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Pennsylvania Folklife Magazine Pennsylvania Folklife Society Collection

Fall 1988 Pennsylvania Folklife Vol. 38, No. 1 Lorett rT eese

Rhoda Horning Denlinger

William B. Fetterman

Lee C. Hopple

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Recommended Citation Treese, Lorett; Denlinger, Rhoda Horning; Fetterman, William B.; and Hopple, Lee C., "Pennsylvania Folklife Vol. 38, No. 1" (1988). Pennsylvania Folklife Magazine. 122. https://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/pafolklifemag/122

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Q:onttil1utor~

RHODA HORNING DENLINGER, a registered nurse, is presently pursuing a BSN degree as a part-time student at Millersvill e Universi­ ty. Always interested in helping the less fortunate, she did Voluntary Service under the auspices of the Mennonite Church and spent two years working in a clinic on St. John's Island, South Carolina. Mar­ ried and the mother of two, she now lives in Lancaster County, Pa., as did generations of her family before her.

WILLIAM FETTERMAN is currently completing the requirements for hi s Ph.D. degree in Performance Studies at New York University. A native of Allentown, Pa., he ha been researching Pennsylvania German dialect theater for several years.

LEE C. HOPPLE, Ph.D., is professor of geography at Bloomsburg University in Bloomsburg, Pa. A specialist in demographic and spatial geography, he has made an extensive study of the Plain religious sects that were a part of the original Pennsylvania German community in the southeastern part of the state.

LORETT TREESE is completing her master's degree in American history at Villanova University and works as a guide at the Henry Francis duPont Winterthur Museum. Having spent many years as an editor, public relations and technical writer, her freelance work on Pennsylvania history has appeared in Pennsylvania Magazine, Susquehanna, Pennsylvania Heritage, and the Philadelphia Inquirer. EDITORIAL COMMITTEE: Thomas E. Gallagher, Jr. Richard P . Richter Evan S. Snyder MANAGING EDITOR: Nancy K. Gaugler EDITORIAL ADVISORS : Mac E. Barrick Mrs. Arthur D. Graeff Terry G. Jordan Hilda Adam Kring Alfred Hans Kuby Moruca Pieper Antje Sommer Paul R. Wieand AUTUMN 1988, VOL. 38, NO.1 Don Yoder

SUBSCRIPTION S: Nancy K. Gaugler CONTENTS FOLK FESTIVAL DIRECTOR: Mark R. Eaby, Jr. 2 "Faithful Laborers in this Vineyard of the Lord": FOLK FEsTIVAL PUBLIC RELATIONS: The Swedi h Mission to America Gail M. Hartmann LORETT TREESE PENNSYLVANIA FOLKLIFE, Autumn 1988, Vol. 38, No. I, pub­ lished four times a year by Penn­ 14 Metzler's chool, Then and Now sylvania Folklife Society, Inc., P.O. RHODA HOR J G DENLINGER Box 92, Collegeville, Pa. 19426. 3.50 for single copies, Autumn , 24 E. H. Rauch's Formative Influence on Pennsylvania Winter & Spring. $2.00 for um­ German Folk Theater mer. Yearly subscription $10.00 WILLIAM FETTERMAN Back issues (v. 21-30), $4.00 each; other P .O.R. 33 Germanic Origins and Religious-Geographical History MSS AND PHOTOGRAPHS: of the Mennonites in Europe The Editor will be glad to consider LEE HOPPLE MSS and photographs sent with C. a view to publication. When un­ suitable, and if accompanied by 48 Aide. un Neies (Old and New) return postage, care will be taken for their return, although no re­ CONTRIBUTORS sponsibility for their safety is (Inside jront cover) assumed. Editorial correspondence: Nancy K. Gaugler P.O. Box 92, Collegeville, Pennsylvania 19426 COVER: Subscription, business correspondence: P.O. Box 92, 1988 marks the 350th anniversary oj the jounding oj Collegeville, Pennsylvania 19426 ew Sweden in the Delaware Valley. The colony was Folk Festival correspondence: established primarily a a commercial venture, but 461 Vine Lane Kutztown, Pennsylvarua 19530 there were religious objectives a well - it was the Phone 215-683-8707 task oj the wedi h Mis ion to America "to plant Folk Festival public relations: Sweden's Chri tian religion in the ew W9rld. " In Hartmann Associates 461 Vine Lane connection with that task, Johan Campanius Holm, Kutztown, Pennsylvania 19530 Lutheran pastor and missionary, tran lated and Phone 215-683-5313 published Luther' short catechi m in Lenni Lenape; this illu tration erved as jronti piece in that work. ( ourtesy oj the Edward E. AyeI' olleetion, the Newberry Library, Chicago.)

Copyright 1988 Entered as second clus maHer at Collegeville, Pa. Layout and pecial Photography JSSN 0031-4498 WILLIAM K. MU RO "FAlTHFUL LABORERS IN THIS VINEYARD OF THE LORD"*: THE SWEDISH MISSION TO AMERICA

by Lorett Treese

According to Watson's Annals, this engraving depicts the blockhouse at Wicaco that was used for worship before Gloria Dei was built. (John F. Watson's Annals of Philadelphia and Pennsylvania in the Olden Time)

In 1774, the Reverend Nicholas Collin wrote in his The Swedish Mission to America overlapped the journal, "On the first Sunday after the New Year, [I] religious revival known as the "Great Awakening," and preached an English sermon on I John, 4: I, 'Try the Swedish ministers struggling to meet the needs of spirits,' etc., and discussed the characteristics of the true Swedish American congregations found unexpected faith and the duties of the members toward it. I in­ competition from evangelical sects. They also found dicated at the proper place how dangerous and foolish it independent-minded congregations fully aware they is to run after uneducated, fanatical and unordained held the church purse strings. These congregations were preachers ... After the sermon I explained to the con­ simultaneously being assimilated into Anglo-American gregation the fairness and necessity of contributing a culture as Swedish Americans lost ties with their certain [sum] towards my support.'" Collin, like other ancestral homeland. The ministers of the Swedish Mis­ Swedish Lutheran ministers who came to America in the sion were well educated and several wrote accounts and eighteenth century, thought he was going to preserve the journals. These provide a "snail's eye view" of religion faith, traditions and culture of the descendants of New in New Sweden - of the problems the ministers of the Sweden. Instead, he coped with unforeseen ad­ mission encountered, and the ways in which they dealt ministrative problems as the roles of church and state with them. were redefined in America. ·Words used by Kin g Charles XI of Sweden to describe Swedish ministers bound for America.

2 THE POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF NEW SWEDEN ce sful mi sS ionary work. Holm was the grandson of Johan Campanius Holm, a Swedish pastor a nd commit­ In the seventeenth century, as Sweden attempted to ted mi ss ionary who learned the Lenni Lenape language expand and industrialize, Dutch promoter Willem and translated Luther's short catechi sm.9 According to Usselinx persuaded Sweden's King Gustavus Adolphus the younger Holm, the Indians were initially puzzled by to found a commercial company for trade and coloniza­ the minister's role in the community. They feared that tion. Two other Dutchmen, Peter Minuit a nd Samuel the man who" tood alone" and" talked so long" was Blommaert, got the Swedish chancellor to li sten to plans plotting conspiracy against them. Suspicious Indians for a Swedish colony in the Delaware Valley. ' By 163 8, questioned the elder Holm who graduall y succeeded in the ew Sweden Company was organized. Its first ex­ making them understand stories of the creation, the pedition landed at present-day Wilmington, Delaware Trinity and Jesus. Thomas Campanius H olm wrote that which the Swedes named Christina for their queen. The the Indian had "great pleasure in hearing these Dutch had already made sporadic attempts to settle the things," and made his grandfather "so successful that area and protested the Swedish presence. Thi did not those people who were wandering in darkness were able frighten the Swedes away and there were no immediate to ee the li ght." 'O

hostilities. J Despite these claims, there are no records of Indians The Swedes intended to make big profit in the fur joining the Swedi h Christian community, and other trade, but earl y result were disappointing, so they evidence shows that even Holm eventuall y found mis- reorganized their company and expanded the colony's ionary work trying. In 1647 , he wrote his archbishop objectives to include a variety of agricultural and requesting a recall and complaining of havi ng been "in manufacturing ventures - whatever looked like it a heatheni h country amongst these ferocious savages might make a riksdalar for the investors. 4 This meant who fo r every year have threatened to slay u complete­ establishing Swedish authority more firmly on the ly." " · Still, H olm did not wi h to abandon New Delaware, and Governor Johan Printz was cho en to Sweden's religious objectives. In the same letter, he put the colony's government on a more busines like urged the archbishop to end a nother two or three basis. Printz arrived in 1643 and estab.lished forts, minister to America. blockhouse and plantations on both sides of the A letter from Governor Printz indicate that wedish Delaware. H e urged Sweden to send supplie and man­ pastors did uccess fully establish public wor hip. Printz power, but war between Denmark and Sweden made it wrote that church service were "conducted as in Old difficult to free up ships.' weden." Ma e fo ll owed the Swedish Order of Mas In 1649, a Swedish ship bound for the Delaware wa according to the P a Im Book of 1614, and included the lost. This started a chain of misfortunes eventuall y ame p a lm s, go pel and re ponsive readings and ing­ leading to the colony's demise. The Dutch became more ing. Swedish coloni ts also continued ob erving tradi­ assertive and built fortifications to command the tional wed ish holiday. 12 And, although ew Sweden Delaware, while Sweden became inactive in upporting had fort before she had churche , a chapel may have her colony until 1653. 6 In 1654, ew Sweden' Gover­ been built at Fort hristina in 1641 or 1642. There are nor, Johan Ri sing, turned the Dutch out of one tralegic no record of thi except a letter written in 1643 to fort. The Dutch found this too aggressive and ent Peter Governor Printz in tructing him to decorate the "little Stuyvesant marching on New Sweden. Stuyvesant church" in the Swedi h fa hi on. 1J ravaged the colony's farms and eized her posts until Printz had bigger plans. He moved his ba e of Rising capitulated; ew Sweden ceased to exist in 1655 .7 government north to Tinicum (present-day Es ington, Governor Ri sing and his soldiers then left the Delaware, Penn ylvania) for military reason . There, according to but the Swedish colonists stayed behind - in what had Thoma Campaniu Holm, he built "a mansion for suddenly become foreign territory. him elf and hi family which was very hand ome. There was likewi e a fine orchard, plea ure hou e and other convenience ."'4 The man ion wa called Printzhof. RELIGION IN NEW SWEDEN Amandus Johnson, a leading authority on New The Swedish government staled New Sweden's weden, sugge t that by 1643 Printzhof al 0 had a religious objectives in instructions iss ued to her gover­ church, pre umably with a belfry for the bell imported nors. Pastors were to promote piety and public worship from weden in 1644. Mar hall Becker, who ha done according to Swedish Lutheran doctrine, enforce ec­ recent excavations at Printzhof, i uncertain whether the clesiastical discipline, instruct the young, and hris­ complex would have included a church when fire tianize the Indians. They were to plant Sweden's hris­ destroyed it in 1645 . He ugge t a church may have tian religion in the ew World . 8 been added after it was rebuilt. In any ca e, mini ter Were they successful? Thomas ampanius H olm Johan ampanius Holm and Israel Holg Fluviander wrote a description of ew Sweden which speaks of suc- dedicated a church at Tinicum on cptcmber 4, 1646.

