant women may be faced with a situation of ‘multiple disadvantage’ and become ‘trapped’ in homeless services because of additional barriers to moving back into secure housing (Homeless Agency, 2008: 69).

Housing Market Discrimination

Marginalisation within the labour market is often associated with housing exclusion and poor housing conditions (Dion, 2010). Meda (2010:141) states that immigrants ‘face structural barriers to securing affordable and suitable housing’ since ‘discrimination from landlords and insecurity of tenure are widespread among recent migrants’. Indeed, research has found that immigrants often arrive in their host country without any pre-arranged accommodation (Meda, 2010). Because of this, they can become concentrated in unfavourable housing circumstances. This can include squatting and the use of homeless shelters (Meda, 2010), low-cost and/or over-crowded private rented housing, living

informally with friends and/or contact networks or living in unsuitable accommodation ‘tied’ to their work (Nicholls &Quilgars, 2009:80).

Sapounakis et al’s (2010: 6) recent study of immigrant homelessness in Greece highlighted the ever- increasing property values of the private rental market as contributing to the perpetuation of homelessness among immigrant populations. This is due to the difficulties immigrants encounter in relation to acquiring and sustaining rented housing as a consequence of unemployment and low- income levels; forcing them to remain living in the informal and insecure conditions outlined above. Such situations are further exacerbated for immigrant women with children, who may struggle to an even greater extent with finding appropriate housing as well as maintaining a job and steady income due to the need for child care (Simon, 2001). Drawing attention to the implications of the increased demand on the housing sector due to the influx of immigrants, Sapounakis et al (2010) noted the establishment of ‘informal camps’ to address this issue. Within these camps, immigrants find themselves ‘being accommodated in unsuitable structures such as old abandoned stores, amenity centres, prisons and police stations’.

As a result, immigrants are often forced to live on the margins and are concentrated in specific urban areas, which have become obsolete; characterised by inadequate housing conditions, substandard educational opportunities, poor access to services such as health care and transport, ‘worklessness’ and social exclusion (Meda, 2010; Sapounakis et al, 2010). Again, these housing difficulties are exacerbated by ‘cultural and linguistic remoteness and a lack of social and family networks’ (Meda, 2010:142). Additionally, it has been argued that immigrant women can be denied access to the private-rented housing market, after leaving a property they have leased due to issues of domestic violence, family breakdown or sexual abuse (Casey, 2002). This has been supported by some research that has cited family dispute, relationship breakdown and poor housing as major causes of homelessness among immigrant women (Nicholls &Quilgars, 2009).

Looking at international research outside of Europe, Dion (2001:524) studied perceived discrimination in the housing market reported by immigrants in Toronto. The study indicated that the social construction of race, ethnicity, culture, religion and gender were the primary barriers perceived in relation to accessing housing. Similarly, the study findings – based on interviews and survey questionnaires concerning housing experiences – reported that ‘women perceived greater discrimination than men on almost every individual dimension of personal discrimination’ including, income source, religion, immigration/refugee status, and language/accent. The research was based on the theory that ‘the greater the perceived discrimination, the less successful the immigrants’ incorporation into a receiving society’. Thus, these forms of residential segregation and the unavailability of affordable housing among immigrant women reinforce racial and gender inequality, which can increase their vulnerability to homelessness.

Given the systematic evidence of housing discrimination encountered by immigrant women as highlighted above, it is imperative that existing legislation and housing policy be re-examined to eradicate the marginalization of not just female migrants, but all members of society. Further exploration and identification of the structural barriers faced by these individuals will help to inform and guide policy makers to develop and implement effective strategies and initiatives to improve access to affordable and suitable housing for future populations.

2.4 Routes to Homelessness: The Role of Domestic Violence

Insofar as structural barriers play an integral part in perpetuating homeless among immigrant women, there are a number of non-structural factors that can also cause immigrant women to become homeless and/or act as barriers to their possible exits from homelessness. This pertains primarily to issues concerning domestic violence and the associated difficulties in addressing this problem. Indeed, domestic violence has been identified as an issue that ‘cuts across all backgrounds and socio- economic groups’ (FEANTSA, 2007: 3). It has been highlighted as a significant factor contributing to homelessness and housing instability among women, with 1 in 5 women reporting violence in the home at some point in their lives (Baker et al, 2003). FEANTSA (2007) state that while it may take considerable time for a women to leave a situation of domestic violence, once they flee their abusive partner they are considered homeless according to the ETHOS typology of Homelessness and Housing Exclusion outlined earlier (FEANTSA, 2007). This section explores issues surrounding domestic violence in relation to female homelessness among immigrants. It describes how domestic violence is situated within contemporary social contexts for women and immigrant women in particular and draws attention to a range of specific complications immigrant women face in this regard including a lack of economic dependence, social isolation and cultural remoteness.

Despite the fact that immigrant women have been found to constitute the largest proportion of women living in domestic violence refuges in some European countries (FEANTSA, 2002)little research has explored ‘the nature, consequences, or meaning of domestic violence among immigrant populations’(Latta& Goodman, 2006). It is widely acknowledged that domestic abuse no longer refers to one form of violence. Rather, it refers to a persistent and ongoing pattern of physical and sexual assault, alongside verbal, emotional, psychological and financial abuse (Kelly, 2003). Kelly (2003) notes that while some women exclusively endure severe emotional abuse (which is not considered a criminal offence to date) it is rare that a woman will solely be subjected to physical violence without the accompaniment of psychological attacks.

Incidentally, a study about the perceptions of domestic violence in Ireland, carried out by The National Office for the Prevention of Domestic, Sexual and Gender-based Violence (COSC) in 2008, found that emotional, social and economic abuse were perceived to be less serious offences than physical violence. This is despite significant evidence of the severe implications of these forms of abuse for women’s mental health and social wellbeing (COSC, 2008). Consequences can include depression, posttraumatic stress syndrome, low self-esteem and self worth, poverty, and social isolation (Baker et al, 2010). Wellock (2008) argues that in situations of recurrent domestic violence, ‘women may become distressed to the point that they develop ongoing mental health problems, which may be a reason for the increase in suicides and self harm rates’ in situations of abuse. Thus,regardless of whether the abuse is physical or emotional, or whether these aspects of domestic violence are experienced individually or simultaneously, the effects can be extremely damaging and long lasting. Further research into this area could be of considerable importance.

Immigrant women are particularly susceptible to intimate partner violence due to their position as immigrants within an unfamiliar setting. (Latta& Goodman, 2006; Wellock, 2008). For instance, various barriers to accessing relevant support services in the host country compound immigrant women’s experiences of domestic abuse and subsequent experiences of homelessness if they separate from their partner. These barriers include (in)ability to speak the language of their host country (Menjivar, 2002); unfamiliarity with or difficulty navigating the relevant support services available to them (Wilfreda, 2006); social isolation as a result of being forced to live on the margins, having few family or social support networks and being dependant on their partner or spouse due to issues of their immigration status being linked to their marriage. Additionally, some studies have found that controlling or abusive husbands often use the aspects outlined above to perpetuate abuse in a relationship (Adelman, 1997). These factors not only impact immigrant women’s experiences of domestic abuse and homelessness, but also their interaction with relevant support services. This interaction will now be discussed in more detail with a specific focus on barriers to accessing support, a lack of collaboration between domestic violence support services and homeless services, the impact of social isolation and cultural remoteness on immigrant women’s approaches to help seeking and a ‘culture of shame’ that can further inhibit engagement with support services.

2.5 Approaches to Help Seeking and Interaction with Services

Research in the UK has shown that immigrant women’s limited knowledge of available supports in relation to homelessness and domestic violence, can act as a barrier to them accessing potentially beneficial services (Reeve et al, 2006; Nicholls &Quilgars, 2009). Similar findings have been reported outside of Europe such as in Canada, where the CCSD (2006) found that immigrant women experiencing abuse in the context of an intimate partner relationship were unaware of the available aids. The services they did eventually encounter and/or avail of were often ‘discovered by accident’;

highlighting how uninformed these women were of their options in relation to seeking help (CSSD, 2006: 35). Incidentally, within the Irish context, ‘word of mouth’ has been reported as the primary source of information on homeless services among immigrants (Homeless Agency, 2008: 103). These findings therefore underscore the extent to which information or lack thereof, is available to homeless immigrant women in need of assistance. Targeted strategies and policy initiatives to raise awareness of the available supports for homeless women and survivors of domestic violence should therefore be a necessary socio-economic issue on the political agenda.

Although both domestic abuse and homeless service providers can offer a wide range of services that provide safety and security, some immigrant women have reported negative experiences. For example, Wellock’s (2008) study of domestic abuse among black and ethnic minority women in the UK, found that immigrant women perceived existing services to be inadequate and not sensitive to their specific cultural needs, thus inhibiting their engagement. Immigrant women’s lack of official language proficiency can inhibit their ability to seek help and may affect the quality of the help they receive (CCSD, 2006:34). Research has also shown that immigrant women are particularly susceptible to racism from the indigenous homeless population who may feel threatened by immigrants who share their services (FEANTSA, 2002). Indeed, hostility and violence from other members of the local homeless population ‘is a reality in the day-to-day lives of women struggling with homelessness’ and places them ‘at high risk for violence on the streets’ (SPRC, 2011:2). For example, based on the first Toronto Street Health Report carried out by Ambrosio et al (2002), found that 43% of homeless women experienced ‘sexual harassment or unwelcome sexual advances’ (cited in SPRC, 2011:2). The more recently published SPRC (2011) report found that in Canada, mixed- gender homeless accommodation was usually avoided entirely due to safety concerns. This conflict with, or discrimination/rejection by, indigenous residents or users due to cultural differences and backgrounds may also disincentivise immigrant women to approach certain homeless services.

Other barriers reported to accessing services include; a lack of privacy, poor infrastructure, isolated locations, stigma and shame associated with violence in the home and homelessness, strict rules, regulations or policies that encroach upon the women’s sense of autonomy and eligibility requirements that exclude some women such as drug or alcohol users (Baker et al, 2010). These issues can often be exacerbated as homeless services themselves may lack funding and expertise when it comes to this particular group as they have specific needs different to the local homeless population that pose problems to providers (FEANTSA, 2002). The result of obstacles such as these could mean that some immigrant women may be reluctant to seek help, therefore increasing the likelihood that they will return to their abusive relationships and continue to ‘suffer in silence’.

Homeless Services Vs. Domestic Violence Services

A review of the literature also suggested a lack of collaboration between the homeless service providers and the domestic violence service providers as referred to above (Baker et al, 2010). This disparity can impact immigrant women’s interaction with these services as it can inadvertently classify domestic violence and homelessness as distinct and separate processes. As a consequence, women fleeing domestic violence may not avail of a wide range of services targeting homelessness as they may perceive such services as inappropriate to their situation. Research shows that this apparent non-cooperation between the two types of services may be due to differing practical and philosophical frameworks. Baker et al (2010) summarises the distinction between the two sets of programs:

‘Domestic violence programs are focused on safety planning and crisis intervention, and offer a wide array of advocacy services that victims need and want, including assistance in obtaining emergency and/or other types of housing (although they may not know the range of housing options and programs or work-related resources in their community). Housing and homeless service providers are more focused on a move to stable housing and improved ﬁnancial stability, but may have little knowledge or expertise in providing services to survivors’

(Baker et al, 2010: 435)

As there is a clear link between housing instability and domestic violence, particularly among immigrant women, coordination between these two different service providers is an important area for future development. Baker et al (2010: 435) conclude that if this disassociation remains intact, women fleeing domestic abuse will continue to ‘not fit perfectly into either system, and therefore, receive insufficient or inappropriate services’.

Social Isolation and Cultural Remoteness

It has been noted that immigrant women who are unwilling or unable to seek support from the services outlined, are further marginalised due to a lack of support from their extended family due to geographical distance and the immigration process, as well as local support due to language and cultural differences (CCSD, 2006). As re-building social networks may take some time in their host country, immigrant women may feel that they have no one they can trust or count on. This is particularly the case for women living in the context of domestic violence where they want to flee the relationship but are forced to remain in the abusive situation, as they believe they would have ‘nowhere to go’ (Wellock, 2008). Immigrant women may therefore become inadvertently dependant on their spouse socially, economically and financially (Weber Sikich, 2008). This notion resonates with the findings of Wardhough (1999:100), who found that ‘for many women, the home is not primarily a place to return after a journey, a place of rest and relaxation: rather it is a place of

domestic and emotional labour’. Abusive husbands/partners often perpetuate domestic violence by exhibiting entitlement and exerting control over the women’s lives (Adelman, 1997). In this sense, some cultural or ethnic traditions/values, such as arranged marriages or patriarchal ideologies can also lead to the belief that a man’s wife is his ‘property’ (Gilbert et al, 2004). In Canada, the CCSD (2006) research on immigrant women and domestic violence highlighted the extent to which the participant’s partners enforced social restrictions on their day-to-day life:

‘Emotional and verbal abuse were reported to be common among immigrant and refugee families. Husbands/partners often dictate what the women could and could not do, including obtaining employment or going to school, visiting friends, making phone calls, and even talking to neighbours. In some cases, the women said they were required to ask their husband’s permission in order to turn on the radio or television. The women were regularly told that they were not “good enough” and would not survive in Canada without their husbands’.

(CCSD, 2006:34)

This form of abuse can extend to the overarching control of a woman’s immigration status. Indeed, a report published by the Women’s Health Council in 2009, found that in cases where immigrant women’s legal status was dependent on their husbands, they were often unlikely to report domestic abuse for fear of deportation (WHC, 2009). The creation of this fear acted to destabilize the women’s lives as it threatened the ties to their existence in the host country (CCDS, 2006). This could enable some husbands/partners to manipulate and control the women’s immigration documentation. Such interference would impact the women’s legal status as well as their rights and entitlements; ‘rendering mainstream services inaccessible’ (Latta& Goodman, 2005:1443). Due to such restrictions, the women may further become dependent on their partner/husband. In this sense, ‘a major part of intimate partner abuse among immigrant women involves control of resources and financial abuse’, which leaves them ‘trapped’ with ‘few alternatives and at a greater risk of homelessness’ (CCDS, 2006; 34).

A Culture of Shame

Immigrant women’s experiences of intimate partner violence may also be exacerbated by barriers to exiting such situations due to a ‘culture of shame’ that may exist in their country of origin regarding; domestic abuse (Latta& Goodman, 2005), breaking up a marriage (Supriya, 1996) or becoming homeless itself. Wellock’s (2008) study on of disclosure of domestic violence by black and minority-ethnic women in the UK revealed the themes of ‘shame’, ‘honour’, ‘family respect’ and ‘marriage arrangements’ as reasons why the participants may not seek help from services. The women in the study remained in

abusive relationships because they accepted the violence as a ‘cultural norm’ and were afraid of bringing shame upon themselves and their family if the abuse was made public (Choudry, 1996). Immigrant women may therefore endure sustained abuse because of their reluctance to avail of support services linked to the fear of stigmatisation (Latta& Goodman, 2005). Nonetheless, it is important to note that in some cases, immigrant women, especially those who have experienced domestic violence, may feel that their experiences and determination have helped them to create a sense of freedom, hope, independence and pride in being able to remove themselves from negative environments (Montgomery, 1994). This highlights the personal strengths that can be demonstrated by immigrant women within the homeless population (Boydell et al, 2000).

2.6 Conclusion

A review of the literature indicates that immigrant women are a marginalized sub-group, both nationally and internationally. These women encounter not only structural barriers to housing and labour markets; disenfranchising them from meaningful employment and adequate living accommodations, but also personal barriers to social integration such as social exclusion, cultural remoteness and domestic violence that place them in particularly disadvantaged position within socio- economic contexts. Indeed, the literature revealed that immigrant women are particularly susceptible to intimate partner violence, the impact of which, further increases their vulnerability to housing instability and engenders situations of economic dependence. Immigrant women can become reliant on their male partners in a social, economic and financial sense; inhibiting their ability to flee abusive situations. A number of cultural obstacles can exist which further compound immigrant women’s lived experiences of homelessness, these include language barriers, a lack of familiarity with, or knowledge of available support services in their host country and a culture of shame associated with disclosure of domestic abuse and a homeless status. These cultural implications further shape immigrant women’s experiences of housing instability by limiting their ability, and willingness, to seek help and assistance. The literature therefore reveals the vulnerability of immigrant women in relation to homelessness and housing instability within socio-cultural, economic and political frameworks. The importance of further research in order to gain detailed knowledge of, and greater insight into, this particular group is therefore highlighted. Yet few studies have focused on this topic, particularly in the Irish context. Having been informed by current literature and research in this area, the following chapter outlines the methodology employed by the present study to generate qualitative and in-depth data concerning the unique life stories of immigrant women experiencing homelessness in Ireland.

3. METHODOLOGY

The current research conducted secondary analysis on fifteen biographical interviews with immigrant homeless women who were participants in a larger cross-sectional, qualitative study of homeless women in Ireland. These data were supplemented by two additional life-history interviews, conducted by the researcher, with immigrant women who have experienced homelessness in Ireland. This chapter documents the research aims and objectives of the present study and gives a thorough description of the methodological approaches that guided the data collection and analysis stages. The research design is outlined and justification for the use of the qualitative methods employed is provided. Consideration is also given to the sampling and recruitment stages. This includes reflections on a number of challenges that occurred during these processes, which in turn, affected the sampling strategy and selection criteria of the current research. The qualitative thematic analysis of the data, which involved the identification of dominant patterns and relationships that emerged from the narratives, is then discussed. The chapter concludes with an overview of the ethical standards adhered to by this study, which influenced all stages of the work including sample selection, access and negotiation, fieldwork and analysis.

3.1 Study Aims and Objectives

As highlighted in the previous two chapters, there appears to be a significant gap in the knowledge concerning the life experiences of homeless immigrant woman both in Ireland and internationally. While research in this area has been gaining pace in recent times (Edgar & Doherty, 2010), it is still relatively small in volume and a comprehensive qualitative study has yet to be conducted in Ireland. The current research therefore aimed to contribute to an emerging body of research on homeless immigrant women by providing an in-depth exploration in the Irish context. While the primary objective of the study was to examine how immigrant women negotiate, cope and identify with housing instability and homelessness itself, a particular focus was also placed on immigrant women’s entry routes to homelessness. This included an investigation into the individual, structural or interpersonal factors associated with their homelessness. Specific attention was also given to the factors that may facilitate, or act as barriers to, the women’s possible exits from homelessness. Immigrant women’s experiences with services were also considered, particularly in relation to their approaches to help seeking, their interaction with various homeless services and accommodations and any individual or structural barriers they may encounter in seeking access to these services.

In short, the current study aimed to contextualise and provide an exploratory account of the lives and experiences of homeless immigrant women living in Ireland. Participant narratives were used to locate these experiences within broader socio-cultural, economic and political contexts.

3.2 Study Design

This research is qualitative in nature and employed a combination of research methods. Secondary analysis was carried out on fifteen biographical interviews with immigrant homeless women who were participants in a larger study of homeless women in Ireland. These data were supplemented by two additional life-history interviews, conducted by the researcher, with immigrant women recruited using targeted sampling strategies. The various stages of the research will now be discussed in greater detail under the following headings: the qualitative approach, research methods, data collection, participant recruitment and data analysis.

The Qualitative Approach

The current study sought to gain insight, and to elicit in-depth accounts of, immigrant women’s ‘lived experience’ of homelessness in Ireland. From a theoretical and epistemological standpoint, the study adopted a constructivist approach which views reality as a social construct and knowledge as essentially created by the ’meaning-making activity’ of individuals (Crotty, 1998: 58). In short, this approach investigated social phenomena from the participants own perspectives. Thus, the women’s perspectives, views and opinions regarding homelessness were central to the study’s aims and important for answering the research questions.By contrast, the rigidity of quantitative approaches, such as a standardised questionnaire that converts findings to numerical data, would fail to capture the richness, heterogeneity, context and complexity of the women’s lives (Mason, 2002). Qualitative research, on the other hand is particularly effective for studying subtle nuances as its primary strength lies in providing in-depth explorations and understandings of social processes that can occur over time (Rubin &Babbie, 2009). A qualitative methodological approach was therefore adopted in order to fully appreciate the texture and multi-layered dimensions of the participants’ experiences.

A further advantage of using a qualitative approach to explore the area under study was that qualitative methods are arguably well suited to researching sensitive topics. Becker &Bryman (2004: 165) note that sensitive research is that which ‘has potential implications for society or key social groups, and is potentially threatening to the researcher or subjects in bringing economic, social, physical or political costs’. This is particularly relevant to the current study as homeless immigrant women are considered a vulnerable and marginalised group (Edgar & Doherty, 2010). Qualitative data collection techniques, such as in-depth interviewing, were therefore appropriate for this study as the personal, gradual and sustained aspects of these methods helped to build rapport and trust between the interviewer and interviewee. By putting the respondents at ease in this manner, this research approach therefore allowed for the management of sensitivity and maximisation for truthful answers since the respondents were invited to talk in a congenial and informal environment, about issues they

considered to be important and were comfortable discussing with the researcher (Becker &Bryman, 2004).

However it is important to note some of the potential weaknesses of qualitative research. It has been argued that qualitative data is limited to the extent to which the findings can be generalised to the overall population, as opposed to quantitative studies based on ‘rigorous sampling and standardised measurements’ (Rubin &Babbie 2009: 230). This arises due to smaller sample sizes and time and/or cost constraints based on the sheer volume of data that is obtained. Indeed, large-scale qualitative studies are often sacrificed in order to acquire comprehensive, explorative information from which in- depth and intricate findings can be teased out. Furthermore, due to the personal and subjective nature of qualitative research there is a risk that the analysis and interpretation of participant narratives may be influenced by the researcher’s prior knowledge and personal perspectives on the topic (Rubin &Babbie 2009). However, the researcher was aware of this risk and made every effort to conduct a reflexive and unbiased inquiry by ‘observing how their presence affected the research process’ and also by grounding the study in, and comparing its findings to, established research already conducted in the field (Lichtman, 2006: 121). The current study takes both of the above limitations into account when discussing the validity of its findings.

In-depth narrative accounts from the respondents were nevertheless considered to yield the correct data to address the research aims of the current study. These data were acquired through the secondary analysis of fifteen life-history interviews with immigrant homeless women who were participants in a larger-scale biographical study of homeless women in Ireland. The researcher also conducted two additional life-history interviews with immigrant women to supplement and extend the scope of these fifteen interviews. These research methods will now be discussed in greater detail.

Research Methods

Hakim (1982:1) defines secondary analysis as ‘any further analysis of an existing data set which presents interpretations, conclusion of knowledge additional to, or different from, those presented in the first report on the enquiry’. In short, secondary analysis refers to a process where data collected by one researcher, is re-analyzed by another to pursue an alternative perspective on the same research topic, or a new research interest entirely. Although primarily used for quantitative and systematic research, there is a growing body of literature that supports the use of secondary analysis for qualitative studies in order to maximize the use of under-exploited qualitative data available (Heaton, 1998). This changing orthodoxy in social research is reflected in the establishment of Qualidata by the Economic and Social Research Council in the UK, which archives and prepares data from numerous qualitative projects which can be used for this purpose (Seidel, 1998). Indeed, it has been argued that this approach is beneficial as it 1) allows for the generation of ‘new knowledge, new hypotheses, or support for existing theories’ (Heaton, 1998); 2) aids sensitive research by reducing 32

respondent burden by minimising the recruitment of additional participants (Szabo&Strang, 1997); and 3) gives greater access to rich, detailed data collected from elusive, rare or inaccessible respondents (Fielding et al, 2008; Long-Sutehall et al 2011). These points are particularly relevant to the current research as the topic under study – the lives of homeless immigrant women in Ireland – is a largely unexplored, yet intricate and sensitive, area of research that consists of a largely ‘hidden’ sub-group. Thus, as a larger study of homeless women in Ireland could provide a sub-sample of fifteen in-depth life-history interviews with immigrant women, a rich and substantial data set that had an excellent fit with the current research question was available. Secondary analysis was therefore considered an appropriate and viable option for the project. Additionally, the Principal Investigator of the larger study agreed to grant the researcher access to the aforementioned data.

The current research performed a type of secondary analysis that Heaton (1998) describes as ‘additional in-depth analysis’. What this means is that the same research interest is being explored, i.e. the lives of homeless women, however a more intensive focus was placed specifically on the unique life experiences of the sub-sample of immigrant women extracted from the larger study’s sample. This approach means that the findings may then be used to supplement the data of the larger study and may also allow for the later comparison of the findings between the Irish and non-Irish homeless women. Indeed, Heaton (1998) notes that variations of this particular form of secondary analysis of qualitative data have been previously successful in an, albeit small, number of studies including Szabo and Strang’s (1997) research on carers’ perception of ‘control’, Bull and Kane’s (1996) study of the challenges faced by both professionals and older users in relation to moving form hospital to home, Angst and Deatrick’s (1996) work on chronic illness in children and health care decisions and Kirschbaum and Knafl’s (1996) study of parent-professional relationships in relation to illness.

Although the advantages of secondary qualitative analysis have been outlined by the authors of the studies above (Szabo&Strang, 1997; Bull & Kane, 1996; Angst &Deatrick, 1996 and Kirschbaum; Knafl, 1996) and by other commentators (Heaton, 1998; Seidel, 1998; Fielding et al, 2008; Long- Sutehall et al 2011), it is important to note some of the limitations associated with this research methodology. Gilbert (2001) argues that one of the main challenges of secondary analysis of qualitative research is the consequent de-contextualistation of data. This refers to the challenge of constructing a novel and theoretically informed research question that can be addressed using another researcher’s data. This, he states, is particularly the case when the data being re-analyzed intends to explore concepts that were not central to the original research. However, as the current study is being guided by the research questions of the larger study, this potential problem does not pose a significant threat to the current project.

A further challenge argued by some academics refers to the lack of control and personal involvement on the part of the secondary researcher in collecting the original data. Indeed this supposedly breaks one of the ‘cardinal rules’ of qualitative research (Fielding et al, 2008). However, as Szabo and Strang (1997) note, this issue can be overcome by ‘establishing an effective communication link’ between both the primary and secondary researchers. Incidentally, just like Szabo and Strang (1997), the current researcher worked for a period in the same institution as the original researchers and was in regular and close contact with the Principal Investigator of the larger study. The Principal Investigator was therefore readily available to ‘clarify questions about the contexts of the interviews and to provide additional background information as needed’. Additionally, the researcher had access to all fifteen interview transcripts and the research instruments employed by the original study. Using these instruments, i.e. consent form and interview schedule (see appendices A & E), and following the same procedures and protocols as the larger study, the current researcher conducted two additional interviews with homeless immigrant women to supplement the existing data. The researcher was therefore involved in some of the data collection, thus assuring that the quality and contextual nature of the data remained intact (Fielding et al, 2008). The process by which the two additional participants were recruited will now be expanded upon in more detail.

Participant Recruitment

As highlighted in earlier chapters, homeless immigrant women are a largely ‘hidden’ population. Recruitment of this particular sub-group therefore posed challenges for the researcher when it became clear that potential participants were difficult to locate. A targeted or purposive sampling technique (Watters &Biernacki, 1989) was judged to be most appropriate. Targeted or purposive sampling strategies identify potential participants based on specific selection criteria that are devised by the researcher. For the purpose of the current research, these criteria were chosen using the concept of ‘symbolic representation’, meaning that the selected characteristics are ‘known, or expected to be, salient to the research study’ (Ritchie & Lewis, 2003: 107). Watter&Biernacki (1989: 420) argue that this strategy is distinct from convenience sampling as ‘they entail, rather, a strategy to obtain systematic information when true random sampling is not feasible and when convenience sampling is not rigorous enough to meet the assumptions of the research design’. Indeed, King &Horrocks (2010) note that the most commonly required sampling criterion in qualitative research is diversity. Thus, the current study aimed to recruit two women who represented a variety of positions in relation to, for example, age, nationality, cultural values and issues surrounding their becoming homeless. Variety of this kind, as King and Horrocks (2010: 29) illustrate, will ‘throw light on meaningful differences in experiences’.

In keeping with the selection criteria of the larger study, the recruitment therefore targeted immigrant women aged 18 – 60 who were currently homeless, or had recently experienced homelessness, in Ireland. The existing sub-sample of immigrant women in the larger study included immigrants from Eastern Europe, South and South East Asia and South America. African women who had experienced homeless were therefore particularly targeted, as they were under-represented in the larger study. Initially, the researcher aimed to recruit women from a homeless service outside of Dublin that had not previously been used as a recruitment site. The use of a site not already accessed for recruitment purposes could potentially have added to the sample’s diversity since the majority of the immigrant women recruited to the study to date were residing in a Dublin-based homeless or domestic violence service at the time of interview. Access to this new recruitment site was negotiated by the researcher with the support of the study’s Principal Investigator. The researcher had a personal contact at the homeless service in question and an informal meeting was arranged. The researcher travelled to the hostel to discuss the service’s potential involvement in the study with the Manager and Chairman of the committee.

Although the meeting was a success, and both the Manager and Chairman expressed interest in the research and were keen to facilitate the study, there were no women, let alone immigrant women, accessing their emergency services during the recruitment period. The manager contacted a previous resident, an African woman, and informed her about the study but the woman declined the invitation to participate for reasons unknown to the researcher. The researcher persisted for a period and maintained regular contact with the service but no possible respondents presented themselves. The researcher then concentrated recruitment effort on homeless services in Dublin. Contact was established with two service providers and permission was granted to recruit two immigrant women currently availing of their services. The nationality of both women was Eastern European.

The original aim of recruiting African women from outside the Dublin area was therefore not realised. However, one of the women recruited was Estonian - a nationality not previously represented in the larger study’s sample. Additionally, the second woman was recruited from a service that the larger study had not previously used for participant recruitment. This interview also uncovered a unique reason for her becoming homeless compared to others in the sub-sample. The two participants recruited therefore added diversity to the existing sample of immigrant women, thereby effectively supplementing the fifteen narratives from the larger study. The researcher adhered to the protocols and procedures of the larger study when conducting the interviews with the two women. The complete data collection process will now be discussed in greater detail.

Data Collection

In keeping with the core method of data collection in the larger study, the two additional interviews were biographical, life-history interviews. A biographical approach locates the participant’s experiences in the wider social context of their own life stories in order to better understand the nature and ‘shape’ of their homeless experiences (Atkinson, 1998). In this sense, life story interviews allow the participant to tie their past, present and future together. As mentioned earlier, life history interviewing lends itself to the study of sensitive topics - such as the lives of homeless immigrant women - due to its in-depth and informal nature (Liamputtong, 2007). This interview approach therefore helped to uncover the nuances and complexity of the women’s experiences since it allowed them to tell their own story, using their own words (Atkinson, 1998). This also allowed the researcher to explore the meanings and understandings attached by the women to their experiences of homelessness as well as specific events that may have impacted their housing history. The conduct of two additional interviews with immigrant women adhered to the interviewing approach of the larger study, including the use of the same interview schedule. In keeping with the larger study, a questionnaire was also administered to the two immigrant women following the completion of the biographical interview. This survey instrument was designed to collect demographic data from the participants and included closed questions on topics concerning housing history, children, victimization and offending, health and alcohol and drug use (see appendix F).

The researcher’s use of the same instruments as those employed in the larger study had the advantages of helping to maintain authenticity and also, of protecting against any possible de-contextualisation of the data collected (Fielding et al, 2008). The additional data was therefore merged successfully with the existing fifteen interviews for ease of analysis. The interview schedule in question also valued flexibility, allowing the researcher to depart from the schedule, jump between topics smoothly and respond to unforeseen topics as they emerged during the interview (Robson, 2002). As the impetus of this study was to uncover the immigrant women’s personal perspectives, understandings and experiences of homelessness, this interview approach allowed the participants to raise issues in relation to homelessness that were personally relevant. The researcher also used a combination of techniques such as the use of probing, clarifying and follow-up questions, where appropriate, in order to establish a more thorough understanding of the topic central to the current study – the women’s lives and experiences of homelessness.

The interviews generally lasted between 60 – 75 minutes. The participants were asked to reflect upon a number of topics during the interview including; their past and early life, their current situation and daily life, becoming homeless, their homeless history, their children, their views on coping with and being homeless, family relationships and social support, drug and alcohol use, criminal careers, their physical and mental health and their interaction with homeless services (see appendix E). The

respondents, one Slovakian woman and one Estonian woman, were given a brief description of the study and their role in the research prior to the interview. Indeed both women were interested in the research topic and were keen to participate. As English was not their first language, the researcher carefully explained the consent forms with each respondent and made every effort to ensure that they understood the information fully before signing the form. This language barrier was of particular concern to the researcher. Indeed, prior to the interviews the researcher inquired about the women’s nationalities and looked up a number of key words in the participants’ native language in order prepare for language complications.

The first interview took place in a consultation room in a homeless service in Dublin and was somewhat rushed as the participant’s child was waiting for her outside. The respondent was also visibly tired and was complaining of a headache. The researcher was mindful of these factors and used a number of techniques to cover the most important areas of the interview schedule in a shorter period of time in order to obtain the data needed for the study. The second interview took place in the common room of a homeless service in Dublin’s City Centre. Prior to the interview, the participant’s partner asked to attend the interview with the woman. However, the researcher felt that this could compromise the participant’s responses, and the woman agreed to attend the interview alone. A further discussion of additional issues associated with the conduct of life history interviews with a sensitive population is included later in this chapter under the heading ‘ethical considerations’. The data obtained from these interviews were analysed alongside the fifteen interview transcripts and questionnaires as part of the larger study using a comprehensive coding scheme and the software programs NVIVO and SPSS. A comprehensive description of the analysis stage of the current study will now be provided.