3 Gloria Dei (Old Swedes') Church in South Philadelphia is one of several churches built during the Swedish Mission to A merica. When this church was built, it was one of the finest churches in the New Wor/d. (A ll photographs by the author.)

T hi s became the center for early religious work and a the Delaware Valley while the Swedes gained confidence community gathering place on holidays. 15 and established a form of self-governmenL l8 Eventual­ Throughout its existence, New Sweden had too few ly, according to Israel Acrelius, a Swedish minister who ministers to serve a geographically-dispersed popula­ wrote a hi story of New Sweden and the Swedish Mission tion . This forced adaptations in religious life. In in the mid-eighteenth century, the Swedes and Dutch Sweden, the Lutheran Church was an established or formed a single "church association" largely through state religion, and its pastors were commissioned civil intermarriage. Despite a critical shortage of ministers, servants. In New Sweden, the official minister, Reorus additional churches were built and two parishes Torkillus, was ass isted by a Reverend Christopher who evolved. Christina Parish was centerd at Tranhook near had no official commission. Also, it was Printz, not former Fort Christina where a small log church was authorities in Sweden, who appointed Fluviander a built in 1667 . The second parish was centered at Wicaco regular preacher. 16 And, when the Reverend Lars Lock (present-day South Philadelphia) where the Swedes con­ was involved in an uprising against Printz, he went un­ verted an old blockhouse in 1677. Swedes continued punished - unlike the uprising's unlucky leader whom using the older church at Tinicum until 1700, but Printz had executed. Governor Rising intended to send Wicaco gradually became more popular. 19 Lock back to Sweden for trial, but dropped charges. Acrelius writes, "The Holland government ... took Lock may have merited this special treatment because very little trouble about public worship." The aging his services were so badly needed. 11 Lars Lock was the Delaware Valley's only resident minister until the Reverend Jacob Fabritius, a Dutch Lutheran, arrived from New York in 1677. Unfor­ RELIGION AFTER THE FALL OF NEW SWEDEN tunately, Fabritius went blind five years later, and Stuyvesant had no love for Lutherans but permitted Acrelius notes that, "Although there were two ministers the conquered Swedes to practice their religion. The in the churches, yet their infirmities made them hardly Swedish language and religion remained dominant in equal to one. " 20

4 A tablet commemorating the Reverend Jehu Curtis The tomb of the Reverend Andrew Rudman - one of Clay, the first Episcopal minister of Gloria Dei. the first member of the Swedish Mission to America. He built Gloria Dei. In 1664, ew etherland (including former ew Sweden) was urrendered to the Engli h. Initially, this ESTA BLIS HI NG THE WE DI SH MI S IO N had little effect on life on the Delaware. It wasn't until TO AMERI CA William P enn entered the picture that another transfor­ Another account of the wedish Mi ion wa written mation occurred. The decade between 1680 and 1700 by Jehu Curti Clay, an pi co pal minister who wrote meant big changes for the thousand or 0 Swedish of ew Sweden and the Swedi h Mi sion in the nine­ Americans in the Delaware Valley, even though Penn teenth century. Both Clay and Acreliu tell the story of had no intention of changing Swedish American Swedi h American attempt to obtain something religious practices. In fact, he petitioned the Swedi h America could not produce: educated, ordained, ambassador in London for wedish mini ters and wedish- peaking, Lutheran clergy. A early a 169 1, books, and he even donated catechism and a Bible to Swedish merican wrote weden concerning the mat­ the Swedish Church - English documents which were ter but received no reply. ext they asked the Lutheran of little use to Swedish Americans. 21 But Penn al 0 on i tory in Am terdam to ordain and end a wedi h wanted to create a sanctuary for European per ecuted theology tudent or, failing that, to notify authoritie in for religious reasons, and he promoted Penn ylvania weden. After their la t mini ter died in 1692, lay throughout the British Isles and orthern Europe. In readers continued religiou ervice, but wedi h response, a tidal wave of English, Welsh, Dutch, and American mi sed the preached go pel and feared for Germans flowed up the Delaware. Penn's fir t im­ their children who were, according to Acreliu , "fonder migrants generally did not belong to their countries' of riding race than of attending divine ervice. " 24 e tablished churches. Instead, they were Quaker and Both lay and creliu ee Divine Providence at Mennonites who may have seemed pieti tic and unorth­ work when Governor Printz' nephew ailed up the odox to Swedish Americans. Delaware and redi covered thi 10 t flock. Andrew Swedish Americans accepted Penn' authority, Printz brought their plight to the allention of wedish though conflict occurred over Penn's attempt to ac­ postma ter Johan Thelin, who took the matter before quire their valuable cleared land along navigable river. the wedi h king and hi friend at court. 2l In 1692 Penn had these lands resurveyed and appropriated Thelin wrote for pecific of the religiou ituation in everything not specifically mentioned in a deed (he did the ew World, and the wedi h merican replied in a not acknowledge the custom that seven years' undi - letter from their lay reader harle pringer. Their feel ­ puted possess ion constituted ownership); a measure ings toward their new neighbor are implied in the letter Acrelius still called "oppressive" some fifty year in which they reque ted two mini ter who "may well later. 22 The Swedish response was a minor rebellion. It defend both them elve and u again t all the fal e was betrayed and quelled in short order, but its teachers and trange ect by whom we are adherents lost their lands and possess ions. The in flux of . urrounded ." 26 In respon e, the wedi h king on ulted people practicing strange religions and provoking civil Dr. Jesper wed berg who became chief organizer for di sorder must have seemed threatening to wed ish the wedi. h Mi ion and made it initial financial ar­ Americans, and they took steps to preserve the religion rangements. He and the king came up with three can­ and culture they had. 23 didates for the project: - ric Bjork, ndrew Rudman,

5 Urban renewal is happening all around Holy Trinity in Wilmington, Delaware. The oldest of the Swedish American churches is one of the focal points for the celebration of Wilmington's 350th anniversaty in 1988. and Jonas Auren. Bjork and Rudman were to stay in Should it be at Wicaco, Tinicum, or Passayunk where

America; Auren was to return and submit a report. 27 land had been purchased years ago for a parsonage and glebe? The matter was decided by lot, and Gloria Dei When the Swedish ministers arrived in 1697 they was dedicated at Wicaco in 1700. 30 "Thus," Bjork created a sensation in the Swedish American communi­ wrote, "through God's blessing we have completed this ty. According to Bjork, "People flocked in great great work and built two fine churches superior to any numbers to see us." Rudman wrote, "They look to us built in this country ... so that the English themselves as if we were angels from heaven. " 28 The Swedish ... wonder at what we have done. It is but lately that ministers organized an effort to build new churches, and the two governors with their suites have come to this this seems to have rallied the Swedish American com­ place and visited the churches. " 31 Bjork and Rudman munity and given it a sense of identity. Work progressed intended to carry out all the normal ministerial duties. quickly, and Christina parish dedicated Holy Trinity in They planned to perform divine service, administer 1699. 29 church ordinances, visit their parishioners, and teach Building a new church further north on the Delaware the young. In two letters home, Bjork admitted this was was delayed by disagreements over where to locate it. not going to be easy. 32

6 ,~ '~k~~~ c 0 Inside Gloria Dei. Once it was built, a Swedish minister wrote that it only needed decorations, "such as a couple of bells, . handsome chalices and pallens . .. " His let­ ter did not mention a baptismal font so perhaps the church already had one. Th e font at the right of the altar is thought to ha ve been brought from the old church at Tinicum, having been previously imported from Sweden sometime in the 1600s.