Data Analysis

The qualitative analysis of the data -17 interviews in total - was a complex, progressive and iterative process that involved a number of steps. Firstly, the data were read and re-read by the researcher. This provided the researcher with a deeper understanding of the women’s experiences of homelessness and allowed for the noting of interesting and/or recurring issues as they became apparent. Following this, the researcher devised a coding scheme within which the data and noted issues could be categorised. Given the volume of data generated by 17 life-history narratives, these analytical codes were then entered into the qualitative research software program NVIVO. This program allowed the researcher to manage, shape and classify the unstructured data effectively by providing technology that aided with the fast and efficient sorting of the data into the various codes including life history, family situation during childhood, reasons for coming to Ireland, physical/emotional/sexual abuse during childhood, intimate partner violence, street/hostel based violence, sources of income, reflections on motherhood, ‘into’ homelessness, ‘on’ homelessness, reflections on moving to Ireland, current living

37 situation, alcohol and drug use, physical health, depression and anxiety, service utilization, experiences of services, sources of social support and identity, self and future. The codes were then organized into codebooks that grouped all the relevant data concerning a specific issue into one source. While these software programs are both useful and beneficial, Babbie (2009: 51) notes that ‘the qualitative analyst nevertheless needs a strong reserve of insight and reflection to tease important patterns out of a body of observations’. This process was carried out by the researcher in the current study and is outlined in more detail below.

Influenced by a grounded theory approach (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), the current study employed inductive research strategies which involved a progression from concrete observations to general theoretical explanations (Babbie, 2009: 51). In this sense, the codebooks described above were analysed iteratively and recursively in order to attach meaning and significance to dominant patterns, themes and relationships as they emerged. These themes were then explored and broad conceptualizations or theories that might logically explain these phenomena were formulated (Babbie, 2009). As Coffey and Atkinson (1996: 49) note, ‘this general approach exhorts us to expand rather than to reduce the data, to take categories and exhaust their full analytical potential', thus providing the researcher an opportunity to provide comprehensive and in-depth findings. Following theoretical saturation (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), the data were then checked for negative occurrences to include all experiences and view-points and these were interpreted in tandem with the existing research literature that may, or may not, support the findings of the study, so as to be reflexive (Bryman, 2004). The data from the questionnaires were used to supplement the data obtained in the qualitative interviews. The collection of this information allowed for the entry of the data into SPSS for subsequent quantitative descriptive analysis to obtain various frequencies and statistics in relation to the topic under research such as the educational level, number of children and incidences of violence experienced by, the immigrant women.

By identifying and analysing emergent themes within the current study, while simultaneously comparing and contrasting the results with existing research, it was hoped that the key findings would help to provide an accurate, comprehensive and in-depth insight into the lives and experiences of homeless immigrant women in Ireland. As this sub-group is considered vulnerable, a number of ethical concerns had to be addressed during the design and implementation stages of the study. These considerations will now be discussed.

3.3 Ethical considerations

It is widely acknowledged that the study of homeless women is a particularly sensitive area of research (Edgar & Doherty, 2001, Baptista, 2010). Paradis (2000) argues that since homeless women are a marginalised and vulnerable group, it is imperative that research on this population is carefully developed and designed in a way that does not contribute to the stigmatisation of these women. Drawing upon this sentiment, Liamputtong (2006: 27) notes that sensitive researchers of this topic must therefore be aware that their research may have the potential to ‘reinforce stereotypes and contribute to discrimination against homeless women as a whole’. Thus, when planning and implementing the current study, a number of strategies, approaches and precautions were adopted to protect the wellbeing of both the researcher and the research participants to ensure the research was ethically sound.

Participant Safety

Prior to the conduct of the interviews, the participants were provided with an information sheet briefly outlining the research, their role in the study and the kind of questions they would be asked during the interview (see appendices A & D). This allowed the interviewees sufficient time to consider their participation in the study and the opportunity to make an informed decision to participate. No pressure was placed on the respondents to take part and their confidentiality was ensured, except in the event of them disclosing information indicating that they were at risk of harm. Written consent was also obtained prior to the interview and the women were made aware that their role was voluntary and, given the sensitive and personal nature of the interview topics, that they could terminate their participation in the study at any time and for any reason. Since the study recruited immigrant women who have experienced homelessness whilst living in Ireland, English was not the first language of the interviewees. In light of this, the researcher used non-jargonistic, comprehensible and plain English during the interviews and particular care was taken to ensure that the women fully understood the above considerations in full before agreeing to take part in the study.

As homeless immigrant women are a marginalised group, there may have been an unequal research relationship or power balance between the interviewer and interviewee. Thus, the researcher highlighted the unique and valuable contribution that the respondents’ stories would make to the research. Steps were also taken to ensure the respondents understood that they would be afforded an opportunity to be heard and listened to in a non-judgmental environment and that their life experiences and opinions would be respected by the researcher within the context of the overall study. The participants were also able to guide the course of the interview and dictate certain topics that were covered, thus empowering the women to a certain extent by encouraging a sense of autonomy and self-determination. The participants were treated equally and with dignity and respect.

The study posed no physical risk to the participants and every effort was made to respect the participants’ privacy and emotional wellbeing due to the personal nature of the interview. The interviews were structured in such a way that sensitive issues were both introduced and phased out gradually, so that the participant did not begin or leave the interview feeling distressed. The interviews therefore began with an invitation to tell their own life story in a relaxed and informal atmosphere, before proceeding to more sensitive topics. The respondents could answer this question in their own time and could include any information that they felt was personally relevant. The respondents were also made aware that they did not have to answer any questions or discuss any topics that they did not feel comfortable talking about. The researcher did not overtly probe or prompt on occasions where such issues arose. In the event that participants appeared to be uncomfortable about expanding upon a certain topic, they were offered the opportunity to stop or take a break from the interview. Respondents were also offered the option of contacting the researcher subsequently if they had questions or issues that they would like to raise. In addition, the participants were given a list of available support services in Dublin and the surrounding areas that they may wish to contact following the interview (see appendix D). These included women’s aid, domestic violence refuges, homeless hostels and accommodations, health/mental health services, rape crisis centres, alcohol and drug support services and family planning clinics.

Participants were also informed that the interviews would be audio recorded and that they reserved the right to terminate an interview at any time, thus ceasing the recording. The respondents were re- assured that their involvement would be confidential and that all recordings would be kept in a locked and secure filing cabinet and would be destroyed once the study was completed. This was made explicit prior to the interview and prior to their giving formal, written consent to participate.

Researcher Safety

As the study involved the participation of a vulnerable group, the researcher may have been exposed to harrowing accounts that had the potential to cause emotional/psychological distress. In order to ensure the wellbeing of the researcher, regular debriefing meetings were held between the researcher and the study’s supervisor to discuss any issues that arose in this respect. Additionally, a protocol to ensure interviewer safety was adhered to as homeless hostels/services settings may have had the potential to be dangerous environments. The researcher carried a mobile phone at all times for security reasons and always informed her supervisor of her whereabouts when travelling to and from a participant interview. The researcher did not carry any expensive items or equipment when commuting to and from the interview location and techniques were prepared by the researcher to remove herself from a situation immediately if she felt unsafe at any point.

3.4 Conclusion

In conclusion, a combination of secondary analysis of biographical interview data from a larger study on women and homelessness and the conduct of two additional life history interviews by the researcher to supplement and extend the scope of these data, provided the fundamental infrastructure of the current study. Although a number of limitations have been identified within the literature concerning secondary analysis of qualitative data, various steps have been taken by the researcher to address potential issues of authenticity and to help to avoid de-contextualising the additional data collected. Targeted sampling techniques were used to recruit the additional two participants. Although a number of challenges occurred during the recruitment process, these difficulties were rectified as the researcher adjusted and broadened the scope of the sample selection criteria in order to include a wider range of possible participants. The processes involved with the two additional life-history interviews were discussed alongside various limitations and ethical considerations of the current study, which were acknowledged and their impact assessed with the primary aim of being reflexive. The qualitative data analysis procedure carried out by the researcher was discussed progressively, identifying the underlying theories and conceptions that guided this stage of the research. The benefits of the relevant software programs utilized were also highlighted. Using these various strategies, procedures, processes and ethical guidelines within the study design, the current study aimed to provide an exploratory and illustrative account of the lives and experiences of homeless immigrant women living in Ireland. The findings of the current study will be presented in the following chapter.

4. RESEARCH FINDINGS

This study’s methodological approach involved a secondary analysis of fifteen life-history interviews with immigrant women who participated in a larger study of female homelessness in Ireland. Two additional life-history interviews were conducted by the author to supplement these data. This chapter documents the dominant findings to emerge from a detailed analysis of all seventeen interviews. Excerpts from the life-history narratives are used to build an in-depth account of immigrant women’s experience of homelessness in the Irish context. The findings have been grouped thematically and are discussed in relation to the following topics in accordance with the research aims: 1) the processes that propelled the women ’into’ homelessness, including examination of the role of domestic violence and income poverty in relation to housing stability; 2) barriers the women faced in relation to exiting homelessness, namely structural factors such as unemployment and housing exclusion as well as interpersonal factors such as social isolation and physical and mental health; 3) their approaches to help seeking and interactions with services and, in particular, the women’s lack of familiarity with available support services, their reluctance to use services and their experiences with the service providers; and 4) the manner in which the women coped with homelessness, including aspects of identity management and their perspectives and hopes for the future.

4.1 Participant Profile

This section provides a demographic breakdown of the sample and highlights the diversity of the participants. It includes information on respondents’ nationality, age, children, employment status, relationship status, education level, immigration status, current living situation, time spent living in Ireland, and the duration of their homelessness. This information will help to contextualise the women’s experiences by building a more comprehensive portrait of the immigrant women.

Eleven different nationalities are represented in the sub-sample of immigrant women (n = 17). The dominant countries of origin of the women include regions of Eastern Europe (n = 9), Asia (n=4) and Southern Europe (n = 2). A smaller number of women came from Africa (n = 1) and The Americas (n = 1). The countries of origin of the women are not specified in the presentation of narrative excerpts in order to protect the women’s identity and anonymity. Ranging in age from 25 – 52 years (Mean = 33), the majority were residing in temporary emergency accommodation at the time of interview (n = 5). Others were living in private-rented accommodation (n = 4) 1, domestic violence refuges (n = 3), and transitional housing (n = 3). One woman was staying with a friend and another was sleeping rough at the time of interview. The length of time the women were living in Ireland ranged from 1

1 These women were included in the sample because they had experienced homelessness during the six months prior to interview. 42 month to 10 years (Mean = 4 years). Since immigrating to Ireland, the duration of the women’s homeless experiences ranged from 2 weeks to 10 years (Mean = 3 years).

The majority of the women were mothers (n = 14) with children in their care (n = 12). Only two of the women were living with a spouse or intimate partner at the time of interview; the remainder of the sample were either separated or divorced from their partners. All but two women were unemployed and looking for a job. The women were relatively well educated and reported a wide range of educational attainment levels, including the completion of the equivalent of Junior (n = 1) or Leaving Certificate (n = 7) levels of education; nine had either a third-level diploma (n = 7) or degree (n = 2). All but three women held official residency rights; two women had no immigration status and one women did not satisfy the habitual residence condition.

To further protect the identity of the participants, each immigrant woman has been assigned a pseudonym for the purposes of the current research. Throughout the remainder of this chapter, the interviewees are referred to using these names, followed by the participant’s age (e.g. Bina, 32). As the sample size is relatively small, the researcher has used the method of counting, where relevant, rather than providing percentages to describe the findings.

4.2 Immigrant Women’s Pathways to Homelessness

As stated in the introduction to this thesis, homelessness does not simply refer to the lack of a physical dwelling. Rather it is a multi-dimensional and fluid process often linked to several interrelated issues. These issues frequently work to contribute to layers of experience that create vulnerability to housing instability. This diversity and complexity was highlighted in the women’s narratives.

This section examines the events, circumstances and personal perspectives surrounding the women’s first, and subsequent, experience(s) of homelessness. The dominant themes or strands of experience to emerge from the life history interviews in relation to becoming homeless are presented. These themes include intimate partner violence, poverty, and personal challenges that compromised the women’s ability to secure and/or maintain housing and simultaneously created vulnerability to homelessness. It is important to note that these experiences were not mutually exclusive but rather over-lapping and recurring in their stories of becoming homeless.

Intimate Partner Violence

Then I met my husband … I fell in love so he very quickly asked me to marry him so I said yes because he was treating me like a queen … The week I got married everything totally changed.’ [Tereska, 25]

Although several women reported that they came to Ireland in search of better job opportunities and increased income, a majority immigrated to be with their partners. They often “left everything behind” and severed ties in their countries of origin in the belief that they were going to have a “new” and “better” life in Ireland. However, for many the early weeks or months subsequent to the move to Ireland were marked by a sudden change in their partner’s behaviour, with women recounting ways in which their spouses became “erratic”, “cruel” and/or “abusive”. This section explores these experiences and the effects of intimate partner violence or abuse described by the participants. Barriers and approaches to exiting abusive situations are also considered.

Experiences of Violence

The women’s stories revealed a strong connection between homelessness and domestic abuse. Fourteen out of the seventeen women reported that they had experienced violence in the context of an intimate partner relationship. Ten of these women stated that they were homeless as a direct result of this abuse, fleeing some time later to a domestic violence refuge (n = 6), emergency homeless service (n = 2) and/or friend’s houses or hotels (n = 2). While the nature and duration of reported violence varied between the participants, it usually involved a combination of physical abuse (e.g. hitting, slapping, punching or choking), emotional/verbal abuse (e.g. intimidation, name calling, manipulation, controlling, threats of violence and/or forcing the women to go against their religious values), financial/economic abuses (e.g. controlling finances and tampering with the women’s immigration documentation), and sexual abuse (e.g. rape, sexual assault, forced intercourse). Aisha’s (31) account demonstrated the severity of the violence experienced by some of the women:

‘Once he was about to kill me like, he bring a stone to bang my head. And then I said, ‘please forgive me, please forgive me’, but I don’t know what I did ... and then I went to the toilet and locked the toilet door and I didn’t come out, he was outside and he was telling me come outside, ‘I’ll cut your figure, I’ll cut your hair’, it was really, I was really scared.’

Tereksa’s (25) experience illustrates the multidimensional nature of the abuse she experienced:

‘He [my husband] just put his cards on the table and said, ‘You have the right to do this, you don’t have the right to do that’… [Everyday] there was mental abuse that was stepping on my rights…watching TV, saying bad things about women, there was sexual abuse. Manipulations, you know, it was like every single thing he was doing … demanding like in a master’s voice.’

Several of the women also reported marital rape or sexual violence in the context of their intimate relationships. For instance, while all fourteen women experienced emotional abuse as well as at least one incident of physical violence, six also reported sexual abuse from their partners. This primarily referred to accounts of rape, sexual control, sexual assault and forced intercourse.

‘He started forcing himself on me … I don’t know how many times. And when he was done he would push me aside, like I was some filthy piece of I don’t know … I felt dirty.’ [Delilah, 30]

‘At 12 o’clock he wake up and he was forcing me for sex and I denied and then he started to beat me. And like a few times this kind of issue and when he, most of the time he first took off my clothes then he started to beat me, he took off my clothes first… From that time maybe it’s damaged my mind.’ [Aisha, 31]

The narratives almost always referenced the extremely negative and long lasting impact of abuse on the women’s lives. This was particularly the case for those who reported sustained emotional abuse, as demonstrated in Immanuela’s (29) account:

‘He [my husband] said, ‘you don’t have nothing, you come here only with one bag, you’re nothing, you cannot speak English, you never be somebody here’. And every day, if you hear this every day, you start to believe … and I really started to believe that I am nothing here, I was more quiet and pushed down and I was sitting at home only … I was only cleaning for him, you know, like nobody really … and then he saw that I really cannot find myself here, that he was happy for that, he was hit me more and more and more.’

Immanuela’s story is similar to other women in the sample and illustrates the extent of the harm caused by psychological abuse in the context of their intimate relationships. Many reported feeling “lonely” and “helpless” or that they felt like “nothing” or a “servant” with no real purpose in life, particularly as the abuse continued.

‘My whole life changes, all the ambitions I used to have, the art, the music, everything, just he stepped on it…I just stay at home, you know like be a typical wife.’ [Tereska, 25]

Some stated that they had been conditioned or “brainwashed”, in the words of one participant, to feel undeserving of a meaningful and loving relationship as their self-esteem and confidence was gradually eroded by their partner. In some cases, their partners appeared to take advantage of this depletion in self-esteem and further perpetuated abuse by dictating the women’s lives in every sense. Indeed, a number of women stated that they felt like they had “no control” over their lives during periods of domestic abuse.

‘I was really weak, like powerless and without my will and anything, I was just totally being down in that relationship. [Tereska, 25]

The majority of the women indicated that the experience of abuse resulted in feelings of depression. Indeed, depression was a prominent theme that emerged in relation to domestic violence. Furthermore, four women alluded to having contemplated suicide during periods of domestic violence and one woman had attempted to end her life.

‘That time how I cannot stand strongly, I cannot look at people’s eyes, I can’t shift my eyes form the ground. I was down and depressed…my smile look like I am crying.’ [Aisha, 31]

‘I was sometimes asking God to take me from this world because I don’t think that is the way that I would like to live, I am not strong enough.’ [Tereska, 25]

The women invariably became significantly isolated and this sense of isolation was exacerbated by the absence of friends and family support networks, thus increasing their dependence on their partners.

‘Every day I stay alone…I don’t have English and without TV, without Internet, without radio, I stay home and was looking on the wall.’ [Immanuela, 29]

Exiting Domestic Violence

A pattern of ‘staying and not leaving’ was evident within these abusive relationships. This was most often related to the barriers the women faced when attempting to exit a violent situation. For example, the social isolation and emotional conditioning described above made the women particularly vulnerable to sustained abuse and made leaving these situations difficult. This was associated with their high level of dependence on their partners in a social, financial and economic sense. Most talked about the difficulties surrounding their leaving the abusive situation.

‘It was difficult [to leave my abusive husband] you know, I don’t want to put my life in danger…you don’t have anything, you don’t have assistance… don’t know the system, where I go.’ [Maria, 29]

‘I was so scared about me that nobody wants me now and I’m pregnant and that I don’t have a family so what I do now? That’s why I go with him and we’re married. [Immanuela, 29]

Indeed, a number of women stated that they felt “trapped” in these abusive relationships and were forced to return following their attempts to flee because they had “nowhere to go”. This was further compounded by their fears of severe beatings from their partner if they tried to leave.

‘I say I leave you, he will kill me … the police can only take you one night from the house…so I was scared, I turn and I go back to house.’ [Immanuela, 29]

This threat of abuse seemed to last even after the relationship had ended and several women stated that they lived in constant fear that their husbands would “track them down” and seek revenge.

‘Even on the road when I was walking on the path, I was looking behind me … Is he coming, is he coming because I know if he knows where I am going, after that I am going to be finished.’ [Nala, 30]

‘Sometimes I just am scared, you know like sometimes I think in the evening and sit and I think ‘oh my God what if he come now.’ [Immanuela, 29]

These women were often afraid seek help or tell anyone about their situation for fear of exposing the violence to the outside world.

‘So it [domestic abuse] started when I was 6 month pregnant and then was very, very often because he know that I don’t tell anybody this, I was so scared talking, I never go doctor to show my bruises.’ [Immanuela, 29]

‘I did feel stuck … and the people watching, what are they going to say?’

[Delilah, 30]

These accounts highlighted the hidden dimension of domestic abuse and the idea of ‘suffering in silence’ due to perceived shame or stigma associated with such abuse.

The majority of the women also found it difficult to exit domestic violence due to a lack of family support. There were three primary reasons for this: 1) lack of contact with family due to geographical distance; 2) not wanting to “burden” or “worry” family members with their “problems”; and/or 3) evidence of a ‘culture of shame’ which attached stigma to the experience of domestic abuse, a homelessness status, and/or marital breakdown. These cultural barriers to the disclosure of intimate partner violence acted as a disincentive for women in accessing support services; many did not want to expose their situations of domestic abuse. 47

‘And the world would know that [I am] divorced and I didn’t want the whole drama of people saying ‘look at her, she is Christian, she cares about the Bible but now her husband, things are falling apart.’ Where I am coming from, to be married and divorced is a huge shame, it’s the worst…I was not ready to tell [anyone] what was going on, I just cried indoors, just locked the doors, always locking the doors.’ [Delilah, 30]

Two women reported that they had been encouraged to stay in the abusive relationship by relatives in order to keep their, and their family’s, honour intact. These kinds of experiences served to trivialise abuse in their lives.

‘They [my family] don’t want to listen to me that he was hitting me … they said the wife must stay with the husband even if one time he hit you… they say to me that I must pray, maybe he change.’ [Immanuela, 29]

In some cases, upon the disclosure of intimate partner abuse, the families of women were reported to have disowned them. This not only exacerbated the experience of social isolation but also made the women reluctant to return to their countries of origin due to the fear of rejection and ostracization.

‘It was too late because my parents had disowned me [because of domestic violence], I was thrown out from the community and everything so there was no one for me, where should I turn...it was no good reason to home because I have lost my identity, I have lost my religion. Who will accept me? Who will be open for me? No one is open for me’. [Bina, 32]

Additional barriers to exiting situations of domestic violence included language difficulties, cultural remoteness, a fear of losing their children to social services, and not wanting to burden friends or acquaintances by staying with them too long. Some women also expressed concerns about living independently due to their dependence on their partners. As Delilah (30) described:

‘Where will I start now? Will I have to look for job? Will I have to go back home and live with my family? I am not 16, I am twenty something!’

Problems surrounding the women’s immigration status and/or feeling tied to marriage were also highlighted as barriers to exiting domestic abuse. For example, three women reported that their husbands or partners had manipulated, tampered with, or produced fraudulent copies of the documentation that had permitted them to reside in Ireland. One woman stated that her immigration permit was no longer legitimate because her husband had supplied false documents to the Department of Justice. Two women also stated that their husbands continued to complicate their lives by disputing their accounts in court and making false claims to the police in an effort to delegitimize their stay in the Irish state.

Despite these women’s experiences of the negative effects of domestic violence, several demonstrated great strength in seeking to move on with their lives since escaping these abusive relationships.

‘The whole experience that I have…teach me a lot, I am today very I think strong woman…if I don’t have now this situation with my husband, I couldn’t like do this what I have done, I wouldn’t be such a strong woman.’ [Immanueala, 29]

Although the women often left their abusive situations with little or no belongings and/or money, they almost always expressed positive feelings of “freedom”, “relief” “independence”, and ‘liberation”.

‘I am always like this [happy]. But I wasn’t before, but since 10 years now, I was trapped, and I had no idea who I was until I come out … It’s amazing how being free in your mind helps you deal with things and learning and everything.’ [Alexandra, 30]

‘I was basically a prisoner [in my home]. As soon as he go, I would go! It was my free time, now I was free … the warden is gone! I would go out and talk with my friends.’ [Delilah, 30]

Poverty, Unemployment and Personal Challenges

Five women in the sample stated they became homeless due to financial difficulties. This largely referred to income poverty and unemployment and was compounded in some cases by issues in relation to unaffordable housing and/or access to welfare. Personal challenges such as drug use also featured and, in one case, sexual harassment by a landlord was reported. These issues will now be discussed in more detail.

‘I don’t make big plans you know? Because I make big plans and then the recession came and my plan got broken.’ [Cecylia, 27]

A dominant theme to emerge from the narratives was the impact of the current recession on the women’s financial and housing security. Several stated that they had lost their jobs as a result of the economic downturn and, although they had tried to acquire new employment, they remained excluded from the labour market for various reasons such as a lack of demand and/or language barriers.

‘I was trying to find a job and no jobs at all – even those in McDonalds or Supermacs, no, they weren’t taking new staff.’ [Cecylia, 27]

‘Now for 2 months we don’t have place to live, we don’t have home at all. Why? Because there is no job … I am looking for a job … but it is not possible to find it. I know the language poorly and that is where there are difficulties.’ [Vonda, 48]

As a result, many of the women were unable to keep up with rent payments and were subsequently evicted from their housing situations. Others were forced to quit their jobs due to the monetary strain placed on them in relation to childcare and /or unaffordable housing.

‘How can I go without a house, without a babysitter or there wasn’t a crèche. So I went away from the job and stayed in [a homeless hostel] ‘till I find something else.’ [Dominika, 25]

‘I really want to go to work but my problem is how I am going to put the baby, you know at the moment and I cannot manage to go, to put in the child care you know, that’s really my worry. I don’t know how I am going to manage my life.’ [Maria, 29]

These women’s vulnerability to homelessness was exacerbated in some cases by discrimination from landlords, which precluded them from staying with friends temporarily until suitable, and/or a stable living situation could be acquired. One woman mentioned the financial burden of her unemployed partner who she had to support by financing his rent and subsistence.

‘My boyfriend, my unemployed boyfriend [was the main cause of my homelessness] because he didn’t work … he was the man, they eat more, smoke more cigarettes … he cost me a lot of money’. [Cecylia, 27]

For three of the women, income poverty was related primarily to their immigration status. This was the case for undocumented immigrant women or women without Habitual Residence Condition, whose access to welfare payments were severely impacted. In two cases, the original permit to live and work in Ireland was linked to marriage. Since these relationships ended in separation or divorce, the women lacked certain rights and statutory financial entitlements with regard to employment and social benefits.

Substance abuse was noticeably absent from practically all of the women’s life stories, although two attributed their homelessness to drug use, namely heroin addiction. In these cases, addiction impacted the women’s lives in various ways such as leading to their separation from their partners, job loss, eviction from their housing, and also restricted their access to social welfare payments.

‘I started taking drugs again and then he [my partner] used the excuse you know that I had to go out of the flat as well. So that’s how I became homeless you know, and it was especially after my lost my job that’s when the fights started because he said I'm not going to be with you when you are not working you know?’ [Tereza, 32]

A further challenge identified by one woman was sexual harassment and from a landlord. This woman was eventually forced to leave her apartment and become homeless in order to flee the abusive situation.

‘I live before in the [private rented apartmen]t and I had too much problem from landlord yeah? Because it’s my clothes, my T.V. my everything he not give me back, my passport is still [with him], he not give me back because I have problem for landlord because I don’t give him like sex.’ [Alina, 33]

This section has explored the experiences that dominated the women’s pathways to homelessness. They reveal the significant role of domestic violence, as well as several structural and personal factors, that propelled them ‘into’ homelessness. Notably, domestic abuse impacted severely on the women’s lives and had socio-economic, financial and personal implications. The negative psychological effects of domestic violence increased their vulnerability to housing instability and continued to do so even after the relationships had ended. An exploration of the barriers to exiting homelessness experienced by the women provided further insight into their experiences of housing insecurity.

4.3 Barriers to Exiting Homelessness

The women’s narratives reveal a number of barriers to their exiting homelessness. These were generally related to structural factors such as housing insecurity, unemployment and lack of income, and/or interpersonal factors such as mental/physical ill-health, social isolation, and a reluctance to return to their country of origin. These issues will now be discussed in some detail.

Structural Factors

The women identified the unavailability of subsidized and affordable housing, as well as insufficient income, as major barriers to exiting homelessness. Those women who were residing in homeless hostels and refuges at the time of interview were struggling to save money from their welfare payments to contribute towards the payment of rent if they were to move into private rented housing. This was described as a slow process, particularly in cases where women were supporting dependent children. A majority of the women had applied for supported housing but this transition involved long waiting periods during which they were forced to reside in temporary accommodation. In addition, women who had acquired a place in a supported housing unit expressed concern over increasing rents, which they feared could threaten the security of their living situation. In cases where supported housing was not possible the women felt “stuck”, “trapped” or “left behind” in emergency accommodation.

‘The Irish women get the support from the social and they look for the accommodation and they get the right rent allowance. So they just stay for a few weeks and they just move on with their life…lots of women came and move out and move on with their life. The only one who is left out is me. [Bina, 32]

Income, or lack thereof, was identified as a considerable hindrance to ensuring housing security. Lack of income was largely associated with unemployment among the women. The women also identified the negative effects of the abuse they had previously endured, their inadequate command of the English language, unrecognised skills and education levels in the Irish context, and challenges associated with balancing childcare responsibilities while searching for and/or maintaining a job, as major barriers to securing employment.

Unemployment was a great source of frustration for the women as many had high educational attainment levels in their countries of origin (e.g. third level diplomas and third level degrees) and also had significant experience in their field of work.

‘I want to find job but always they say to me that it’s too much, you know the language barrier is too high and I cannot because I have lots of experience, I have 10 years experience with my job but I don’t have English perfect..’[Immanuala, 29]

Nearly all of the women in the sample were dependant on some form of governmental income support. Although this financial assistance provided some relief for the women, it was nevertheless insufficient to allow the participants to live comfortably in temporary accommodation, let alone to ensure housing stability.

‘I was getting €70 here in Ireland, I had to take out some money to buy groceries and out of that I had take money off transport and for food and at the end of the day, I was left with nothing.’ [Delilah, 30]

Two of the women in the sample had no immigration status and, consequently, had no access or entitlement to social welfare. These women struggled to make ends meet and depended on donations from homeless charities and/or acquiring casual low-paid work. These women appeared unlikely to exit homelessness in the near future.

‘So always you are terrified that Oh my God if the payments stop, then what will happen because I am not allowed to work in this country as I have no status and I don’t have any social welfare help. So I am always worried.’ [Bina, 32]

Those women who had secured paid employment often earned low wages and accepted jobs that did not match their qualifications and skill levels. They considered these jobs to be substandard or “common” compared to their careers “back home” and, although grateful to have a job, they also felt ashamed of their employment status and were eager to have jobs in their chosen professions. These women tended to view their current employment situations as a temporary means to an end and a necessary step towards becoming settled in Ireland.

Interpersonal Factors

Interpersonal factors also affected the women’s ability to find secure housing and live independently. These included issues in relation to physical health, mental health and being unable to return to their countries of origin. Nearly all of the women referred to having experienced some form of depression, and/or poor physical health. These health problems had often resulted from poor eating habits (either over-eating or under eating due to stress), insomnia and/or high levels of anxiety. Women often attributed their health difficulties to the experience of domestic violence as well as the experience of homelessness itself, which had resulted in inactivity, unemployment, lack of social interaction/support, insecure housing, low income, worry for their children’s safety and wellbeing, and uncertainty of their future.

‘I have too many problems, no school for kids, [services] have not help me nothing you know? I’m very, very tired I don’t know, I’m not happy... I have problem ‘cause no house, no money, not have passport..’[Monika, 39]

‘When I have them [sleeping pills], I sleep alright, but it’s just now, when I am on my own, and I keep thinking, thinking, how will I find a job, loads of problems…I can’t sleep properly.’ [Tereza, 32]

‘Last 2 months I am having kind of breathing problem, there is no asthma so maybe there is subconscious stress [because of domestic abuse]… maybe [it has gotten worse] because I become lonely again, I’m not lonely actually, but not doing anything [inactive].’ [Aisha, 31]

The health conditions described above affected the women’s ability to enter the labour market, seek help and support, and function productively in everyday life. Thus, the possibility of these women ensuring housing security and exiting homelessness successfully in the future was significantly compromised.

Additional barriers to housing stability were recounted by a small number of participants. These included abusive ex-partners who engaged in ‘stalking’ behaviour, forcing them to keep moving from place to place in an effort to ensure their safety. Difficulties were also highlighted with past landlords who continued to harass them for money and, in one case, who withheld documentation and personal possessions because she refused to engage in a sexual relationship with him.Social isolation, cultural remoteness, and lack of family or friendship networks also emerged as dominant themes in relation to exiting homelessness within the narratives. None of the women had close family members living in Ireland and few had regular contact and/or good relationships with family members living in their countries of origin. Indeed, several participants reported strained or fraught family relationships due to the shame or stigma of homelessness, domestic violence or divorce.

‘Seeking help in a refuge is like a stigma for our community and people are too ashamed to say these things … whenever they know about my situation, they just step back.’ [Bina, 32]

The women also reported that they had few close friends in Ireland. For friendship, they therefore depended on other residents (often individuals from their countries of origin) in the homeless hostels or refuges where they resided. These individuals were however, more often than not, described as “acquaintances” and not people in whom the women felt they could confide or trust. Those women who did have meaningful relationships in Ireland seemed to benefit greatly from the social interaction and support these friendships provided. These networks also provided some of the women with help in relation to various aspects of day-to-day life such as childcare and moving possessions from place to place.

‘Yes, so they [other single mothers] help me but I try to help as well, so it’s not that only people help me, I try to help as well.’ [Immanuela, 29]

This section has examined a number of issues identified by the women as barriers to their ability to exit homelessness. It seems clear from the narratives that their exit routes were characterised by various challenges, in both a personal and structural sense. These issues were often inter-related and over-lapping within their life stories. This complexity further compounded the women’s difficulties in negotiating a successful pathway ‘out’ of homelessness. The women’s experiences of exiting homelessness were further shaped by their approaches to help seeking and their interactions with services. These issues will now be discussed.

4.4 Approaches to Help Seeking and Interaction with Services

The women’s approaches to help seeking and their mixed experiences with various homeless/domestic violence services dominated many of the narratives. Major themes to emerge included their lack of familiarity with services, their reluctance to use services, and their experiences with the service providers.

Lack of Familiarity with Services

The majority of the women were unaware of the homeless support services available to them in Ireland. A number stated that they “didn’t know the system” or “where to go” when they first experienced housing instability.