PROBLEMS FACED BY THE SWEDISH MISSION TO AMERICA Bjork was right. Dependent upon European man­ Another artifact f rom Gloria Dei originally from the old power and faced with a population that became more church at Tinicum . This wood sculpture depicts cherubs geographicall y scattered each year, the Swedish Mission and an open Bible. Th e text reads, "Glory to God in the had big problems meeting the needs of its congrega­ highest, "and " Th e people that have walked in darkness tions. Swedish Americans continually complained that have een a great light." Thoma Campanius Holm they could not see their minister or attend divine ervice used the ame phrase in a section of his book on ew as often as they wi shed. The original plan was for Sweden where he discussed hi grandfather's missionary Swedish Americans in ew Jersey to belong to Wicaco work among the Lenni Lenape. " or Christina parish - whichever was closer. But from the start, these congregations were not satisfied with churches and ministers across the unbridged Delaware; they wanted their own ministers and campaigned for After Tollstadius' death in 1706, the Jer ey congrega­ one Lars Tollstadius. Tollstadius had arrived in 1701 tion campaigned for another black heep. Jona Auren misrepresenting himself as the commissioned Swedish had come as a commi ioned mini ter, but had ince replacement for Rudman's position at Wicaco. It developed ectarian view and joined the Seventh Day became known in America that Tollstadius had been Dunker. till, the Jer ey congregation in i ted on hav­ declared unfit for the Swedish Mi ss ion by Swedish ing him and managed to get Bjork' grudging con enl. l ' authorities. Yet the Jersey congregations were adamant, Finally, in 17 14 , wedi h authoritie recognized the two and official Swedish ministers could do nothing to top wedi h American communities in New Jer ey a them. )) epa rate pari he that would hare an official mini ter. l '

7 Swedish American congregations also suffered ment support. They found it difficult to raise money for neglect during vacancies caused by a minister's unex­ ch urch maintenance and collect a salary they could live pected death or departure. One long vacancy occurred on com fortably. Each parish's income came from at Wicaco between 1733 and 1737, after the Reverend members' subscriptions, from church property rents, Gabriel Falk was deposed for making unproven charges and from fees collected for marriages and burials. Yet of incest between an elder vestryman and hi s daughter. parish financial matters were administered by lay During these four years, Acrelius writes that people vestrymen and church wardens. The minister himself

"resorted to the English congregation or wandered had little financial control. 42 around like straying sheep that had no shepherd." Moreover, Swedish ministers quickly found that few Falk's successor, the Reverend John Dylander, found people actually contributed what they subscribed. hi s congregation greatly reduced but was popular Subscriptions were legal obligations, but trying to en­ enough to build it up again. 36 force them would have angered congregations and net­ Two particularly troublesome vacancies occurred ted little gain - the Quakers who were in control several years later: After Dylander's death in 1741, politically had no love for paid clergy,,3 As an answer to Wicaco suffered a vacancy of three years; in New financial problems, the Reverend Andrew Hesselius of Jersey, when the Reverend Peter Tranberg was trans­ Christina proposed tithes, but was advised against the ferred to Christina in 1741, the congregations had no idea. Tithes, too, would have had to be voluntary; they minister until 1748. 37 These vacancies occurred during would not be en forced as they were in Europe. 44 the height of the Great Awakening which Acrelius calls Swedish Americans did contribute more if they liked "a most unfortunate time for a clergyman." It was a their pastor. The Wicaco congregation liked Dylander time when Swedish American congregations suddenly and he had few financial problems. But they did not like had plenty of choice when their own pulpits were va­ hi s successor, Nesman. They complained that his ser­ cant. 38 mons were too long, and that he "pointed the finger" George Whitefield, the great English preacher of the too often. Subscriptions, as well as church attendance, Evangelical Revival, arrived in Philadelphia in 1739, fell while Nesman ministered to the Wicaco congrega­ and his followers, the New Lights, began attracting tion"s Swedish Americans. He was followed by a Count Several ministers did find ways to deal with their Zinzendorf and his adherents, a branch of the Hussite financial problems. The Reverend Andrew Sandel, for movement that had come from a European settlement example, Rudman's successor at Wicaco, married they called "Herrnhut." This evangelical, pietist sect money. Perhaps because of this, Acrelius writes that called "Moravian Brethren," "Zinzendorfers," or Sandel was able to live with his congregation "as in a "Herrnhutters," created particular problems for golden age." The Reverend John Eneberg of Christina, Swedish ministers since Zinzendorf was also a Lutheran on the other hand, simply made no fuss, but lived pastor and his doctrine had recognizable Lutheran cheaply in the houses of other Swedish Americans,,6 elements. Swedes ordained by Herrnhutters sometimes Nevertheless, by mid-century, Acrelius sarcastically represented themselves as Swedish ministers. 39 marvelled that the same congregations that had built The Reverend Gabriel Nesman, Dylander's successor, Holy Trinity and Gloria Dei could no longer support found his congregation slipping away to the New Lights their ministers, despite being materially better off and Zinzendorfers, and was forced to travel around the themselves. 47 parish and exhort people back to church. In New Jersey, Acrelius also notes that lack of income in the Swedish the Herrnhutters tried hard to fill the Swedish clerical American churches was compounded by poor financial gap. There Paul Bruselius, a Zinzendorfer who spoke management on the part of ignorant vestrymen. Swedish, offered his services cheap. Half the congrega­ Christina, for instance, would have had a windfall when tion wanted him, the other half did not, and one Sunday Wilmington was laid out on the church glebe, except for when he tried to preach, fistfights ensued. 40 Also in New inept parish vestrymen and their bookkeeper, the wily Jersey, Abraham Reinke, another Zinzendorfer, at­ Quaker Edward Followell. Trustees were appointed at tracted many Swedish Americans in the same way, but Christina, but most could "neither write nor cast ac­ he proved too fanatical in the end. The congregations counts." Money was lent without security while the eventually tired of these imposters, but the Zinzen­ Reverend Peter Tranberg kept silent in the interests of dorfers did keep the Jersey parishes from uniting and re­ peace. When Acrelius succeeded Tranberg, he told the questing an official Swedish minister until 1745,,1 congregation he "had not come to look after their Meeting the needs of their congregations was not the money, but after their souls." Yet he urged them to Swedish Mission's only problem, for in some ways "open their eyes in time." Acrelius became a ~o-trustee Swedish ministers felt their own needs were not being but estimated Christina had already lost about £1500 met. Like other members of established churches, they through poor management. 48 experienced financial problems due to lack of govern- Later in the century, the Reverend Nicholas Collin

8 Saint James in Kingsessing, Pennsylvania - the newest of the Swedish American churches was just 225 years old in 1987. Its current rector calls it a " holy island" in the midst of Philadelphia.

also found church business laxly administered when he and the Angli can al 0 experienced a shortage of transferred from Jersey to Wicaco. In 1788, he tried to minister , Acrelius note everal instance where reform the collection of ground rent and incurred con­ Swedish mini ter preached for Engli h congregations. siderable hostility. An opposition party developed and orne were even paid by the PG. 5 I vindictively reduced his salary.49 While servi ng in ew wedi h mini ter al 0 hared their church facilities. Jersey, Collin had studied church records a nd con­ When the Engli h church wa enlarged in 17 10, the cluded that collecting an adequate salary had been a ngli sh wor hipped at Wicaco, preferring the Swedi h problem for virtually every Swedish minister since 1722. church to a Presbyterian church which had also been of­ "To in sist on one's ri ghts is not ad vi able," he wrote, fered. ngli h service at Wicaco continued for three "as the congregation would thereby be reduced or an­ Sundays and were concluded by a wedi h hymn. 52 tagonism aroused in many." Ironicall y, many member Acrelius al 0 describe wedi h mini ter preaching for told him they would give more if they could have divine German Lutheran without a pa tor. For example, service more frequently. 50 Dylander held German ervice at Wicaco, and Tranberg traveled to Lanca ter to preach for German

THE SWEDISH MI SS ION AD OR E E congregation . 5) ITS PROBLEM The Herrnhutter inva ion brought establi hed Vacancies and competition from the sects were prob­ Swedish and erman churche clo er together. n lems the Swedish Miss ion shared with other contem­ alliance of wedi hand erman Lutheran clergy wa porary churches, so Anglican , Swedish, and German proposed (the synod or mini terium of Penn ylvania), Lutheran clergy tried to cooperate to overcome their but could not overcome certain ob tacle. German difficulties. Early in the eighteenth century, for exam­ pastors could not agree on whether the Herrnhutter ple, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel were really in error, while wedi h mini ter he itated to (SPG) made efforts to introduce Anglican worship violate their own church law or ri k joint property among Pennsylvania's English, Welsh , and dissati sfied wnership with erman who quickly threatened to out­ Quakers. When , as a result, new churches sprang up number them . 5' But, although Acrcliu ackn wledge

9 Christ Church in Bridgeport, Pennsylvania. Only the soJt "swish" oj cars along the nearby Schuylkill Ex­ pressway recalls the twentieth century. Once called one oj the Swedish Mission's "country churches," its neighborhood is still somewhat rural although, cor- porate campuses are springing up nearby.

fewer problems with the sects in the 1750's, the German sects have not had any permanent pastors," he wrote. and Swedish ministers continued to meet to promote As the Great Awakening wound down, it seems the sects unity in doctrine while "fencing out ... the erratic also had to deal with the problem of vacancies. 58 sects. " 55 When the Reverend Charles Magnus von Wrangel END OF THE SWEDISH MISSION TO AMERICA served the Swedish Mission in the 1760's, he became the The Swedish Mission to America did not end abrupt­ good friend of Dr. Henry Muhlenberg, thus increasing ly. It came to an end because Swedish Americans had cooperation between the Swedish and German Lutheran been-gradually absorbed into Anglo-American culture. churches. There is evidence Wrangel wanted to truly After the fall of New Sweden, few Swedes migrated to unite both Lutheran churches with the Anglican church, the Delaware Valley. Instead, English-speaking people but this plan appears to have gotten lost in the morass of moved in all around the Swedish Americans. By the pre-Revolutionary politics. 56 Wrangel did, however, 1720's most Swedish Americans were conversant in succeed in building two new churches to serve groups of English, and Swedish Americans and Anglo-Americans Swedish Americans living inconveniently far away from started going to each other's churches if they proved existing churches. Under Wrangel's leadership, the more geographically convenient. 59 Kingsessing and Upper Merion parishes were formed, By mid-century, Peter Kalm, a Swedish naturalist and Saint James and Christ Church were built and in­ visiting America, found Swedish Americans ignorant of corporated with Wicaco under a new charter from the their own history. He wrote that they were ashamed to Pennsylvania government. 57 speak Swedish "because they fear they may not in such After the Revolution, competition from the sects a case be real English." Acrelius wrote that only older abated. Shortly after arriving in the 1770's, Collin Swedish Americans considered themselves Swedish. described America as a place where "all kinds of Younger Swedish Americans adopted English when they religious nonsense" was preached. He criticized intermarried with English speakers, while children uneducated preachers and "frivolous" church members learned it when they were apprenticed. Finally, Swedish who "run from one [sect] to another." Yet after the Americans began requesting Swedish ministers who Revolution he reported "no more dangerous sects spoke English, and Swedish ministers adopted the Book within or around the congregations." The reason? "The of Common Prayer. 60 As a result of this intermixing,

10 r

After the American Revolution, Nicholas Col­ lin tried to unite factions by building Trinity Church in Swedesboro, New Jersey.