‘No friends and no family relations really existed in my life… I was isolated… I couldn’t cope with it…I didn’t know where to turn and who will help me out because I didn’t have enough tools and I was not knowing anyone so I was just trying to get a way out.’ [Bina, 32]

‘I found my life was very, I feel scared, I feel that I cannot think possibly about my life, I don’t know the system in Ireland, I don’t have family or friends…it was such a disaster.’ [Maria, 29]

This was particularly the case for women in domestic violence situations who were largely unaware of the available options, such as emergency homeless accommodation or a domestic violence refuge, on leaving the abusive relationship.

‘I had no idea a place like this [refuge] exist – I had no idea the guards would help you. I had no idea the school would understand, the GP would understand. I had no idea about anything, I felt alone and just because of that I didn’t leave him [my husband] earlier.’ [Alexandra, 30]

Due to this lack of knowledge, supported escape from abusive situations was a dominant theme to emerge from the narratives. Various individuals and services provided the women with the information necessary to exit abusive situations. This included help, encouragement, advice and assistance from the police (n = 3), social workers (n = 2), parents and staff at their children’s schools (n = 2), GP’s (n = 2) and friends/neighbours (n = 2).

‘She [my neighbour] saw that [I was being abused] and she said ‘you must leave your husband, I try to sort out something for you’ and she sorted me the social worker, and [my social worker] was saying to me that because I was never working here in Ireland, it doesn’t matter, ‘you have situation you cannot work, you are pregnant, you cannot work because you are depressed, we help you, we give you a home, we give you small money, you can find work, you can have her here, you can start life’. [Immanuela, 29]

The majority of participants responded well to the efforts of domestic violence/homeless services when they were offered or available. The Gardai, in particular, were identified by the women as helpful at the time they were trying to flee abusive home situations. The Gardai provided women with information about where to go and also escorted them to homeless services or refuges.However, not all of the women were in a position to avail of such support and sometimes depended on chance encounters for advice. Three women had approached strangers of the same ethnic origin in their efforts to seek help in relation to homelessness and domestic abuse.

‘Well, when I first arrived [in Ireland]… I came into the city to explore and look for other Bolivians, or Latin Americans who could help me, advise me and then I saw them walking down the street. We all look so similar so I spotted them as I was walking around Dublin looking for people who looked like me!’ [Sofia, 34]

‘We’re not very close because we are just, I just found him in the street, you know we are the same Filipino … he know I was really scared, I didn’t know where to go, I don’t know the

system in this Ireland … I was just living 2 days with [him], you know because he just offered me … he gave me information about that [refuges] and that made me go to that emergency accommodation.’ [Maria, 29]

Indeed, several women stated they preferred to interact with other immigrants from their country of origin, in daily life and within homeless accommodations.

‘I do not want to trust anyone that’s not my countryman.’ [Maria, 29]

Several participants also reported that they were “confused” about their residency rights and immigration status. For some of the women, their knowledge of these issues was misinformed and based largely on hearsay.

‘I don’t know the laws of this country; I don’t know what is going on here.’

[Delilah, 30]

Reluctance to Use Services

The majority of the women reported that they were initially reluctant and anxious about approaching homeless/domestic violence services for assistance. These feelings were strongly associated with the ‘culture of shame’ surrounding domestic abuse and marital breakdown (as outlined earlier in this chapter). Women also worried about the perceived stigma of a homeless status and identity.

‘I don’t want to go and spread the word around that I was abused, I don’t want people to look at me and think ’oh the poor thing, the victim’, you know? Because I am more than that.’ [Delilah, 30]

Several women also stated that they were reluctant to use homeless services due to their negative perceptions of homeless accommodations and their residents. A number also expressed initial safety concerns for themselves and their children in these contexts.

Experiences with Services

The women reported mixed experiences with various homeless and domestic violence services. While some reported positive experiences, a number highlighted negative interactions. These included arguments with, and intimidation from hostel managers, feeling ignored, not receiving payments and/or “treated like a dog” at welfare offices. Others reported that “nothing happed” after they made contact with relevant services or being pressured by social services to return to their country of origin; others had been forced to leave their accommodation when they could not keep up with the payments. Some women believed that their poor treatment in these situations was related to their ethnicity – “If

you’re not Irish, they’re really not nice to you”. This resulted in feelings of anger and frustration among some of the women.

‘Sometimes I feel it’s useless going to these places, because I come home crying and even angrier but why should I be angry with people here? It’s my mess, it’s not their fault, I have been in this so … at the same time I feel like I need help but I know people don’t care, they don’t care I have been through this abuse, I am going through this divorce and nothing has worked.’ [Delilah, 30]

‘The hardest part of being homeless is to deal with some of the staff from the offices, I try not to blow the window and break her neck you know?’ [Cecylia, 27]

Many of the women also felt let down by the system.

‘I was thinking why [did my social worker] promise that they help me, you know, now I waiting 3 months, they give me nothing.’ [Immanuela, 29]

A small number of women stated that they had also experienced a constant sense of insecurity in relation to their welfare payments and housing and feared that social services could cease or reduce their payments at any time – “they give me something, they take it back in one week”. This shaped some of the women’s opinions as they were distrustful of the welfare system and believed that social services did not have the women’s best interests in mind or due consideration of their experiences.

‘They supposed to help us … why they push us down more?’ [Immanuela, 29]

Another dominant theme to emerge from the narratives was the experience of having to deal with a number of different people, from different services, on different occasions. This was a source of further confusion and frustration.

Positive experiences with services were mainly associated with key workers, after-care social workers and staff in the homeless accommodation they had accessed. For many of the women, these relationships were pivotal and provided considerable practical, emotional and social support. Some women referred to the staff in these accommodations as “family”.

‘They [the staff at refuge] build your hope and courage … when I was there I feel that I am not hopeless.’ [Maria, 29]

‘This place [the hostel] has become my world to me: I have become so close to the staff and like, so attached to them, so I know all that very well and when I am feeling low and down, I go and have a little chat with them so I feel a bit better in me.’ [Bina, 32]

The majority of the women were also positive about the accommodation they accessed on becoming homeless. This was particularly the case for women with no addiction issues staying in domestic violence refuges.

‘Yeah [there was] events or courses in the evening because like in daytime we go parks or whatever, but it wasn’t boring sitting just watching T.V… there was cooking, there was [lots of things to do].’ [Katia, 25]

A small number of women reported fights between residents and/or fear of drug-using residents. Others had had items stolen from common areas and had experienced racist attitudes from staff and other users in food services, in particular. There were also reports of tensions between staff and residents, cramped space, and a lack of cleanliness in various homeless hostels.

This section has demonstrated an overall lack of knowledge among immigrant women about available support services. This prolonged their exits from contexts of domestic violence, in certain cases, and also made the experience of becoming homeless more daunting, intimidating and frightening. This was particularly evident in the case of women who relied on strangers of similar ethnic origin for advice on help seeking and demonstrated their fear of approaching services directly. The women’s reluctance to engage with available services, as well as their experiences with service providers, were shaped by cultural values and norms, thus highlighting the need for ethnic-centred socio-political engagement. A further exploration of the ways in which women cope with homelessness provides further insight into their experiences of housing stability in the Irish context.

4.6 Coping with Homelessness

‘I take each day as it comes. I don’t know where will my next food be or if I will be able to pay the rent. I don’t know what will happen tomorrow.’ [Delilah, 30]

The women’s narratives revealed the impact of homelessness on their sense of self and identity and, also, on their thoughts about the future. Dominant themes in this section include the perceived shame and stigma associated with a homeless status, concerns in relation to the instability of their housing situations, guilt as a mother, and the resilience demonstrated by some of the women.

Identity and ‘Self’

The women reported high levels of social isolation and depression directly associated with their homeless situations and experiences of domestic abuse. It was clear that the women were extremely anxious and stressed on a daily basis and in need of considerable practical and emotional support.

‘Sometimes you are just sitting here totally depressed, you don’t think about anything and the time just pass by’. [Tereska, 25]

‘Everything exists because of him [abusive ex-husband] at the moment and I don’t want him to exist in my life … I am still in that trauma … it just drains me when I try remember [the abuse]… it’s already been about one year but I feel dreadful when I think about that [time].’ [Bina, 32]

‘I don’t really know how to manage my life … I have many things to think about, I’m really very, you know, bothered about everything.’ [Maria, 29]

Some women also expressed guilt over the disruptive nature of moving their children from place to place – “he [my son] hate the changes”, - and not being able to afford/provide the basic requirements for their children’s needs – “no milk for child, no food for child”, as well as what might be seen as more extravagant items for their children.

‘I cannot give all that he want, he want laptop, I can’t give him laptop, he want phone, I can’t give him.’ [Immanuela, 29]

Coping strategies to ease these feelings were adopted by some women. This generally involved taking part in activities organised by the hostel staff and talking to, and confiding in, key workers or other homeless women.

`I met lots of women in similar situations, of course everybody have a different story but the same situations we was in and then interesting people you can talk with them … it was very nice and lots and lots of things to do and it was very nice experience … every day different thing what I can do and something new for me and it was very interesting.’ [Katia, 25]

Children were described by the women as a major source of support and motivation. Indeed several women stated that, even during very difficult or trying times, it was their children who kept up their spirits and “kept them strong enough”.

A homeless status impacted negatively on the women’s sense of self and identity and this was further compounded by the pressure they placed on themselves to be “respectable” by concealing their situation from their families. Indeed, many of the women described feelings of shame and stigma associated with their homelessness.

‘I hate the word ‘homeless’…here I am suffering, I am 30, I don’t even own a house…I have absolutely nothing! And there I am living like a beggar, back home I didn’t tell my Mum what was going on, I didn’t want to stress her about how I am living, I am homeless.’ [Delilah, 30]

‘I don’t feel great about it [staying in a homeless hostel]. I mean, I feel this is humiliating.’ [Vonda, 48]

The Future

A dominant emotion expressed by women was a constant sense of worry about instability in their lives, coupled with uncertainty about the future.

‘In [emergency accommodation] was like you’re sitting on packed suitcases and you don’t know that you find something or you won’t because emergency house you can’t stay there forever, you have to keep going for looking something… it was like kind of you know stressful, I don’t know what's going to happen, do I find something or …’ [Katia, 25]

‘I was independent on my own before, you know you are very secure because you have job, you have your family, you have, you know enough life, you know good life, happy but in this situation you become homeless, make me scared you know.’ [Maria, 29]

Most of the women wanted to find a job and pursue a good career that would provide them, and their children, with enough income to live independently without the need for welfare assistance. A number had enrolled in English language courses and training programmes in order to increase their employability. In this sense the women were pro-active in seeking to attain specific goals. However, they also remained cautious and noted many challenges, particularly those related to childcare responsibilities and the continued uncertainty of their insecure housing. A number viewed the achievement of their goals as a gradual process.

‘I feel happy that at least slow and slow I can think my future one step at a time and hopefully [it will be OK].’ [Maria, 29]

‘I am very strong inside, maybe you cannot see that, my husband don’t see that, he was thinking that I am, you know, like nothing but I still have learn my English, I still looking for the job.’ [Immanuela, 29]

Above all else, secure housing and the opportunity to work was what women required in order to re- build their lives.

‘I am not looking for freebies, just to be given the chance to make new life, a new start, for me and my daughter.’ [Delilah, 30]

‘In the future, yeah I dream about my own home…my own house and my own home and I dream just that I am living, the small house and everything and I will be successful beautician and I will have good job and good family and good children, that’s all I want.’ [Nala, 30]

Although a number acknowledged that this road to independence would be difficult and possibly lengthy, most remained positive and optimistic about their futures.

‘I see the light [laughs]. I know that something positive will come up so I just, right now, I am in the middle, it’s not bad, I am not complaining but….I just, I am really looking forward to have my own place, you know, and that’s it then I will know I will be fine.’ [Tereska, 25]

However, the detrimental impact of domestic abuse, homelessness, social isolation and depression were major obstacles, making it difficult for some women to envision any kind of future.

‘Sometimes when the road becomes difficult I can’t see the any end to the road.’ [Bina, 32]

4.5 Conclusion

The experience of domestic violence dominated many of the women’s narratives. Indeed, many of their stories reveal a clear link between domestic abuse and homelessness. These abusive situations were usually exacerbated by a range of structural and personal barriers to securing stable housing, most notably, social isolation, their restricted access to social welfare, and a lack of support from family and friends. Addiction issues were noticeably absent from the life stories and did not emerge as a dominant barrier to exiting homelessness for the sample as a whole. However, a considerable number had experience the challenge of labour market exclusion and/or housing discrimination. High levels of depression, as well as feelings of desperation, were reported by the women. Various approaches to help seeking were also highlighted, including reliance, in some cases, on strangers or mere acquaintances for support and assistance. Indeed, a reluctance to use available support services, linked to their fear of exposing their housing instability, situations of domestic violence, and/or marital breakdown, were also prominent in the women’s narratives. While a lack of knowledge of the available supports and a general fear of the unknown were evident, the women did seem to respond well to service support when it was available and accessible to them. The findings documented in this chapter highlight the marginality and vulnerability of homeless immigrant women in Ireland, while also demonstrating their personal strengths, despite the challenge of housing instability.

5.DISCUSSION

In its broadest terms, this research aimed to provide an in-depth understanding of the life circumstances of immigrant women who have experienced homelessness in Ireland. More specifically, it aimed to explore immigrant women’s entry routes into homelessness; to examine factors that may facilitate, or act as barriers to, their exit from homelessness and to investigate immigrant women’s approaches to help seeking and their interaction with services. The impetus for this study was based on the identification of a paucity of knowledge concerning these women within the homeless research literature, particularly in the Irish context (Edgar & Doherty, 2001). Using a biographical, qualitative approach, this work aimed to contribute, both theoretically and methodologically, to this area of research through an in-depth exploration of the topic. This exploration was based on a secondary analysis of fifteen life-story interviews with homeless immigrant women in Ireland, and the conduct of two additional life-history interviews to extend the scope of these narratives. The immigrant women who participated in this study were invited to tell their life story in their own words; giving them space and time to describe their life experiences and to highlight issues or events that they felt were personally relevant. In this sense, the women were encouraged to guide the course of the interview and to dictate a number of topics addressed throughout the conversation.

As each woman’s life-story was unique, this approach helped to uncover the diversity, complexity and subtle nuances that were imbued and embedded within the biographical narratives. Analysis therefore yielded not only the women’s experiences, but also the meanings they attached to these experiences, thus locating the data in social and cultural contexts (Chaitin, 2004). The narratives provided in-depth and detailed accounts of the women’s pathways into, and journeys through, homelessness in Ireland. It also allowed for the exploration of the complex ways in which immigrant women negotiate the various barriers and opportunities that shaped their experiences of housing insecurity. Useful insights and a thorough understanding of the way immigrant women cope with their significant marginalisation and social isolation in Irish society were revealed; allowing for a greater understanding of immigrant women’s lived experiences of homelessness in Ireland (Roberts, 2002). This chapter provides an in-depth discussion of these findings while simultaneously locating the data within a theoretical context grounded in established research. The study will conclude with a summary of the implications associated with the findings and an overview of recommendations for further research. The findings will now be discussed, grouped under the following themes: housing instability and the role of structural barriers, the dynamic relationship between homelessness and domestic violence and immigrant women’s approaches to, and experiences of, help seeking.

5.1 The Role of Structural Barriers

Immigrant women’s pathways ‘into’, journeys ‘through’ and exits ‘from’, homelessness are complex and circuitous (Edgar & Doherty, 2001). Indeed, within the current research a continuum of wide- ranging and multifarious processes were identified as shaping these experiences, crossing both structural and individual dimensions (Minnery, 2007). In other words, there was no simple, ‘one size fits all’ approach that properly identified the full complexity of homelessness i.e. the processes that contribute to immigrant women’s vulnerability to housing instability and the difficulties associated with exiting a situation of insecure accommodation. The factors that contributed to homelessness among the immigrant women were therefore not fixed and mutually exclusive, but rather, overlapping and interrelated at a socio-cultural and economic level

Similar to the findings of Thurston et al (2006), it was clear that the individual or personal factors that influenced the participant’s experiences of homelessness (such as domestic abuse, depression or social isolation) were often, ‘directly linked’ to one or more structural barriers (such as unemployment, lack of immigration status and housing market discrimination). It therefore became apparent that despite immigration and homelessness representing heterogeneous processes - in that each participant’s story was unique in its own right - the structural disadvantage the women encountered resulted in collective or shared experiences of marginality within Irish society. Thus, while acknowledging the impact of interpersonal factors on the women’s experiences of homelessness, this study noted the significant role of systematic or structural barriers immigrant women encountered in relation to housing instability in Ireland.