TNI. TI8LIT

NICHOLAS COLLIN D. D.

\\ h. l1.li n.lu\.l,.. I'"t'IHtN' t,..n ..a.h It. JI ~ wa lu I .... l ot Collin, in 1775 , di scouraged establishing an English " Inn~ IIn(' 0' 'Ii ... lonurif' church near the Swedish American church at Raccoon ,..('fI' ".' .h,. 'Ioth... r ChUN"Ji 111 w d(\ll '01.""" .h" ll"'flrJ ot I ~ ite (present-day Swedesboro, ew Jersey) because the con­ o h('r rhHeir n gregations were "so closely united through kinship" 11 4" bf'Ma..m(' n.w'., ., thb th,""",-k.f and, moreover, barely able to support one mini ter, let hin,en:...J.u( k I p,..r 'J..-Iou lh\l,..h alone twO .61 i" .JulyA.O.1T 6 . II~ died O~lOber -:' '!' A.n.l~~l u, The Revolution also played a part in ending the tlH joo,7 1!~.,(, .. ok~ I.illll a..(~. Swedish Mission . It created special problems for Swedish ministers who tried to remain neutral, but who only earned the distrust of Patriots and Loyalists alike. A typical incident occurred at Wi caco , in 1777, when the Revolutionary government ordered the Reverend Andrew Goranson to hand over the church bell. (All church bells were being removed to prevent their falling into Bri tish hands. ) Goranson protested that neither the British nor the Continental government had anything to do with himself, hi s church or hi s bell; but he could not prevent the bell from being removed to Lancaster. 62 In New Jersey, the militia took the Reverend Collin A marker commemorating Dr. Nicholas ol/in, one of prisoner and marched him toward a British camp until a the last members of the Swedi h Mi ion to America. German Lutheran official paid hi s bail. The next day, After the Revolution, Dr. ol/in could have returned (0 given a choice between the British camp and a Patriot Sweden but chose (0 remain in America.

II loyalty oath, he took the oath but with reservationsY Collin remained at Wicaco until hi s death in 1831, When the English occupied Collin's Jersey parishes, he Wicaco began engagin g Episcopal assistants in 1787. 69 was again accused of being a spy and narrowly escaped The Swedish Mi ss ion to America spanned the eight­ hanging. In general, Collin abhorred the war and con­ ee nth century, and during that century conditions trans­ demned all soldiers who wreaked havoc in New Jersey. formed the roles of minister and congregation into what He also resented the factions created among hi s con­ we would recognize today as modern and American. gregation, and later tried to reconcile them by building a Clay writes of the Reverend Andrew Sandel going new church at Raccoon.64 through the aisles of the church at Wicaco early in the The American Revolution also caused the King of eighteenth century to publicly examine the congregation Sweden to reevaluate the Swedish Mission. The king on their catechism and the content of hi s sermon. By the had no sympathy for a movement challenging the rights time Clay published hi s book in the \830's this custom of kings, and feared Republican ideals might be unwit­ was decidedly passe. "Such a practice in our time," tingly imported to Sweden by returning ministers . In Clay had to explain, "would be apt to make thin 1785 , the king sti pulated America would get no more churches. " 70 Swedish ministers unless Swedish Americans paid all voyage expenses, part of which had formerly been AFTERWORD: covered by the crown.6S At the same time, however, SWEDISH AMERICAN CHURCHES TODAY Swedish Americans were wondering whether they might Five churches built during the Swedish ,Mission to not prefer American ministers to foreign ones. This America still operate as Protestant Episcopal Churches. would give them more local control and eliminate what Holy Trinity can be found in Wilmington, Delaware, they, by then, considered foreign interference. Wicaco and Trinity (the church Collin built) operates in was glad to accept Collin as pastor in 1786, but wanted Swedesboro, New Jersey. Wrangel's two churches to make its own appointments thereafter. The Swedish welcome resi dents of busy Kingsessing, and quieter American congregations of Christina and New Jersey Bridgeport, Pennsylvania. Gloria Dei, the church at agreed. They submitted their sentiments to the Swedish Wicaco, is huddled practically beneath 1-95 in a quiet archbishop who obtained the king's approval. In 1789, area of South Philadelphia. All five are affectionately the vestries received a letter saying they could choose known as "Old Swedes'." their own ministers with the king's best wishes. The The most famous of the churches are the two oldest. Swedish Mission to America was over. 66 Holy Trinity in Wilmington even has its own curator, Lisa Nichols. According to Nichols, the church is a SWEDISH AMERICAN CHURCHES BECOME "pilgrimage spot." "Just about every Swede who PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCHES comes to America," she says, "wants to come here." The previously mentioned Episcopal minister Jehu Holy Trinity gets lots of visitors and handles lots of Curtis Clay wrote: "The Swedish Church though tours. In affiliation with the Delaware Swedish Colonial Lutheran in doctrine is Episcopal in government." He Society, it holds Swedish festivals such as the Lucia suggests this is why Swedish American churches af­ Festival and the Midsummer Festival. filiated with the new Protestant Episcopal Church The Reverend David B. Rivers of Gloria Dei also gets rather than with German Lutheran churches once the visitors from Sweden. "In the summer," he reports, war was over. 67 In addition, there were several historic "there's about a busload a week. They stop to see the similarities between Anglican and Swedish Lutheran church on the way from New York to Washington, churches: both were state churches; both maintained D.C." Gloria Dei holds a Swedish Lutheran service they preserved the apostolic succession; and both ad­ once a month and celebrates a Lucia Festival which ministered traditions and sacraments the same way. Rivers describes as "very popular. It's a mob scene." Swedberg, the chief organizer of the Swedish mission, He adds, "Also, at Christmas, we have a 'Julotta' - a had been friendly with the Bishop of London, and they Swedish service held early Christmas morning." had agreed their Delaware Valley missionaries would Trinity in Swedesboro, New Jersey is located in a very work closely together. This started the long history of rural area but twenty-five to thirty visitors per year cooperation between the two that worked in conjunc­ manage to come and tour the church. Trinity, too, tion with the cultural assimilation of Swedish celebrates a Lucia Festival. Its former rector had a great Americans. 68 interest in the church's history and, though retired, still After the Swedish Mission was over, Collin did try to corresponds with the King of Sweden. A large billboard find an American Lutheran pastor to take over for him outside the church proudly proclaims that the King of in Swedesboro. However, the Swedesboro vestry en­ Sweden once visited. gaged an Episcopal minister in 1792. In the same year, Christ Church in Bridgeport, Pennsylvania, is located the Reverend Lars Girellus returned to Sweden and in a largely Roman Catholic neighborhood, but it is a Christina also engaged an Episcopal minister. Though neighborhood extremely proud of its history. Its own