The findings of the current research are therefore reflective of theories concerning the apparent ‘feminisation of poverty’. Advocates of this theoretical perspective argue that women are subordinately positioned in society due to structural disadvantages they encounter as a result of a gendered division of labour. Edgar & Doherty (2001: 3) state that this position is one which is ‘particularly important in limiting access to housing’. Indeed, labour market discrimination was a prominent issue within the immigrant women’s narrative, who, despite high educational attainment levels as compared to those of the indigenous Irish population (Avramov, 2002; Barrett et al, 2005), were often forced to work in low-paid, exploitative or invisible, highly ‘feminised’ employment, such as domestic labour or care work (Cousins, 2007).

Edgar & Doherty (2001: 5) argue that this ‘feminisation of poverty’ is one of the key factors that increased women’s exposure to homelessness in recent times. They state that this is a condition which ‘erodes the capacity of female-headed households to establish and maintain independent homes’. In this sense, women become economically and financially dependent on their partners due to labour market exclusion and inability to earn a substantial income autonomously. Economic dependence on a

male partner was a dominant theme within the participant narratives as analysis revealed a clear connection between the women’s relationship status, their economic status and their vulnerability to homelessness. This situation was exacerbated in cases where the women had children due to difficulties of confronting a work-life balance in relation to attempting to secure housing and employment while simultaneously managing childcare responsibilities (Pillinger, 2007). This was illustrative of the findings presented by Cabrera (2001), whose study on homeless women in Spain found that marriage breakdown had a detrimental impact on the economic position of the women in the relationship. Indeed, many of the women in this study were immediately put at risk in the housing market following the breakdown of their intimate relationships due to having no form of income or social welfare, being unable to provide proof of employment for rental purposes or alternatively, being in low-paid jobs that were insufficient to support the maintenance of a household. Corresponding to the research findings of Meda, (2010), this was often due to, and compounded by, cultural barriers immigrant women faced in relation to gaining access to meaningful employment, including: (in)ability to speak English, a lack of knowledge concerning labour market structures, poor societal integration and support networks and a lack of educational qualifications obtained outside of Ireland on the part of the employer. Homeless immigrant women may therefore be faced with a situation of ‘multiple disadvantage’ and become ‘trapped in homeless services because of additional barriers to moving back into secure housing and employment (Homeless Agency, 2008: 69). Similar to the work of authors such as Anthias and Yuval‐Davis (1992) and Pleace, (forthcoming, 2011) an intersection of subordination with regard to both gender and their immigrant status emerged from the research findings. This subordination, coupled with the women’s economic insecurity and inability to maintain a household independently, highlighted the severe marginalisation of immigrant women within structural frameworks in Irish society.

The findings of this study also reflected the work of Riano et al (2006) as they accentuated immigrant women’s personal strengths, ambitious nature and pro-active attempts to exit homelessness through improving their English and upgrading their skills and training profiles. It could be suggested that encouragement and intervention by professionals and services to ‘capture’ and foster this motivation would be a valuable tool to help break this ‘circle’ of poverty and homelessness (Boydell, 2011). Indeed, as Nicholls and Quilgars (2009) and Meda (2010) argue, immigrant women’s chances of exiting homeless can be significantly improved following increased societal integration within their host countries. However, it is important to note that this kind of strategy alone would not be sufficient. It would need to be accompanied by a structural re-shaping of Irish housing and labour market policies to include gender and ethnic specific initiatives to incentivise employment and reduce discriminatory legislation and attitudes within Irish societal and structural frameworks.

5.2 A Dynamic Relationship: Homelessness and Domestic Violence

The findings of the current research suggest that domestic violence played a significant role in the circumstances and experiences surrounding the immigrant women’s pathways to homelessness. Indeed, fourteen out of the seventeen women in the study attributed their homelessness directly to experiences of domestic abuse. Despite the fact that recent literature has found immigrant women to constitute the largest proportion of women living in domestic violence refuges in a number of European countries (FEANTSA, 2002),little research has explored ‘the nature, consequences, or meaning of domestic violence among immigrant populations’(Latta& Goodman, 2006). A thorough and in-depth analysis of the women’s stories revealed the dynamic relationship between domestic violence and housing instability; which was characterised as complex and non-linear.

Domestic abuse was a dominant theme in relation to the women’s narratives of becoming homeless. This finding is particularly intriguing as it challenges dominant characterisations and perceptions, in both public and political discourses, that primarily attribute homelessness to substance abuse (see Glasser, 1994; Neale, 1997). Indeed, only two women in the study indicated any kind of addiction issue. Rather, the findings revealed the significant role of domestic abuse experienced by immigrant women in relation to increasing vulnerability to housing instability. The extensive nature of the abuse endured by the women included not only physical abuse, but emotional/verbal abuse, financial/economic abuse and sexual abuse, thus demonstrating the multi-dimensional nature of domestic violence (Kelly, 2003). These abusive situations were almost always compounded by a myriad of systematic issues that exacerbated their experiences of, and proneness to, housing instability. For instance, in cases where abuse was occurring in the form of severe social, economic and financial control, the women were often forced to remain in, or return, to abusive relationships as they were primarily dependent on their partners to provide for their basic needs as they had no other form of income or assistance (Weber Sikich, 2008).

This finding was similar to that of Burman et al (2002) who found that stringent welfare policy often ‘trapped’ immigrant women experiencing domestic abuse by withholding welfare entitlements due to their immigration status. As a consequence, women were reluctant to leave an abusive relationship, as they would not be able to provide for their basic needs independently of their partners income. They therefore became what Wardhaugh (1999) describes as women that were ‘homeless at home’ where they ‘suffer abuse, violence and the suppression of self within the supposed safe haven of the domestic home’ (O’Sullivam& Higgins, 2001:78). This study revealed the immigrant women’s vulnerability, particularly in relation to their economic and social dependence on their male partners.

Similar to the findings in Cabrera’s (2001) study of homeless women in Spain, such isolation was largely due to a lack of options as a result of housing and labour market exclusion following severe mental and physical abuse that left them socially, economically and culturally isolated. Thus, in agreement with arguments put forward by Wardhaugh (2001) and Thurston et al (2006), the women felt ‘trapped’ as they would be unable to maintain a household independently should they flee. The reality of domestic violence for these women was that it not only contributed to their experiences of housing instability because of their need to escape their abusive living situation for their own physical safety and wellbeing, but also by affecting their ability to exit homelessness in relation to securing employment and stable living arrangements following their departure. In this sense, an immigrant woman may become depressed and suffer poor health as a result of an abusive relationship. On escaping this situation, she enters a period of insecure housing and is faced with few job prospects, low income and a lack of social and economic support. This therefore can intensify her depression and decreases her employability; further affecting her ability to gain employment, earn an income, seek help and support and secure stable housing. This scenario highlights not only the complexity of the women’s experiences of housing instability, but also the cyclical and dynamic interaction between domestic violence and homelessness.

In alignment with the existing literature, this study therefore revealed the severe, far-reaching and long lasting effects of domestic abuse experienced by participants. In addition to various structural barriers to housing security, domestic violence therefore has serious implications for immigrant women with regard to the development of successful exit routes out of homelessness. While early intervention would be beneficial in these situations, a number of barriers in relation to disclosure were identified within the narratives; often perpetuating and pro-longing the women’s experiences of domestic abuse and homelessness. These barriers will now be discussed.

5.3 Barriers to Disclosure: Approaches to Help Seeking

An in-depth analysis of the findings revealed a number of cultural and structural barriers to immigrant women’s disclosure of both domestic violence and experiences of housing instability. This impacted their approaches to help seeking from both formal and informal sources. Mezey et al,’s (2003) study found that English speaking immigrant women, who receive information about homeless and domestic violence services and how to access support, can be helped if they chose to disclose. Thus, the issue of disclosure, or lack thereof, is particularly relevant as it shapes the women’s experiences of homelessness and housing instability in relation to the extent of social support and economic assistance they receive.

One of the most distinct themes to emerge in this respect was as an apparent ‘culture of shame’ that existed for the women regarding; intimate partner violence (Latta& Goodman, 2005), breaking up a marriage (Supriya, 1996) or having a homeless status. Indeed, reluctance to avail of support services due to fear of exposing any one/combination of these issues to the outside world was a prominent commonality throughout the narratives. This often extended from cultural norms in their country of origin that attached stigma to divorce, being on social welfare and violence in the home. Several women stated that they were “worried about what people would say”. The women therefore felt they must “endure”, rather than flee, these situations for lengthy periods of time in order to remain “respectable” and “honourable” in the eyes of their cultural communities. This further impacted the women’s social isolation and mental health, and also symbolised the hidden nature of domestic abuse and the idea of ‘suffering in silence’ without any social support. Indeed, this was a dominant theme for the immigrant women in this study.

These findings are similar to those of Wellock’s (2008) study of disclosure of domestic violence by black and minority-ethnic women in the UK which revealed themes of ‘shame’, ‘honour’, ‘family respect’, ‘community gossiping’ and ‘marriage arrangements’ as reasons why the participants did not seek help from homeless/domestic violence support services. Wellock’s (2008) study also highlighted structural barriers to the divulgence of situations of domestic violence; including privacy concerns of immigrant women with regard to service providers and also, cultural differences in service provision where the women identified a lack of ‘cultural understanding’ and sensitivity to cultural needs within health care services. Research has shown that such differences with regard to culture and language specifically, can affect the quality of the help immigrant women receive (CCSD, 2006:34). Similar to the participant narratives noted in the current study, the immigrant women’s engagement with support services was inhibited; as they were reluctant to avail of these services due to fear of stigmatisation, discrimination and a lack of cultural consideration on the part of the providers (Latta& Goodman, 2005).

The findings of this study suggested that immigrant women occupied a paradoxical space where they acknowledged their desperate need for help and support, but were unwilling or reluctant to avail of any kind of assistance. Service providers need to restructure their policies and guidelines for dealing with immigrant women to include gender and ethnic specific strategies that target and address these issues if the services are to be used effectively in the future. This point is particularly relevant as immigrant women often come to these services with a host of physical and mental health problems. It is essential that services are mindful of these women’s lack of support networks and adopt appropriate support options for them such as counselling or therapy in order to enable and encourage them to exit homelessness and support them in their efforts to gain access to employment and secure housing.

A number of structural barriers to disclosure of domestic abuse were evident upon analysis of the narratives. Research conducted by Reeve et al (2006) and Nicholls and Quilgars (2009) demonstrated the limited knowledge of available supports in relation to homelessness and domestic violence among immigrant women. This lack of familiarity with “the system” in their host country acted as a barrier to accessing potentially beneficial services. These findings are corroborated in the current study, as the majority of the women were uninformed about their options in relation to seeking help. This indicated the extent to which information, or lack thereof, was available to homeless immigrant women in need of assistance. Targeted strategies and policy initiatives to raise awareness of the available supports for homeless women and survivors of domestic violence should therefore be a necessary socio-economic issue on the political agenda.

Additionally, the findings of this study displayed a clear distinction between mainstream homeless services and domestic violence refuges among the participants. While this was not explicitly stated, analysis of the narratives revealed that this disparity was inherent in the women’s accounts of domestic violence and housing instability. For instance, upon fleeing abusive situations, the women did not necessarily identify themselves as being ‘homeless’, more so that they had “nowhere to go”. In fact, nearly all the women in the study reported that they accessed services specifically related to domestic abuse following their escape from violent partners. Thus, they did not attempt to access available homeless support services as they felt they were not appropriate and did not apply to their situation. This is despite the fact that women are considered homeless upon fleeing a situation of domestic violence according to the ETHOS typology of Homelessness and Housing Exclusion outlined earlier in this thesis (FEANTSA, 2007).

As nearly all of the women were unaware of their options/unfamiliar with support services in Ireland, they often stayed with friends or acquaintances temporarily or alternatively, approached strangers, often of their own ethnicity, for help. This preference for informal support networks illustrated a certain stigma and negative characterisation associated with a homeless status, further inhibiting women’s engagement with available services. These findings are in line with those of Baker et al (2010) who also found evidence to suggest a disparity between both homeless services and domestic abuse services. They attributed this discrepancy to differing practical and philosophical frameworks, the ideologies of which disseminate into the perspectives of mainstream society. As there is a clear link between housing instability and domestic violence, particularly among immigrant women, coordination between these two different service providers is an important area for future consideration.

5.4 Conclusion

A significant gap in the knowledge base, both nationally and internationally, exists within the research literature concerning the unique experiences of immigrant women who have experienced homelessness (Edgar & Doherty, 2009). Despite an increasing number of immigrant women reporting housing instability (FEANTSA, 2002), relatively little is known about these women’s lives. As a consequence, homeless immigrant women remain ‘hidden’ or ‘invisible’ within dominant socio- cultural, economic and political discourses, particularly in the Irish context. Gender and ethnic- specific research is impetrative if we are to gain a better understanding of these women’s experiences and to incorporate such knowledge into the broader policy framework so as to develop targeted strategies and initiatives to guide these women through this process.Drawing upon this incentive, the present study provided an in-depth, qualitative exploration of the experiences of these women, which elicited detailed accounts of the processes that propel them into homelessness, the barriers they face in relation to exiting homelessness and their approaches to help-seeking and interaction with services.

This research revealed the multi-dimensional and heterogeneous nature of the immigrant women’s experiences and also, the dynamic interplay between gender, homelessness and immigration in the Irish context. The current study indicated that individual situations of housing stability are often compounded by a number of cultural and structural barriers immigrant women face in Irish society that not only propel them into homelessness, but also perpetuate and pro-long their experiences of housing instability. In addition a distinct connection between homelessness and domestic abuse was identified.While quantitative studies have revealed an association between domestic violence and homelessness, few have sought to explore the dynamics of that relationship, thus our understanding of this interaction is limited. One of the primary theoretical strengths of this study was its ability to explore the dynamics of interactions such as these, thus providing a more comprehensive understanding of their implications and effects on immigrant women’s experiences of homelessness. Additionally, the study highlighted a number of cultural and structural barriers to disclosure of both domestic violence and homelessness itself. An examination of these factors was particularly relevant as they significantly impact the immigrant women’s ability, and willingness, to seek help despite their urgent need of assistance.

The study encountered some limitations in scope due to its small sample size. Indeed, a future study dedicated specifically to immigrant women and homelessness could incorporate and benefit from a larger and more diverse sample. However, representativeness was not the intention of the current research. Rather, it was an exploratory endeavour that aimed to unearth, discover and identify broad generalisations, which following analysis and interpretation, were used to gain a greater understanding of immigrant women’s lived experiences of homelessness in the Irish context. Valuable, interesting and meaningful findings emerged; highlighting both the extreme vulnerability

69 and marginality experienced by the homeless immigrant women, and also, the personal strength demonstrated by these women in cases of extreme deprivation and hardship. The current research therefore goes some way to helping to broaden the understanding of immigrant women and their experiences of homelessness in Ireland. In conclusion, while acknowledging the shortcomings of the research in its inability to be widely generalisable, it hopes to contribute in some small way, both methodologically and theoretically, to the ongoing exploration of immigrant women and their unique experiences of homelessness.

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Appendix A: Information Sheet & Consent Form

A STUDY OF IMMIGRANT WOMEN WHO HAVE EXPERIENCED HOMELESSNESS

What is this study about?

My name is Sarah Parker, I am a researcher who is trying to learn more about the lives and experiences of women who are, or have previously been, homeless. I am asking women over the age of 18 years to talk to me, the researcher, about their lives. The information provided here is designed to help you to understand what I am trying to do so that you can decide whether or not you would like to participate. I will also talk to you in person about the study and explain the content of this information sheet. If you have questions, I am more than willing to answer them.

What does taking part involve?

If you agree to take part in this study, I will conduct an interview with you. With your permission, I may also spend time in the place where you are currently living. I will also administer a brief questionnaire. Full details on all of this are provided below:

Life History Interview

During this interview, which will last for approximately 60-90 minutes, I am interested in hearing your life ‘story’. What you tell me about your life is YOUR decision but I am certainly interested in hearing about all aspects of your life that you would like to share with me. During the interview, I would like to focus on the following topics as well as hearing your life ‘story’:

 The events which led to your becoming homeless  The kinds of places where you have stayed since you first became homeless  Your friends and relationships with them  Your family and your family relationships  Your health and how you are feeling about issues like stress, worry and depression  Alcohol/drug use  The services you have been in contact with  Your views on your living situations, past and present  Your views on what would help you to have a stable place to live  Your hopes for the future

You do not have to answer questions about all of the topics listed above. At any time during the interview, you can simply say that you do not want to answer particular questions or that you would rather not discuss a particular aspect of your life.

Brief Questionnaire

You will also be asked to complete a short questionnaire which asks a series of questions on the following: your age, gender, ethnicity, marital status, living places (housing history), education & employment history, your health and services you have accessed. Again, you do not have to complete this questionnaire and you can, at any time, refuse to answer individual questions on the questionnaire.

Do you have to take part?

Although I would like to speak to you about your life experiences, you should not feel that you have to participate in this study. In other words, taking part is voluntary and it is your choice. If you do decide to take part, you can change your mind at any time, even during the interview. If you feel uncomfortable about answering certain questions during the interview, you don’t have to answer them. You have the right to terminate – that is, end – the interview at any time.