12 Lucia Fe tival is a "popular local event" according to " l ohnson , Swedish Selliemenls, 1:205 -206 . " Holm, New Sweden, p. 79. the Reverend John Miller. However, he comments, " Marshall Becker, "Ethnohistory and Archaeology in Search of the visitors to Christ Church tend to be people doing Printzhof," Elhnohislory 26 (1979): pp. 19-21; Benson, Swedes in genealogical research and looking for Swedi sh America, p. 29; 10hnson, Swedish Selliemenls, 1:366-367 . " Johnson, Swedish Selliemenls, 1:205-106, 370-371. American ancestors in the graveyard . " Ibid., 1:463. Saint James in Kingsessing, the newest of the Swedi sh " Ibid., 2:664-668 . American churche , celebrated its own 225th anniver- " Israel Acrelius, A Hislory oj New Sweden, trans. Willi am M. Rey nold s (Philadelphia: Publication Fund of the Historical Society of ary in 1987. Its rector, the Reverend Reed Brinkman, Pen nsylva ni a , 1874; reprint ed ., Ann Arbor, MI : Uni versit y mentions that the church also holds a Lucia Festival to Mocrofilm s, Inc. , 1966), pp. 176- 177 . keep the community aware of its roots. Nevertheless, he ,olbid., pp. 100, 176-178. " Ibid., pp. 114-115. reports the congregation has no direct descendants of " Ibid., pp. 125-127. New Sweden and few vi itors. " Acrelius, New Sweden, p. 11 6; Adolph B. Benson, ed ., Peler Kahn's Travels in Norlh America, 2 vols. (NY : Dover Publications, Inc., 1937) 2:724,732-733. * * * " Acrelius, New Sweden, pp. 179-18 1; Clay, A nnals, p. 58 . " Acrelius, New Sweden, pp. 181 -182; Clay, A nnals, pp. 62-64 . For this year which mark the 350th anniversary of l6 Acrelius, New Sweden, pp. 179- 18 1; Clay, A nnals, pp. 68-70. " Acrelius, New Sweden, pp. 197-199; Clay, Annals, pp. 75 -76 . the founding of New Sweden, numerous pecial events " Clay , Annals, pp. 83, 89 . - many involving the King and Queen of Sweden - are " Acrelius, New Sweden, pp. 264-267; Clay, Annals, pp. 91 -93 . being planned, especially by the mayor's office in Wil­ ,o Acreliu , New Sweden, pp. 223 -228; Clay, A nnals, pp. 99-100. " Clay , Annals, pp. 100-102 . mington. Many of the "Old Swedes' " churches have " Ibid., pp. 81-88 , 100-102 . been asked to participate, and this seems only ap­ " Su zanne B. Geiss ler, " A Step o n the Swedish Lutheran Road to propriate. For, although the isolated communities that Anglicanism," Historical Magazine oj Ihe Proleslanl Episcopal Church 54 (1985) : p. 43 . built these churches to preserve their religion and " Ibid., pp. 44-45. culture no longer exist, and although these " Old " Ibid., p. 47. Swedes' " churches are American churche now, they " Acrelius, ew Sweden , pp. 233-239. are, nonethele s, institution which recall an absorbing " Ibid., pp. 24 1-243, 329-336. " Ibid., p. 244 . part of the Delaware Valley's colonial pa t. " Ibid., pp. 244-249 , 332-335 . ,olbid., pp . 243 , 332-333 . " Ibid., pp. 334-335. " Ibid., pp. 215, 221. " Ibid., pp. 270-271. " Ibid. , pp. 278-279 . ACK OWLEDGEMENT "Ibid., pp . 239-240, 252-253 . I would like to thank Dr. Donald B. Kelley of Villan ova Universit y, " Ibid., pp. 22 1, 288-289. and the rectors and staff members of the Swedish Ameri can churches " Ibid. , p. 310. who kindly furnished information for this article. " Ibid., pp. 289-292 , 297-298 , 308-3 10. " lohnson, Journal oj Nicholas Collin, pp. 48-50 . ,olbid., pp. 220-222. " el on H . Burr, " Early History of the Swedes and the Episcopal hurch in America ," Hislorical Magazine oJlhe PrOle lanl Episcopal Church 7(1938) : p. 120. END OTE " Acreliu , ew Sweden, pp. 219-220; Clay, Annals, p. 123. " Acrelius, ew Sweden, pp. 237 -239; 294-295. 'Amandus 10hnson, The Journal and Biography oj icholas Collin " Ibid., pp. 244-247 . 1746- 183 1, (Philadelphia: ew lersey Society of Pennsylvania, 1936), " Ibid., p. 311. p. 225 . " Acreliu , ew Sweden, pp. 346-347; Burr, " wedes and the ' Adolph B. Benson, ed ., Swedes in America 1638- 1938, ( Y: Epi copal hurch," p. 127 . Haskel House Publishers, Ltd ., 1969), pp. 5-6. " Acrelius, ew Sweden, pp. 346-347 . ' Ibid., pp. 21 -22 . ' Ibid., pp. 9-10. " lohn on, Journal oj icholas Collin, pp. 25, 226-227, 295 -296. " Burr, " wedes and the pi scopal hurch," pp. 120- 122. 'Ibid., pp. 9-10, 12- 13 . ,oAcrelius, New Sweden, p. 360; Benson, Kalm 's Travels, 2:716; ' Ibid., pp. 14- 15, 30-31. Clay , A nnals, p. 147; 10hnso n, Journal oj icholas Collin, p. 45. ' Ibid., pp. 31 -32 . " lohnson, Journal oj Nicholas Collin, pp. 232-233 . ' Benson, Swedes in America, pp. 28-29; lehu Curtis Clay, Annals " Ibid., pp. 69-71. oj Ih e Swedes on Ihe Delaware, 4th ed ., with an introduction by " Ibid., pp. 237-238. Henry S. Henschen (Chicago: 10hn Ericsson Memorial ommittee, " Ibid., pp. 240, 246-249 , 29 1-292 . 1938), pp. 31 -32, 39-42. " Grant W. Andersen, "The American Revolution and the Swedish ' Clay, Annals, pp. 45-48 ; Amandus 10hnson, The Swedish Sellle­ Church in the Delaware Valley," Swedish Pioneer Hislory 27 (Oc­ ments on Ihe Delaware 1638-1664, 2 vols. (NY: Burt Franklin, 191 I; tober 1976) : pp. 264-265 . reprint ed ., Y: Burt Franklin, 1970), 2:560. ,oThomas Campanius Holm, A Shorl Descriplion oj Ih e Province " Andersen , "American Revolution and the wed ish hurch," p. 265 ; lay, A nnal, pp. 157 , 160-161 , 167-168 . oj New Sweden, trans. Peter S. DuPonceau (Philadelph ia : Me arthy " lay , A nnals, pp. 168- I 76. and Davis, 1834), p. 75 . .. ei ss ler, "Lutheran Road to Anglicanism," pp. 40-41 . " lohnson, Swedish Selliemenls, 1:373 . " Burr, "Swedes and the pi scopal hurch," pp. 128 -129. " Bemon, Swedes in America, pp. 29-30; 10hnson, Swedish Sellle­ '0 lay, Annals, p. 122 . men Is, 1:367-368.

13 METZLER'S SCHOOL, THEN AND NOW

by Rhoda Horning Denlinger

Exterior views oj Metzler's School taken by Mrs. Denlinger during her visit in February, 1987; all the remaining photographs were taken by her at that same time.

INTRODUCTION and constrained by narrow perspectives. As a result, the One-room schools came into existence to meet the general trend (starting in the 1920s) was to begin con­ educational needs of rural children. In a pioneer settle­ solidating these small rural schools into larger, more im­ ment the schoolhouse was erected shortly after the pressive facilities which would provide a broader educa­ church, "both frequently appearing long before a real tional base for young Americans. But while it seemed community center had been established"; I indeed, these feasible and efficient to school administrators (and to two buildings would perhaps become the community most parents) to push for consolidation and broader center. The teacher who had the privilege of instructing educational goals, there was, in some areas, a conser­ the neighborhood children in these schools was respon­ vative element in the community intent on keeping sible for teaching all the grades therein - often as many education geared to preparing children for operating a as eight. Although the task was enormous, education farm and being satisfied with that idea. was deemed an important part of daily life and, by the In Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, the Amish and late l800s and early 1900s, one-room schools pro­ the Old Order Mennonites are two such conservative liferated. Indeed, in many areas, "education simply groups; they are less interested in learning new trades grew, district by district, like wild crops in untilled soil, and becoming educated in a broader sense then in according to local school arrangements made by groups preserving an agrarian way of life. So they continue to of farm families." 2 Not surprisingly, then, in 1938 a send their children to one-room schools, constructing total of 202,505 rural school buildings existed in the them if necessary, but often buying buildings no longer United States,) and many of these were one-room struc­ needed or wanted by public school system. Thus, some tures. one-room schools that might have disappeared forever As educational goals and ideas became more refined, from the rural landscape have managed to survive, and however, little country chools were often seen as rather even to thrive. The following i the story of one such crude educational facilities lacking adequate equipment school.

14 Floor P I a." of f'l1t. +2 ler:S S c.J.. 00 J / q fJ 7

b /Q.ck board

o...... f..o t C Jo~k.I()O"", Hoo k.s ~

15 The front of the classroom, Metzler's School.

METZLER'S SCHOOL AUNT MARY'S MEMORIES OF METZLER'S SCHOOL Before I had ever heard of FM radios or knew what a Metzler's School is located on West Metzler Road in television set was, I was acquainted with the one-room West Earl Township in Lancaster County, Penn­ schoolhouse. As far back as I can remember I wanted to sylvania. Next to it stands Metzler's Mennonite Church, go to school, and occasionally as a pre-schooler I had and all around it is land which to this day continues to the privilege of visiting our local elementary school with be farmed. According to the local farmer, Isaac Zim­ my older brothers and sisters. Even then I was always merman, who now owns the school, the property for the thrilled to run down the road and join in the activities at facility was bought by a newly-formed school board be­ Metzler's, a one-room school in Lancaster County. tween 1850 and 1860,. The school building itself was Metzler's School existed before the beginning of this supposedly built sometime within that same decade. The century; my grandfather, Elmer N. Metzler, who was school grounds were bordered by land owned by a born in 1897, was a student there. His children, in­ Jacob Metzler, so it does not seem unusual, then, that cluding my mother and her twin sister - my Aunt Mary my grandfather, Elmer N. Metzler, attended the school, - attended Metzler's in the late 1920s and early 1930s as did his children. As already mentioned, two of his when it was a public school serving all the chilGren in the daughters, twins Anna and Mary, were among the neighborhood. Born in 1951, I also attended this school, children who were educated there in the late I 920s and in the years from 1957 to 1963. During this period, early 1030s. Anna, my mother, is no longer living, so Metzler's remained a public institution coordinated by Aunt Mary has been my source of information about principals from the West Earl School District, although the school during the period she attended there.5 some local children then did attend larger public schools By 1928 when Mary started school, Metzler's had like Farmersville Elementary or Brownstown Elemen­ already been in existence for almost eighty years, but tary. in 1964 the school was sold to Old Order Men­ was still being heated by a stove in the back of the room. nonites in the area, and today it is a parochial school This stove had a jacket around it, and inside the jacket attended by the children of local Old Order groups. there was enough space to bake potatoes for lunch. These include Wenger Mennonites and Stauffer Men­ (Children who attended larger schools may have missed nonites who drive horses and buggies, and Horning the experience of being tantalized by the aroma' of bak­ Mennonites (better known as "black bumper" Men­ ing potatoes.) The stove burned coal which was stored nonites) who drive cars. in a bin in the basement, and the teacher had the chilly