Confidentiality

With your permission, I will audiotape the interview to help me to record your ‘story’ accurately. In other words, the tapes will be used only for keeping track of what we said. I will turn off the recorder if at any time you wish that some part of the interview not be recorded. After we have our interview, I will listen to it and type up what we said. These tapes and everything we talked about will be kept in a locked filing cabinet that only I can access. All tapes will be destroyed after we have transcribed them (that is, written down what we talked about during the interview). I will do my best to make sure that people are not able to identify you in the study by giving you a “made up” name (what researchers call a “pseudonym”).

What you say to me in the interview is confidential. I cannot tell any other person what you say in the interview. This means that whatever is discussed or spoken about in the interview will not be communicated to other people except where there is an immediate risk of harm to you or another person. If any such circumstance arose, this would be discussed with you first.

What Happens to the Information you Provide?

I am currently doing a Masters in Social Research and this study will be part of my dissertation. The information I get from the research will be written up into a report. It is my intention to make the findings of the study available to a larger study on homeless women which will have access to a wide audience, including policy makers, service providers and the general public. Although I am not in a position to give guarantees, the benefit of the study is that it might help to inform the development of services provided for women who experience homelessness.

It is important that you know and understand that your real name or any other information that might identify you or any other person you mention to us will not be used in any of these reports or publications.

Contacting the Research Team

If you want to discuss any aspect of this study, or if you have questions about the study, you can contact me at any time:

Tel: [details omitted for use in dissertation]

Email: [details omitted for use in dissertation]

You can also contact my thesis supervisor, Dr. Paula Mayock:

Tel: [details omitted for use in dissertation]

Email: [details omitted for use in dissertation]

CONSENT FORM

If you agree to take part in this study please sign below.

I, ______(name) agree to take part in the study described in this information sheet and to speak to a researcher. I have read and understand the aims of the project described above.

Signed ______Date ______

(Research Participant)

Signed ______Date ______

(Researcher)

Appendix B: Information Sheet for Service Providers

Immigranat Women and Homelessness:A Biographical Pathways Analysis

Information Sheet for Service Providers/Managers

Aims and Objectives of the Research:

The core aim of this project is to conduct an in-depth investigation of the lives and experiences of homeless women in Ireland. The impetus for the study arises from the identification of a significant gap in knowledge within the homeless research literature. As a consequence, homeless women remain largely invisible within discussion and debate on homelessness in Ireland. This situation is undesirable as it fails to recognise the unique experiences and factors that propel women to leave home and/or remain homeless. The study is funded by the Irish Research Council for the Humanities and Social Sciences (IRCHSS) and the Health Service Executive (HSE).

My Role in this Research Project:

My name is Sarah Parker. I am a student of the Masters in Applied Social Research at the School of Social Work and Social Policy, Trinity College Dublin. I have completed my work placement under the supervision of this study’s Principal Investigator, Dr. Paula Mayock. She has given me permission to analyse 15 interviews already conducted with homeless immigrant women for the purpose of my dissertation research. In addition to these interviews, I am interested in interviewing a small number of immigrant women who are currently homeless in order to extend the scope of the information available to the project. I am particularly interested in interviewing African women, although I would be happy to interview women from other countries also.

Research Methodology:

The study aims to conduct biographical interviewswith immigrant women who are or have experienced homeless. During interview the research participant will be invited to tell her life ‘story’. Some of the topics addressed during the interview will include: housing/homeless history, family circumstances; health and mental health; perspectives on their situation, past present and future. The duration of each interview will range from 60–90 minutes approximately. To ensure anonymity, any information which could be used to identify study participants, e.g. their own names or names of family members, friends, places etc., will be removed from all written dissemination of the findings.

I would be very happy to provide you with further details on this study or to discuss any aspect of the research.

For further details, please contact Sarah Parker, MSc Student:

Name: [details omitted for use in dissertation]

Email: [details omitted for use in dissertation]

Telephone: [details omitted for use in dissertation] 84

The study’s Principal Investigator and Supervisor of Sarah Parker’s MSc

Appendix C: Information Flyer STUDY ON IMMIGRANT WOMEN & HOMELESSNESS Are you an immigrant woman who is homeless?

I am a researcher from Trinity College Dublin trying to learn more about the lives and experiences of homeless womenin Ireland. I amlooking for IMMIGRANT WOMEN to hear their stories.

 If you would liked to take part, I would be interested in hearing your life ‘story’:

o Your life before your arrival to Ireland o The events which led to your becoming homeless o The kinds of places where you stayed since you first became homeless o Your friends and family relationships o Your health and how you feeling about issues like stress, worry and depression o Alcohol/drug use o The services you have been in contact with o Your views on your living situations, past and present o Your views on what would help you to have a stable place to live o Your hopes for the future

** You do not have to answer questions about all of the topics listed above.

What you tell us about your life is YOUR decision **

 Interview will last approximately 60 – 90 minutes. I can come meet you in your place of residence or we can arrange a different time and place that suits you.

 What you say to me in the interview is COMPLETELY PRIVATE & CONFIDENTIAL (unless there is an immediate risk of harm to you or another person).

If you wish to discuss any aspect of the study please feel free to contact me

My Email address is: [details ommitted for use in dissertation] My phone number is: [details ommitted for use in dissertation]

Appendix D: List of Support Services

List of Support Services

Domestic Violence

Aoibhneas Women and Children’s Refuge - Coolock

01-8670701 [email protected]

Rathmines Women’s Refuge

01-4961994 [email protected]

Saoirse Women’s Refuge – Dublin 24

01-4630000

Sonas Housing Association – Dublin 7

01-8349027 [email protected]

Teach Tearmainn (Kildare) Tel: 045-449524 (Mon-Fri 9-5) Provides information and other supports to women and children experiencing abuse

Women’s Aid – National Helpline

1800 341 900 (10am-10pm) Health/Mental Health Services

Dublin Rape Crisis Centre

70 Lower Leeson Street, Dublin 2

1800 77 88 88 [email protected]

Dublin Samaritans

112 Marlborough Street, Dublin 1

1850 60 90 90 [email protected]

Irish Family Planning Association

1850 49 50 51 – National Pregnancy Helpline

Mental Health Information Centre

St Pat’s, James street, Dublin 8

01-2493469 [email protected]

Salvation Army – Cedar House Health Centre

Marlborough Place, Dublin 1

01-8731241 [email protected]

Women’s Health Project for Women in Prostitution

Baggot Street Clinic, 19 Haddington Road, Dublin 4

1800 201 187

Alcohol and Drugs Support

Addiction Counselling Services Newbridge Health Centre, Henry Street, Newbridge, Co. Kildare

(045) 446 350

Alcoholic Anonymous – Meetings Nationwide www.alcoholicsanonymous.ie

Ana Liffey Project

48 Middle Abbey Street, Dublin 1

01-8786899 [email protected]

Baggot Street Addiction Service

19 Haddington Road, Dublin 4

01-6699500

Chrysalis Community Drug Project (Stoneybatter area)

27 Benurb Street, Dublin 7

01-670 5544 [email protected]

Coolmine House

19 Lord Edward Street, Dublin 2

01-6794822

Drugs/HIV Helpline

1800 459 459

MerchantsQuay – Drug Stabilisation/Service/Treatment

Riverbank, Merchants Quay, Dublin 8

01-6790044 [email protected]

Needle Exchange – Kildare

Newbridge H/C, Henry Street, Newbridge, 045 431951

HIV Drugs helpline

Freephone: 1800 459 459

Other

Gary Michael House for the Homeless

Eyre Street Lower, Kildare

045-435553

Immigrant Council of Ireland

2 St Andrews Street, Dublin 2

01-6740200

Migrant Rights Centre

55 Parnell Square West, Dublin 1

01-8897570 [email protected]

Pavee Point Travellers Centre

46 Greet Charles Street, Dublin 1

01-878 0255

Ruhama – supporting women affected by prostitution/sex trafficking

Senior House, All Hallows College, Drumcondra, Dublin 9

01-8360292 [email protected]

SPIRASI (support organisation for survivors of torture)

213 North Circular Road, Dublin 7

01-8389664 [email protected]

Appendix E: Interview Schedule

LIFE-HISTORY INTERVIEW SCHEDULE

LIFE HISTORY

1. In this study I am trying to understand the lives and experiences of women who have experienced homelessness. I am interested in your life story (may need to explain this further).

Do you think that you could tell me your life story?

I know that it might seem hard at first so take your time … you can start from whatever point you like … where ever you feel comfortable.

[Let the respondent tell her story without questioning or probing].

EARLY LIFE HISTORY

This section is designed to seek information about key areas of the respondent’s early life history (childhood through adolescence).

Thank you for sharing your life ‘story’ with me. I would like to talk to you some more about your experience of growing up?

2. Would you say that you have a lot of childhood memories? If yes, can you tell me about these?

3. Can you tell me some more about your family when you were a child?

- parents, other guardians/caregivers - significant others (e.g. grandparents, aunts/uncles and other extended family members) - siblings

4. Did things change in any way when you were a teenager?

- What was happening with school around this time? - Who were you friends with/who did you hang around with at this time? - Were you still living in the same neighbourhood? - Can you remember any important family event? - Is there anything that stands out? Any important experiences around that time?

5. Did you live away from your family as a child or teenager? - If YES: can you tell me how this came about? where did you live? did you move around a lot (from place to place, different types of living situations)

CURRENT SITUATION

I am going to sort of jump forward now. I would like to talk to you about now, about what is happening in your life at the moment.

6. Where are you living/staying now? (or, this is where you are living now). - How long have you been here? - How long can you stay here? - How long do you plan to stay? - How did you find out about this accommodation?

7. How do you feel about the accommodation you have now? - Do you like it? - Are there things you like? (if yes, what are they?) - Are there things you don’t like? (if yes, what are they?) - Are there things you would like to change?

8. What about rules? Are there rules you have to keep? - Is there a curfew? - Can you drink on the premises? - What about rules around drug use? - Are there rules that you don’t like?

9. Do you have friends here? - How would you describe your relationship with other residents/others who live in this facility? - Would you say that you trust the people around you? - What do you think about other people who live here? - Do you ever talk to other residents about personal things?

10. Since you moved here, have you had contact with family members? - If YES: how often do you see them how important is this contact to you? do you get on well with family member(s)? do they help you in any way?

- If NO: how long is it since you have had contact with family? Is there a reason(s) why you are not in contact? how do you feel about not having contact? would you like to have contact with family?

11. Are you in a relationship at the moment? - If YES: for how long? are you happy with the relationship?

- If NO: how long is it since you’ve been in a relationship? Were you happy in your previous relationship? Why did it end?

BECOMING HOMELESS I would like to talk to you now about how you became homeless. And I would also like to learn some more about your homeless history. Is that ok with you? If there are questions you would rather not answer, please just say so.

12. When did you first become homeless (how long ago/age)?

13. Can you tell me about how you became homeless? - What was happening in your life at that time? - What people were significant in your life at that time? - Do you have views on how or why you became homeless at this point in your life?

14. Where did you go when you became homeless? Where did you stay? - Is there anywhere else you could have gone? [Any thing else you could have done at this point? Did you have alternatives?] - Was there anyone who helped you at this point? - Is there any service which helped you?

15. You've explained the facts surrounding how you became homeless.

****What would you say was the main cause of your homelessness?****

HOMELESS HISTORY [Try to establish chronology of housing/homelessness]

16. So you experienced homelessness for the first time at the age of X year? Can you take me through what happened next, the various places you have stayed since you first became homeless? (e.g. hostels, prison, hospital, supported housing). At each stage of the persons history, where relevant, prompt for the following:

- how long did you live/stay there for? - under what circumstances did you leave/have to leave? - did you try to access other forms of accommodation at that point? - did you receive any assistance moving on to somewhere else? - what difficulties did you face moving from one situation into another? - how did you cope with move from one situation to another?

17. Since you became homeless, have you moved to different parts of the city or country OR spent time abroad? (e.g. moved to a different part of Dublin/a different part of the country/moved to England).

18. Have there been times since you first became homeless (at the age of X years) when you have had a stable placeto live?

- For example, have you lived with a family member at any time? - Have you lived with a partner in a private or local authority residence?

- *If yes to these kinds of questions, what led to the breakdown of these living situations?

Possible questions to draw out homeless history:

- What was life like during this period of instability? - What place stands out during this period? - How did you cope? - Did this make your addiction worse?

- Can you remember the day you left this place? - Did you ask anybody for help?

SLEEPING PLACES So you have been homeless for X years …

19. Have you ever slept rough, like slept on the street? - How many times? - Can you remember the first time you slept rough? - Were you with other people at the time? - What was that like? Did you feel afraid or anxious?

20. What about staying with friends? Have you ever done that? - When? For how long? - How did this come about? - What made you leave?

21. Have you stayed in B&Bs? - When? For how long? - How did this come about? - What made you leave?

22. Have you ever stayed in a squat? - When? For how long? - How did this come about?

23. Have you stayed in transitional/supported housing at any time?

24. Are there any other types of accommodation you have used over the years? - Local authority housing? - Private rented sector housing?

DAILY LIFE & ‘GETTING ON’ 25. I would like to talk to you now about daily life …

- Can you take me through yesterday, tell me what you did from when you go up in the morning? - Would you say that what you have just described is a typical day? If no, what would be your typical day? - Are things different at the weekend?

26. Who do you socialise with most days? Is it a mixed group, with men and women? - Would you say you have a good relationship with the people you spend time with?

- How long have you known these people? - Are there friends from the past who you have lost touch with? If yes, how did this come about? How do you feel about it?

27. Can I ask you about your income, how you earn money at the moment? - What is your main income? - Do you have other ways of earning money? - How do you spend this money at the moment? - Is it easy or difficult to survive on this income? - Do you beg? Have you begged in the past? [If yes, ask about this in greater detail]. - Did you have other ways of earning money in the past? (e.g. did you ever have a job? If yes, when and why did this end?)

28. So XXX is your main income at the moment … - Can I ask if you have ever had sex in order to get money or something else that you needed? - If YES: o When did this first happen? o What was going on for you at the time? o How did the situation come about? o Has it happened recently? o Have you ever been involved in sex work on a regular basis?

CHILDREN IN CARE You said earlier that your child/children were taken into care. I realise that this is a painful experience and one that is difficult to talk about.

29. Can you tell how it came about? - How old were you/your child(ren) at the time? - Where were you living at the time?

30. Did you expect all of this to happen or did it come as a total shock?

31. Do you have any contact with your child/children now? - If NO: was there a time when you did have contact? when did you stop having contact? have you tried since then to re-establish contact?

- If YES: how often do you see your child(ren)? where do you usually meet? how would you describe your relationship with your child(ren)? Are you happy with your level of contact with your child(ren)?

Children and visits (example questions):

VIOLENCE/VICTIMISATION

- When did they last visit? 32. A. You- mentionedWhat was earlier it like? that domestic violence/physical abuse/sexual abuse was an experience that- led Whatto you becomingdid you talkhomeless/is about? an issue that has impacted on your life. I wondered if I could ask -you What’sabout this your in more son/daughter detail? like? - Would you say you have a good relationship? -- WhichCan you of describe your childrenexactly what would was goingyou sayon? you’ve the best relationship with? 94

- At what stage in your life was it taking place? - Did you tell anyone about it? Who?/why not? - What did you do? - Was this abuse emotional/psychological as well?

B.A good number of women have told us thatthey have experienceddifficulties with their partners leading to violence or abuse of some kind … is this something that you have ever experienced?

- If YES: When did this/these event(s) happen? Can you describe exactly what was going on? Did you tell anyone about it? Who?/why not? What did you do? Was this abuse emotional/psychological as well?

- If NO: So your relationships have not been a source of stress?

33. Apart from the violence/abuse you have described, have you ever experienced any other form of violence or abuse during childhood, as a teenager or as an adult? [Open question for probing].

FAMILY

You mentioned earlier that you are/are not in contact with family members at the moment …

34. What about your relationship with family members at the moment? How would you describe it? - Do you have contact with them (if this question wasn’t asked earlier)? - Has your relationship with your family changed over the years?

35. What about brothers & sisters? - Do you have brothers or sisters? - Do you see them now, at the moment? - Do you get on well with any of your siblings?

36. So the people in your family are you still in touch with are …? - Is there any other family member you would like to be in touch with?

37. How would you say you feel about your relationship with family members at the moment? - Are these relationships different to in the past? - Would you like your relationship with family to be different?

FRIENDS I would like to talk to you a little bit more now about the people in your life apart from family.

38. Is there a person in your life who you would say is your friend? - How long have you known her/him? - Do you regard her/him as someone you trust? - Do you meet often?