16 The back of the classroom, Metzler's School.

job of tarting the fire on cold morning 0 the room for a brief time until all the players have been matched would be warm when the pupils arrived. There wa no up; fifth- through eighth-grader always found it a plumbing in the building, 0 it was nece ary to bring thrilling game to play. nother game played indoors water - carried by two tudent in a large bucket - was Marble; the e were flicked between the thumb and from a nearby farm. The bucket wa placed on a fir t finger toward a hole in the middle of a fifteen-inch- grooved stick 0 that it weight wa evenly di tributed; quare board. Point were awarded when tbe marble hit each child held one end of the tick with the bucket in the center hole; rece ,even indoor, wa alway fun. the middle. Carrying water wa but one of the ta k par­ In fine weather, when the children played outdoor in celed out to the student, and it was con idered an en­ the fre hair, Roundtown ba eball wa popular, and if joyable job because it meant being out of the the student decided to play with two team they had an schoolroom for fifteen or twenty minute . Mary al 0 interesting way to determine who batted first. They u ed mentioned another job which wa assigned to tudent: a hand-over-hand method of going up the bat, and the care of the flag, which was rai ed each morning and captain who could reach hi thumb acro the top of the taken down each afternoon. Daily chores were taken in bat could opt to have hi . team bat fir t. Another game stride by these rural children who were aceu tomed to enjoyed outdoor wa Rabbit Around. In this game one having the responsibility of job to do at home. person wa "it"; he or he had a ball and could try to But there was a time to play, as well a a time to work, "catch" other player by throwing the ball and hitting for these farm children who attended one-room schools them when they were off ba e. After a certain number in the 1920s and 1930s. On rainy days and on very cold of players were caught there wa no longer any ba e, winter days, recess and lunchtime were times for indoor and the game continued until all tho e remaining were games. Then, according to Mary, the older children caught. Mary al 0 remember playing game called Fox often played Partner, a game which involves the pairing and Gee e and Flying olor. of girls and boys and requires an equal number of each. chool, though , wa more than chore and fun and The players are divided into two groups according to game; there was al 0 tudying to be done. The three R' sex, and after one group leaves the room each player in - reading, 'riting, and 'rithmetic - a well a hi tory, both groups is given a number; one boy and one girl geography, ngli h, and spelling were included in the will, of course, have the same number and can be subjects taught. or the e clas es the tudents had te t­ matched as "partners." They will sit beside each other books of some sort, but not much in the way of addi-

17 Water cooler and drinking cups in the corner oj the cloakroom oj Metzler's School.

tional resources. A small library in the back of the room - and each weekday would see pupils approaching the provided them with a little extra reading material, none building from every direction: the Metzlers and Buchs of which was required . On one day of the week art and from the west; the Zimmermans and Hoovers from the music were included in the schedule. According to south; the Andeses and Newswangers from the north; Mary, "a music teacher came around to the school and and the Burkholders, Garmans, and Martins from the taught us the rudiments of music"; since the furniture in east. Considering their names, it is not surprising to the schoolroom included a piano, it was used in music learn that many (but not all) of these children spoke the in struction. Art was included in the regular teacher's Pennsy lvania German dialect fluently. But in school the schedule of classes, and after the lesson the children's children were required to speak English, and all the creations were hung on the walls to decorate the classes were conducted in English. (Mary says she never schoolroom. heard her teachers speak Pennsylvania German.) But The basic subjects were taught - and a si milar those pupils who could speak the dialect usually did so schedule followed - Monday through Thursday. On on the playground. Friday, however, there were often special activities such Although she was unable to recall a lot of details as spelling or geography matches in the afternoon. about her teachers, Mary did remember the names of Children involved in the competition stood up around four - Miss Jackson, Miss Emily Brossman, Mr. the room and remained standing as long as they could Michael Wenger, and Mr. Stark. She was not aware of spell or answer questions correctly; the match continued their educational backgrounds, but felt they were all until one student - the winner - was left. After a week well-qualified to teach, and well able to keep good order of classes this type o f contest was probably a pleasant in the classroom. In addition to maintaining discipline relief from routine, and a good beginning for the a nd teaching various academic subjects, the teachers weekend. worked at building good character traits such as in­ During Mary's years at Metzler's School there were dustriousness and inner strength. 6 Their was a big job eight grades included in the roster of classes, and as and for the most part they did it well; Metzler's School many as thirty-five to forty students. (Sometimes the provided a sound beginning for many of its students, in­ older grades "doubled up" for classes .) There were cluding my mother and my Aunt Mary; they continued both single and double desks, with first graders seated at their education at West Earl High School from which the front, and eighth graders at the back of the room. they graduated in 1939. All of Mary's class mates walked to sc hool - as she did

18 Playground and toilet facilities in the schoolyard.

METZLER'S SCHOOL AS I REMEMBER IT igns hanging at the back of the room regulated When [ started school in 1957, Metzler' wa not the outhouse traffic - each had one green and one red side. only option for me; there were larger public school in Green signaled a vacancy, red meant the toilet was oc­ both Farmersville and Brownstown which were cupied. tudent wi hing to use the facilitie when both available to our family. However, Metzler' wa at that sign were red simply had to wait patiently for their time till a public school, and my parents' educational turn . goals for their children did not include uperior So in the year between Mary's and my attendance at building and teachers, or an advanced curriculum. In Metzler's a few changes had taken place, but it eemed fact, they seemed to feel that what wa good enough for that some thing there would never change. Games, for them was good enough for u. 0 it was at Metzler's example, had not changed much, and Partner continued School where my formal education began. to be a popular indoor game when it rained. Also, our The building was basically the same a it had been teacher often volunteered to play the piano for Mu ical twenty years earlier when the previou generation at­ Chair during the lunch period; not much of a break for tended there. Sometime during those twenty years, her. On unny day, ba eball and Fox and Geese were though, the stove wa removed from the schoolroom, still popular, a were Rabbit Around, Collie Over, and and a coal furnace was in stalled in the basement. Direct­ Red Rover. Becau e the chool grounds adjoined the ly above the furnace toward the rear of the room was a property of Metzler's Mennonite Church, we sometime heat register measuring about four feet square. When extended our playground to include an area of the the furnace was fired up in the winter, we liked to stand church property. There were tree on the church land on the heat register and warm up from the cold out­ and in the fall we played with their leaves which we doors. (The girls had to be careful, though, to hold on would arrange into "hou e ." The girl "lived" in the to their skirts.) There was still a piano in the front of the hou es and the boy were their IChor e "; each girl room, and it looked as though it could have been a old would have a piece of bale rope, and when it wa time to as the school, but it was fun to hide behind and a good go out for the day the girl would take their rope, place to share secrets. There was still no indoor plumb­ "hitch up" their hor e and go for a pin. Intere tingly, ing, and students continued to carry water for drinking mo t of the familie of the e children used hor e a a and hand washing purposes, but we did have paper cups mean of tran portation, so even in playground ac­ which were di scarded after one u e. Of course without tivities there wa not a great deal of innovation or plumbing there were no indoor toilet facilities, and two modernism displayed . outhouses were located in the schoolyard; in the winter Beside game, tUdying continued to be a vital part one's vi sits there were as infrequent as possible. Two of the activitie occurring in ide the door of Metzler'

19 School. Math was sti ll call ed arithmetic, so the three R's never forced to learn the second la nguage to whi ch we remained alive and well. History , geography, spelling, were exposed every day in school. (Maybe we were the and Engli sh were four more subjects covered on a losers in this case.) I should onl y speak for myself in this regular basis. At the time I attended, music was taught area - I learned enough so that I usually understood by our teacher, Mrs. G ri ffith, and consisted wholly of what was being said, but I lacked the nerve to make sin gi ng songs; we learned nothing about notes or tim­ enough mistakes to trul y learn to speak P ennsylvania ing. Art class was held on Friday afternoons with a German fluently. P erhaps another reason the dialect seasonal project completed every week. Every year it was not learned by the E ngli sh-speaking students was seemed there was a new idea on how to make a n Easter because our teacher did not know it and did not en­ candy basket out of construction paper. For our main courage its use. But dialect or no dialect, we had an ex­ subjects we had textbooks and workbooks - a ll of cell ent teacher - Mrs. Annie H . Griffith. which were read a nd completed during school hours; we Mrs. Griffith was my teacher for a ll of the six years I never had a ny homework. Because each class had a attended Metzler's School. She was a woman in her fif­ short ession on each subject, there was usua ll y plenty ties with graying hai r, a grandmotherly sort with a n in­ of time to do workbook a nd reading assignments while telligence that we respected. Her long hair was pulled other grades had their class time. Extra resource back and secured in a knot at the base of her neck, a nd material was rather sparse, but about once a month a the pins in it frequently needed rearranging - especially bookmobile provided our school with additional toward the end of the day. She was rather of,! the plump reading material. One more project for which we were side and not in a ny way athletic, but she conducted her responsible was memory work. At the beginning of the classes with an experienced hand; she had a lively sense school year each student was given a brown composition of humor and rarely reacted a ngrily to the antics of the book in which to write poems, songs, or Bible verses to children she taught. be memorized. Students often worked together o n these Mrs. Griffith knew something about a lot of subjects, assignments, a nd occasionally received permission from a nd she was always willing to answer questions a nd the teacher to go down to the basement or behind the share her knowledge. Moreover, she was always inclined piano to learn thei r recitations. From arithmetic to to keep lea rning - in the early years of the space pro­ memo ry work, then, there was usua ll y something to do. gram she brought her television set to school so that we By 1957 there were only six grades at Metzler's - and she - could see and hear about current events. School, with a total of approximately forty students. She was adept at stimulating gifted students - giving The majority of the students were Old Order Wenger special projects to the bored, and allowing older pupils Mennonites who used horses and buggies a nd who, as a to handle younger reading classes - and at finding ex­ rule, did not have electricity in their homes . Their fami­ tra time to spend with slower learners. ly names inlcuded Hoover (four Hoover families), Discipline, too, was something Mrs. Griffith handled Oberholtzer, a nd Zimmerman. There were also two with seeming ease. The students were, for the most part, Horning Mennonite (black bumper) fa milies whose last well-behaved, partially perhaps because of strict family na mes were Ma rtin a nd High. One Stauffer Mennonite discipline, but proba bly just as much because Mrs. Grif­ family by the name of Bruba ker attended the school, fith was experienced at dealing with behavioral prob­ while one Amish family na med King had children going lems - she was fair and kind. One year when a student there. Two families from Metzler's Mennonite Church had a perfect attendance record until the last week of (Lancaster Conference) na med Horst and Horning (my school and then missed a few days because of chicken family) also attended. These latter two families were the pox, she received a prize anyway. I know; I was that stu­ only two English-speaking families at the school. The dent. I believe most people would agree that "the essen­ remaining students all spoke Pennsylva ni a German at tial factor determining the failure or the successful func­ home, but despite the la nguage differences we a ll tioning of any school is the teacher."7 My personal ex­ managed to get along well in the classroom a nd on the perience bears that out: my years at Metzler's were rich playground. ones because of Mrs. Griffith, and I do not regret my at­ Language did play a role, though, in how well tendance there. I was the last child in my family who students progressed with their schooling. Those first spent six years in a one-room school, for after the public graders who spoke only the dialect at home had to learn school district sold the building to the Old Order Men­ a second language before good reading skills could be nonites my younger brothers and sisters began attending developed. Some of them had difficulty grasping larger public schools. Indeed, I now feel a certain pride English and were, not suprisingly, a little slower at mov­ when I look back at my years there, and at the years ing ahead with their school work than classmates which followed when I continued my education and did without similar problems. However, these dialect rather well. But many of the children who attend speakers eventually had the advantage of knowing two Metzler's today will probably not go on to further languages. Those of us who already knew English were schooling, and that is a whole other story.