39. Do you have other friends? [PROBE: meeting/socialising etc.]

40. What kinds of things do you like to do with your friend(s)?

41. Would you say that you have a friend you can trust?

ALCOHOL USE

42. Do you drink at the moment? 43. Do you drink every day? What time(s) of the day do you usually drink? 44. What do you usually drink? 45. Who do you usually drink with? 46. Where (setting) do you usually drink? 47. Do you ever drink on the street? Have you ever done so in the past? 48. Would you say that alcohol has caused problems in your life? 49. Would you say that you are ‘addicted’ to alcohol? - If YES: for how long? have you ever sought help or treatment? can you see a time when you might seek treatment?

DRUG USE

I would like to ask you now about drug use. I want to remind you that all of this is completely confidential, that we do not tell anyone what you report to us in this interview.

50. Can you tell me about the types of drugs you have tried or used in your life time?

51. Can you think about the most recent time you used a drug? - What drug did you use? - Who was with you? Where were you and your friends? - What kind of an experience was it? - When did you say that was?

52. When did you first use drugs? - Which drug? How old were you at the time?

53. Which drug or drugs do you use at the moment? - How often do you use this/these drugs (daily, weekly)?

54. Do you usually drink when you are taking drugs?

55. Where do you usually ‘score’ (buy) drugs?

- Do you usually ‘score’ from the same person? - Have you ever been caught buying or selling drugs by the police? If yes, can you tell me about that and what happened?

56. Would you say that your drug use has caused problems in your life? If yes, which drug/drugs?

57. Would you say that you are ‘addicted’ to any drug? - If YES: which drug(s)? for how long? have you ever sought help or treatment? can you see a time when you might seek treatment?

INJECTING DRUG USERS

58. Have you ever injected a drug? IF NO, - Have you ever considered injecting a drug? - What do you think about injecting drugs?

IF YES,

59. Which drug have you injected recently?

60. Can you tell me about last time you injected?

61. Where did you get the needle?

62. Were there other people also injecting at the time?

63. Did you inject yourself or did somebody help you? Who was that? What was you relationship with him/her? Are you friends?

64. Did anybody use the needle before you? Did anyone use it after you?

65. What did you (or your friend etc.) do with the needle afterwards?

66. When was the first time you ever injected a drug?

67. Have you injected other drugs besides XXX? If yes, what was that like? Was it different to injecting XXX?

68. Is injecting the way you prefer to use drugs?

CRIMINAL BEHAVIOUR

69. Have you ever been in trouble with the police? - Have you ever been cautioned by the police? (If YES, probe) - Have you ever been arrested? (If YES, probe)

70. Have you ever been charged? If YES, what offences have you been charged with? do you have to attend court the near future?

71. Have you ever been in prison? - If YES: how many times? which prison(s)? how long have you spent in prison? did the experience of prison change anything for you?

TIMELINE

We have most of the interview done now. I thought that it might be good to try something different and it might be a bit of a break for you too. I have what we call a timeline here. Maybe we could try to fill it out together? It tries to take us through the different periods of your life … you can say what you want or what you can remember. If you would like to skip any part, that’s fine. Do you want to try this?

After the TIMELINE:

I just have a few more things I want to ask you about – your physical and mental health and your use of services. And at the end, maybe we could talk a little about how what you think about your life in general and about your future …

PHYSICAL HEALTH

72. Do you have any health problems at the moment (say, like a chest infection, respiratory problems or asthma)? - If YES, probe further (what kinds of health problems? how do you deal with this?)

73. Would you say that you are in good health? Or would you say you have several/many health problems?

74. Have you seen a doctor in the past year? If Yes, what for?

75. Have you been hospitalised in your life time? [when, why etc?]

76. Have you been hospitalised in the past year? [when, why etc?]

77. Have you seen a dentist in the past year? If Yes, what for?

78. Have you ever gone to a hospital A&E for medical help? If yes, can you tell me about that?

79. Have you ever had any kind of medical tests? - Have you been tested for Hepatitis C? When? Result? - Have you ever had a HIV test? When? Result?

80. Do you ever have worries/concerns about your health?

81. What about your diet? What do you usually eat? Would you say that you eat well?

82. Would you say that your health has improved or deteriorated over the past year? [PROBE for reasons etc.]

Would you mind if I asked you a few questions about sexual health? You mentioned earlier that you are/have been in a relationship …

83. Can you remember if you used a condom the last time you had sex? If YES Do you usually use a condom? Are there times when you have not used a condom? If NO Do you usually use a condom?

84. Do you ever/usually carry condoms? (probe)

MENTAL HEALTH AND WELL-BEING

85. Can I ask if there is anything thatworries you at the moment? - About life in general? Do you worry about that? - Do you worry about tomorrow?

86. Would you say that life is stressful for you?

87. What kinds of things cause stressin your life? [PROBE]

88. Have you ever felt down or depressed? - If yes, would you say you suffer from depression? - Have you ever told a doctor or health professional about it? - Have you ever told anybody (apart from doctor) that you sometimes feel depressed? - What would you say brings on these feelings of depression? - Have you ever been given any medication to help you with depression?

89. Is there anything that helps/makes you feel better when you feel worried, stressed or depressed? - Who would you go to for help? Is there anyone you can talk to?

90. Have you ever been referred to/talked to a psychologist or psychiatrist? If YES: - Were you diagnosed with depression or any other condition? - Were you prescribed medication? PROBE - Have you ever spent time in a psychiatric hospital? PROBE

91. Have you ever been admitted to a psychiatric hospital? If yes, when? How long did you spend there?

SERVICES ACCESS & UTILISATION

92. Which services are you in contact with at the moment? [ask specifically about emergency accommodation, hospital, GP, coffee shop, food centre, local authority/council, rape crisis, women’s refuge]

93. At the moment, would you say that you have a good relationship with a person in any service you are in contact with? If YES: Is this relationship important to you? Why?/Why not?

94. What kinds of supports would you say that you need in your life now?

95. Do you think that your needs are being met by the services you are in contact with?

96. Can you think of any services you have found particularly useful or helpful, or had a positive experience of using? - What was good about this/these service(s)? - What did they do to help you?

97. Are there any services that you would not consider using under any circumstances? If Yes, why?

98. Have you ever been excluded from or asked to leave a service?

99. Have you ever been to a programme to deal with a drug or alcohol problem? (If yes, probe for details re. type of service, length of attendance etc.)

100. Have you ever talked to a counsellor? [If yes, when? Was this helpful?]

101. Have you ever attended a psychiatric service? [If yes, which service(s)? When? Was it helpful?]

102. Have you ever applied to a local authority/county council for housing? If Yes, what happened? What were you told?

103. At the moment, do you feel that you need more help or support? If Yes, what do you think would help you?

SOCIAL SUPPORT

104. Are there people who you feel you could talk to at the moment?

105. Do you feel that there are people in your life who you can trust? If Yes: Who are they? How often do you see them? Have you asked them for help or advice recently?

If No: Was there a time when you felt there was a person you could trust? What happened with this relationship?

106. Do you have any support at the moment from family members? 107. Do you have friends who support you?

108. (if relevant) Would you say that your partner supports you? If Yes, in what way?

109. Who would you say you’d turn to in a time of crisis or need?

THE PAST (REFLECTIONS/THOUGHTS)

[These questions will vary in relevance for individual respondents depending on their age/experiences – use judgement in terms of what is asked in this section]

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110. How would you describe your situation at the moment?

111. Do you feel that your situation now is very different to the past? - If YES, what would you say is the biggest change?

112. Would you say that there is an event or experience that REALLY changed your life? If YES, can you tell me more about that?

113. [Many people who do not have a stable place to live would describe themselves as homeless]. Do you consider yourself to be homeless?/Would you say that you are homeless now? If No, were you homeless in the past?

114. Looking back, do you see/feel your life was a lot different before you became homeless?

115. Was there a time in your life when you felt you had a HOME?

116. Do you feel that you have a home now? Would you call this place your home?

117. Is there a time in your life when you would say was a happy time?

118. What time of your life would you say was particularly bad or difficult?

119. Looking back, are there things that you might have done differently?

120. Are there things that others could have done to make your situation/life better?

THE FUTURE

121. What are you thoughts about the future?

122. Do you worry about the future?

123. What would you like to see happen for you in the future?/What are your hopes for the future?

124. What do you think might help you to have a good future?

ADVISE THE STUDY

Over the next few months we will be talking to other women about their lives and their experiences;

125. Do you think there are other questions we should ask?

126. Are there other areas we should look into in terms of understanding the lives of women in your kind of situation?

THANK YOU, WE ARE FINISHED THE INTERVIEW

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Appendix F: Questionnaire

Study on Immigrant Women Who Have Experienced Homelessne

Participation isvoluntary.

To ensure anonymity, any information which could be used to identify study participants, e.g. place names, names of family members, friends etc. will be removed from all written dissemination of findings.

INTRODUCTION

Q1. Age: ______

Q2. Current Relationship Status:

Single 

In a relationship but not married 

Married 

Separated 

Divorced 

(2b) If you have a partner, is he/she:

(1) Employed?  Yes  No (2) Homeless? Yes  No (3) Drug User? Yes  No

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Q3. Sexual Orientation:

Heterosexual 

Lesbian/Gay 

Bisexual 

Don’t know 

Q4. Ethnic Origin:

White - Irish  Black - Irish 

- Traveller  - African 

- UK  - Caribbean 

- Europe  - Europe  - Romani gypsy  - UK 

- Other (Details):  - Other: 

______

Asian - Irish  Mixed - White/Traveller 

- Asian British  - White/Black 

- Indian/Pakistani  - White/Asian 

- Chinese  - Black/Asian 

- Other:  - Other: 

______

Other ethnic background: ______

I decline to say 

Q5. Are you currently working or studying?

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(5b) If yes? Details:

Student  ______Voluntary work  ______

Part-time paid work  ______

Full-time paid work  ______

(5c) If no?

Retired  ______

Unemployed? ______

Employment training scheme ______Permanently sick/disabled ______

(5d) Are you looking for a job at present?

Yes 

No 

Details: ______

Q6. Educational Qualifications:

No formal qualifications 

JuniorCertificate 

Leaving Certificate 

Third-level Diploma 

Third-level Degree 

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Details: ______

Q7. Source(s) of Income:

Details:

Employment  ______

Social welfare  ______

Pension  ______

Begging  ______

Inheritance  ______

Savings  ______

Financial help from friends/family ______

Sex work  ______

Other:______

HOUSING SITUATION/HISTORY

Q8. Current Living Situation:

Emergency Accommodation 

B&B 

Rough Sleeping 

Transitional accommodation 

Long term accommodation 

Friends 

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Other:______

Q9. How long have you been living there?

Less than a week 

Less than a month 

1 – 3 months 

3 – 6 months 

6 months – 1 year 

More than 1 year 

Q10. When did you become homeless for the first time (AGE)? ______years

Q11. Where were you living immediately before you became homeless?

Friends 

Family Home 

Private Rented Accommodation 

HSE Care 

Prison/Detention 

Local Authority Housing 

Transitional Housing 

Other :______

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Q12. Who were you living with immediately before you became homeless?

Family Home (with parent/s) 

Alone 

With Partner 

With Partner and Child(ren) 

With Child(ren) 

In Care 

Other: ______

Q13. Since becoming homeless, which of the following services have you used?

Accommodation

Emergency Hostels 

Female-only Accommodation 

Transitional Housing 

Long-term Supported Housing 

B&B Accommodation 

Day Centres

Food Centres / Coffee shops 

Health Centres (incl. family planning/prostitution) 

Other Housing Services

DCC Night Bus 

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Rough Sleeper Outreach Teams 

Housing/Homeless Advice Services 

Local Authority/Council Housing 

Health/Other Services

Accident and Emergency Department 

Psychiatric Services 

Domestic Violence Services 

RapeCrisis 

Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) 

Drug Treatment Services 

Needle Exchange Services 

Other (please specify): 

______

Q14. Since you first became homeless, have you lived in any of the following

Duration

Private Rented Sector ______

LA Housing ______

With a family member(s) ______

Transitional housing ______

Prison ______

Psychiatric Hospital ______

State/Institutional Care ______

Q15. How long would you say you have been/spent homeless in your life time?

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______months

______weeks

______years

CHILDREN

Q16. Do you have any children?

Yes 

No  [If no, skip to Section III]

(16b) If yes, how many? ______

(16c) What ages are they? ______

Q17. Are your children with you on a daily basis?

Yes 

No 

(17b) If no, where are your children?

With your parents 

With other family members 

With friends 

In foster care 

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In residential care 

Other (details below) 

______

Q18. How often do you see your children?

Every day 

Every week 

Every month 

A few times a year 

Every few years 

Never 

(18b) Where do you visit them?

______

VICTMISATION AND OFFENDING

Q19. Have you ever experienced violence in your lifetime?

Yes  No 

(19b) If yes, by whom?

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Partner  Stranger  Father 

Mother  Step-parent  Sibling 

Other: ______

(19c) Have any of these things happened to you in your lifetime?

a) ever in b) in the last 12 your life months/ year

(i) Were you physically attacked by someone known to you personally?  

(ii) Were you physically attacked by someone not known to you personally?  

(iii) Were you physically attacked by a romantic/sexual partner?  

(iv) Emotionally abused by a romantic/sexual partner?  

(v) Have you had something stolen from you?  

(vi) Were you sexually abused as a child?  

(vi) Were you sexually assaulted/raped by somebody?  

(19d) You have told me that you were …

Did you If Yes, to whom? report the incident?

(i) Physically attacked by someone known to you personally? Yes 

No 

(ii) Physically attacked by someone not known to you personally? Yes 

No 

(iii) Physically attacked by a romantic/sexual partner? Yes 

No 

(iv) Emotionally abused by a romantic/sexual partner? Yes 

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No 

(v) Had something stolen from you? Yes 

No 

(vi) Sexually abused as a child? Yes 

No 

(vi) Sexually assaulted/raped by somebody? Yes 

No 

[In relation to whom, mention the following to participant: Gardai, Teacher, Social Worker, Keyworker, Friend, or Somebody else].

(19e) If NO (to any of the incidents):

(ii) What would have been your main reason(s) for not reporting these kinds of incidents?

Not serious enough 

Didn’t think anything could be done 

Fear of making the situation worse 

Fear of losing accommodation 

Didn’t think anyone would believe you 

Did not want to get the person into trouble 

Immigration reasons 

Other:______

Q20. Have you done any of the following…?

Activity a) ever in b) in the last c) in the last week your life 30days

(i) Shoplift   

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(ii) Steal off another individual   

(iii) Sell stolen goods   

(iv) Assault (hit, beat, kick or physically hurt) another individual   

(v) Deal drugs   

(vi) Take illegal drugs   

Q21. Have you ever received a caution from the Gardai, either formal or informal?

Yes 

No 

Q22. Can you tell me if you have ever been arrested or charged for any of the following crimes? Tick all that apply

Crime a) Arrested b) Charged a) Theft   b) Criminal Damage   c) Drink/Public Order Offences   d) Selling stolen goods   e) Possession of offensive weapons   f) Drugs offences (possession, supply, selling)   g) Assault   h) Begging   i) Sexual offences (sexual assault, rape, loitering/soliciting for purpose of   prostitution j) Trespassing   k) Arson  

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Q23. How many crimes have you been arrested for in you life time?

0 

1-3 

4-5 

5-10 

More than 10 

Q24. How many crimes have you been charged with in you life time?

0 

1-3 

4-5 

5-10 

More than 10 

Q25. How many crimes have you been arrested for in the last year?

0 

1-3 

4-5 

5-10 

More than 10 

Q26. How many crimes have you been charged with in the last year?

0 

1-3 

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4-5 

5-10 

More than 10 

Q27. How many times have you received a prison sentence in your life time?

0 

1 

2-3 

4-5 

More than 5 

Don’t know 

Q28. Do you/have you ever engaged in sex work?

Yes 

No  [IF no, please skip to next question]

(28b) If yes, how old were you when you begun engaging in sex work?

10-15yrs 

16-19 

20-25 

25+ 

(28c) If yes, where do you normally carry out this work?

On the street 

Massage Parlour 

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Indoor agency work 

In the customer’s home 

Other: ______

(28d) Do you practice safe sex?

Always 

Most of the time 

Not often 

(28e) How safe would you say you feel engaging in sex work?

Very safe 

Fairly safe 

Unsafe 

Very unsafe 

Don’t know 

(28f) What kinds of things do you do to protect yourself/keep safe? Tick all that apply.

Avoid certain areas 

Avoid working alone/work in pairs 

Carry a weapon 

Move indoors 

Take car registration details 

Avoid intoxication whilst working 

Other:  ______

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HEALTH

Health Complaints

Q29. Have you ever suffered any of the following health complaints?

Physical symptoms  Foot problems

 Skin complaints

 Back pain

 Eye and ear complaints

 Problems with bones and joints

 Headache

 Insomnia

Chronic physical  High blood pressure health problems  Heart Disease

 Asthma

 Gastro intestinal problems

 Eating disorder

 Hepatitis C

 Hepatitis B

 HIV +

 Peptic ulcer disease

 Urinary tract problems

 Bronchitis/emphysema

 TB

 Epilepsy

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Dental health problems: ______