20 Student artwork decorates the walls much as it did in the author's time al Metzler' .

METZLER' CHOOL TODA Y table and ix chair; I later found o ut that this wa used A I approached Metzler' chool in February, 1987 , for clas e that req uire table pace. Can picuou Iy a b­ for a one day vi it,8 a wave of no talgia overtook me ent from the room wa the piano; all the inging was when I thought of my own carefree elementary chool done a cappell a. days there. Bu t this time in tead of walk ing down the The wall of the room were decorated with tudent road I wa driving, and when I parked I couldn't help a rtwork ju t a they had been in year past. Indeed, even but think my tation wagon looked a little out of place the dropped ceiling (that wa new ince my day) had art­ next to the bicycle leaning against the chool wall. I work - heart and nowmen - hanging from it. Com­ entered the chool quietly and hung my coat next to the pleting the wall decorations were igns that exhorted teacher' coat and bonnet. Then, ju t a quietly, I a nd/or encouraged the reader: "Be quick to prai e, entered the clas room and was told to have a seat. My lower to criticize"; " Only half right i alway wrong"; day of obser ation had begun. "God i love";" very day i another chance to do a lit­ As I sat down, the students were tanding at the front tl e better"; " Lend a hand: it feel good to help of the room singing from the Church and Sunday somebody"; and " Beauty i all around for tho e who School Hymnaf.9 While they sang" And When the Bat­ chao e to see it." The blackboard in the front of the tle's Over," " y Heavenly Ho me," " In a Lonely room till occupied the entire width of the front wall, Graveyard," and "Lead Me On," I took the opportuni­ and ju ( undern eath it was a row of benches to help the ty to look around the room, and realized that ve ry lillIe sma ll er childrcn when it wa their turn to work at the had changed. In stead of the heat regi ster where my board. There were ix row of ix ingle de k , twenty­ generation used to stand on cold wi nter days, there were four of which were occupied. ach de k had an inkwell now small heat vents scattered around the outer edges of in the upper ri ght corner; some student u ed it for the room . Two bookcases were placed agai nst the back trash, but no one u ed it for it intended purpo e. wall, and in one f noticed a 1985 set of the World Book At rcccss and lunchtime thcre was very lillie interac­ Encyclopedia. The teachcr's desk was in the right front tion betwccn the girls and thc boy. The teachcr had corner of thc room , whilc at thc left front was a dinette recently acquircd a wood-c utting tool for the studcnt to

21 use and it was very popular; the child traced a picture on Weaver - were different, but the same conservative a mall piece of wood and then outlined the picture with religious groups were still represented (Horning, the tool. Throughout the day many students took turns Wenger, and Stauffer Mennonites), and I was struck by making their wood pictures. There was a great deal of how little the mode of dress of these groups had snow on the ground, and boys who weren't using the changed in the twenty-four years since 1 had left wood-cutting tool spent their free time outdoors playing Metzler's. Although the children's outfits were not iden­ in it. The girls stayed in side and played "church"; the tical, it was obvious they all had standards which set older girls were " mothers," the younger girls were their boundaries on the way they were allowed to dress. Most "children." The teacher mentioned that in good of the boys, for instance, wore suspenders; only one did weather they still enjoy baseball, Rabbit Around, and not. The girls all had long hair and most wore it in Fox and Geese, just as earlier generations did . braids (one had a ponytail); all wore dresses - there Academically things had not changed much either. were no skirts and blouses or pants. When possible, classes were sti ll conducted with all Since these children are all from conservative Men­ grades simultaneously. After the morning sin ging, for nonite families, I was also not surprised to hear that example, there were penmanship lessons. While one they all speak Pennsylvania German. Their teacher, class went to the blackboard to do their writing, the rest Miss Lydia Weaver, is herself a Wenger Mennonite and worked at their seats, usin g (and I couldn't help smiling fl uent in the dialect; this "should be an asset in the at its incongruity) computer paper handed out for the education of young students who come to sahool know­ purpose. Arithmetic followed; while first graders were in g little or no English." 10 When Miss Weaver told the reading their math book aloud, the teacher also inter­ children they had to use English in all their classes, she mittently gave assistance to a fifth grader working out a had trouble with some of the boys who wanted to use problem on the blackboard. (Also, seventh graders the dialect all of the time. So she compromised, saying helped the teacher by checking first grade math books. ) they could use the dialect on Fridays if they spoke The last class before recess at ,9:35 was recitation of English the rest of the week. "That," she says, "helped memory work, and the first graders recited an in­ a little." I didn't hear anyone speak Pennsylvania Ger­ teresting little poem about a pussycat which they man when I was there, perhaps because it was a Tues­ wouldn' t trade for "twenty loads of hay." day. Throughout the rest of the school day there were Miss Weaver is in her third year of teaching at reading, social studies, health, phonics, and spelling Metzler's School; she had previously taught at Diamond classes. During reading class, one grade stood at the Run School, about a mile away. She seemed to have a front of the room, and students who did not know a good rapport with her students, and obviously had their word when it was their turn to read could be "trapped" respect for she ran an orderly classroom. Although no by a classmate who then moved toward the head of the formal schooling beyond eighth grade has been required line. The reader in that position at the end of the session of her, she does receive the "Blackboard Bulletin, II a was rewarded with a sticker. Social studies classes were monthly publication written for use by country school­ conducted at the blackboard. Each student was ex­ teachers. (It addresses discipline and behavior problems pected to have read his assignment, and class consisted which confront teachers, and includes an interesting of answering questions about what had been read. On story which can be read to their students.) Miss Weaver the board students wrote "yes" or "no" and kept tab of is responsible to a board of directors (three men with right and wrong answers. These (and all the other) children attending the school), and must make daily classes were frequently interrupted by students from di f­ lesson plans and prepare report cards every six weeks.12 f~rent grades who had questions about their work; of 1 left Metzler's at the end of my visit with a new respect course they always raised their hands for permission to for the amount of planning and organization, and of speak. The older students (Metzler's again has eight patience and hard work, that make up a one-room grades) worked quite a bit on their own; instead of con­ schoolteacher's day. ducting class as such with them the teacher set a timer, and while it was running they did workbook assign­ CONCLUSION ments. As in my days at the school, students were ex­ Metzler's School, then, continues to operate after pected to finish their work during the school day; there more than a century of existence. During that time, was no homework. many students have come and gone, and many teachers As I sat observing these children I was able to see ac­ have done the same. But, although a few minor changes tual physical resemblances to some of the very children have been made in the building, classes there proceed in with whom I had shared school times. Several looked so a fash ion remarkably similar to that of fifty years ago. much like students I had known that I was not surprised At that time the community-at-Iarge found very strong to learn their names were Hoover, High, Oberholtzer, arguments for the consolidation of rural schools: and Martin. Some of the names - Burkholder, Nolt, equalization of costs between poorer and wealthier

22 eli trict ; better teacher; superior curricula; speciali za­ They do not, however, teach them to be self-seeking, tion of instruction and grading of pupils by age; social ambitious, a nd competitive." 22 Nonetheless, "if advantages to pupils and to the community; and better children do leave the Amish community, their skills and ad mini tration and superior vi ion. '3 As early as 1925, ethics are a solid base for making a living." 23 the author of a report entitled The Administration oj But when evaluating the success, or lack of it, of these Consolidated and Village Schools recognized a grave parochial schools it is helpful to remember the reason danger in con idering the pecial mission of the rural for their existence: to preserve a unique lifestyle. It is chool to be that of keeping children on the farm.'4 It difficult, if not nearly impossible, for an Amish child to wa their opinion that "education ought to broaden the go to high chool and remain Amish; thus, the afore­ horizon, not to limit it; [that] the rural chool ... mentioned strong stand taken against such further should not only have more to educate with, but more to schooling. 24 As long as the parents of these children stop educate for." '5 their education after eighth grade their boundaries are Arguments uch as the e failed to impre members of maintained; and, for the most part, that is what hap­ con ervative religiou groups for they are directly op­ pens. From the point of view of those most closely po ed to their belief and wi he . The Amish, for exam­ concerned, then, these schools must be considered a suc­ ple, want their chools to help "the child to become a cess. From the point of view of the outsider, however, part of hi community and [help him] to remain within the verdict is not so imple. For those Amish and Men­ hi community." '6 For thi reason, "Amish schools nonite chi ldren whose formal education consists of eight originated in re ponse to [the] consolidation of public years attendance in a one-room chool, the experience is chool ... In 1950 there were ixteen [Ami h] chools not all 10 : whether they continue in their own society and in 1970 over 300, with an e timated enrollment of or leave it for the larger society, they have learned 10,000 pupil." " In Children in Amish Society, authors valu able skills and lessons. But it must be added that John Ho tetler and Gertrude Enders Huntington Ii t the neither i it a ll gain: many of these children undoubtedly rea on the Amish e tabli h and maintain these chool : have within them a great potential for further educa­ I) location - the chool i clo e to their farm, and they tion; that potential cannot be realized fully when they want their children to continue farming; 2) the training are being taught by a teacher who has not gone beyond and qualifications of the teacher - the Amish want the eighth grade hersel f. "qualified teacher committed to Amish value "; 3) the number of year of chooling - any chooling beyond elementary chool - hould be conducive to the Ami h E DNOTE ' Im an Elsie Schatzmann, The Counlry School (Chicago, 1942), p . way of life; 4) the content of education - the mi h 138. want their children trained in the way of their religion, ' Ibid., p. 139. not in ways contrary to it. '8 ' Ibid., p . 144. ' I vi ited with Mr. Zimmerman on March 14 , 1987 . till another factor wa involved in thi tran ition of ' Interview with Mary M . Her hey conducted on February 20,1987, public one-room chool to parochial one-room at her home at 4138 Old Philadelph ia Pike, Gordonville, Pa. schools. [n the 1940 , after the Great Depres ion, com­ ' The student had ong written in little notebooks; one of the e songs included the following: " We are climbing learning hill, march pulsory school attendance age were raised to prevent along. / Let the slu ggard lag behind, march along." young teenagers taking job from older worker . This 7 chatzmann, p . 151. posed a problem ince Ami h custom wa to send their ' February 24, 1987 . ' Published by the Mennonite Publi hing H ou e, cottdale, Pa. It is children to chool to complete eighth grade and then still in usc in some Mennonite churches today. have them return home to work on the farm." uddenly "Clyde . tine, "Problem of Education among the Pe nn ylvania parents of 14-year-olds were faced with the deci ion Germans. " Ithaca, . Y.: Cornell Univer ity, Ph. D. thesis, 1938. " From Pathway Publishers, Alymer, Ontario, anada. about what to do with their pupil who had finished 8th " The gradi ng system wa po ted on a ~idewa ll : 93- 100, A ; 86-92, B; grade but had not reached their 15th birthday."'9 One 77-85, ; 70-76, D; less than 70, F. Their standard are as high or way of combating the problem was to keep children higher than their public chool counterparts. " John A . H o tetler and Gertrude Enders Huntingdon, Children in from starting first grade until they were seven .20 But Amish ociely ( ew York, 1971), p. 34 . si nce the Amish do take a firm stand against public high " John . Almack and James F. Bursch, The Adminislralion of school education, 2' thi raisi ng of the school age, a long COl1solidaled and Village chools (Boston , 1925), p . 4. " Ibid., p. 5. with their opposition to consolidation, further hastened " John A . Hostetler, Ami h Sociely (Baltimore, 1980), p . I 3. the change from public to parochial one-room schools. " Hostetler and Huntingdon , p. 34. [n consi dering the kind of education these parochial " Ibid., p. 36. "arah . Fi~her and Rachel K. tahl, The Amish clrool (Inter- one-room schools provide, one can consider the follow­ cour~c, Pa., 1986), p. 10 . ing statement concerning the Ami h to be fairly '·,bid.. p. 13. representative of the other conservative sects as well: " Ho ~ t e tler , p . 255 . " Fisher and tahl , p . 88. "Amish schools prepare their children to be God­ " Ibid., p. 91 . fearing, hardworking, and self-s upporting persons . "Fisher and tahl (p. 88) as well as Hostetler, make this point.

23 E. H. RAUCIrS FORMATIVE INFLUENCE ON PENNSYLVANIA GERMAN FOLK THEATER

by William Fetterman

Edward H. Rauch is caricatured as a Civil War veteran and journalist on the cover of his "Pit Schwefflebrenner" booklet. (Note that his pen name is spelled "Schweffelbrenner" on his other publications depicted herein.)

I , DE nEVVY, Sf AI/IY.

(.I.Pt l',U':' l\ LD 11\ . \...... - Will II , - - 1 \,\(',\:-- ' \'1": 11, 1' .\ ,: _ .. - T il \ (()( III!.\ ,\ , 1'\ H 1.1.... \1 J: I ) 11 Y I\ :~ \ .I ' ~ . \ r II' I: \ I '. I: \ 1\ \ .\\ ---I I II I (II:'" 1\"\ 11 1' 1 III ' .... 11 I ~ ~·L ., ..:. ------

Edward Henry Rauch was born at Lititz, Pa, (Lan­ Rauch's initial popularity was with his newspaper col­ caster County) on July 19, 1820, In the late 1840s he umns written as humorous "Ietters-to-the-editor" under became involved with clerical political jobs at Lan­ the pen name "Pit Schweffelbrenner" (Pete Sulphur­ caster, entering journalism in 1850, During this period burner) during the 1860s. 2 In 1873 he wrote and edited he was also involved in the Underground Railway, help­ The Pennsylvania Dutchman, a monthly dialect ing runaway slaves escape to Canada. During the Civil magazine that foundered after three issues, and in 1879 War, he formed a company of soldiers and served in the he issued his Pennsylvania Dutch Hand-Book. His last Washington, D.C., area. Through his later journalistic major dialect publication was his translation of the play work in the city of Lancaster, in Bethlehem (Northamp­ Rip Van Winkle in 1883. It is from Rauch's magazine, ton County), and in Mauch Chunk (currently Jim hand-book, and play that one sees the first fully con­ Thorpe - Carbon County), Rauch became a popular scious attempts at formally initiating the Pennsylvania and influential dialect writer and proponent of Penn­ German folk theater movement which continu'es to the sylvania German culture. He died September 8, 1902, at present. Mauch Chunk. ' Rip Van Winkle was originally published by Rauch in

24 C03l 8111 1 belt , fu ll brown breeches RIP VAN WINKLE d drcss :-S!lIllC, but much wo rn

:-Bro\\ II square cut cont \·,".t ACT I e~ ,erond dress:-Black' Cn:ll, SCEN E I- A 1' ,1lu. {Jc.-l/ousr, L. II. 3 I:.. u'llh (J biy" or " GI:..OItCI:"; CUt ('oa t, fu ll brccches, hl:lck III.":--Two ,or three ta~ks, c. L . and'H.-l'lllagers· dI8c0tJered, 11 Entrance, Rlqhi. IS my plnlZ:Y Delt:'3 hc mS1llung. A\\ c r ich sawg der, mauch k'l' enlre. T. E. L. ~1I? fum RIP, (or Ie!} cxs h~ c t n~ohl nins (liZ: dennn dawg mich i. Righi. C. D. ~:~e t~ ,~h : ~tt.o n SI (orne la, Ull leh nom satisfaction ous e nnieh fl. u. D. I.. S h~~e: 's h~~h~~ r t~~n~i~u:ll hllght di mind uf gnmnuchl 'm Rip si cing the Audi- , Kmck. Sell ~ s e.xnelly WIU:iS ieh im sin hob lzu duo Dcr nip is !:i a~recdj d ~ Ailee 18 's agreed un ieh bin's agreed . . Clau: B,sht awer aw now sure OS du dc Ripsy. 'm Hip IS fraw lIf dmer ~ , de husht? Is se 's aw 3gn..'Cd? ' Kruck. Sell is de ainsich bodderation. Denk yusht we sc fun ~'~~r ri~~ rd~~~~~~t ~ u s~ndis~~t e ~~~ld~nr ! ni~ os 'n long bninich,

1883, and i republi hed in the standard dialect plays an­ sidered to be a P enn ylvania German folk play, it is dif­ thology. ) Previou cholars have identified this as a fi cult to reconcile this play with Reichard's ab tract dramatizatio n and adapta tion of Wa hington Irving' definition of a folk play as being "a cene from contem­ story, but Rauch's play must be more cl early identified porary life, characters indigenou , playwright, a native as a Pennsylvania German dialect translation from the o f the region, people, hi s own people ... concerned American (Engli h-Ianguage) play by Charles Burke with the legends, super titions, cu tom , environmental

(based on the Washington Irving tory) whi ch was first di fference and vernacular of the common people ... ' '7 performed at the Arch treet Theatre in Philadelphia in Here is a play that, aside from being in the dialect, 1850.' Rauch' dialect ver io n follow Burke' text ha very little direct relation hip to the Penn ylvania almo t line-for-line. If Rauch' version may not be Germans a a unique ector of American ociety. Rip is judged to be an imaginative tran lation, the dialect Rip a Holland-Dutchman from the tate of ew York , not a proved to be po pular until the early 1900s. The fir t " Pennsyl vania Dutchman" from the ommonwealth recorded perfo rmance o f Ra uch' Pennsylvania Ger­ of Penn ylvania. Here is a literary and theatrical model man Rip Van Winkle was at Allentown , Pa. (Lehi gh not derived from the everyday experience of ordinary Co unty), in 1884 .' people. With Rip Van Winkle, Rauch propo e u ing Of this pl ay, Reichard writes: " The drama i well the general, popular theatrical form of profe ional' adapted to local town halls, where it is intended to be, American theater a the ba i for creating a "Penn- a nd was, perfo rmed . It is boisterous a nd tumultuous, ylvania German Folk Play." From the 1880 through but we do no t expect anything a ltogether refined in the the 1980 , the great majority of Pennsylvania German ho me o f the old sot Rip, no r in a play which, as far as dialect plays have been , and continue to be, modeled on the first act was concerned , might well be construed as a Rip Van Winkle and the larger tradition of nineteenth­ ho rrible example to illustrate Ra uch's own temperance century farces involving tereotyped character intended lecture."" Altho ugh Ra uch's Rip Van Winkle is con- to generate audience laughter, and little el e.

25 Joseph Jefferson portrays the young Rip Van Winkle. (Joseph Jefferson: Reminiscences of a Fellow Player, p. 36.) Rauch's choice of Rip Van Winkle did initially have popular taste of American audiences during the period. an authenticity and immediateness for hi s audience in Several actors had attempted various stage dramatiza­ the 1880s, however. No doubt Rauch was motivated to tions of Washington Irving's story after 1829, but it was make Rip Van Winkle into a dialect playas a result of Joseph Jefferson (1829-1905) who made the role his Gilbert and Sullivan's H. M. S. Pinafore being turned own. Jefferson, a half-brother of Charles Burke, real­ into a Pennsylvania German burlesque by Alfred ized the potential of the part; he would portray his own Charles Moss and Elwood L. Newhard in 1882.8 The version of Rip Van Winkle from 1865 until 1904. 9 Jef­ Moss and Newhard Pinafore might appear totally ferson became a highly respected actor, playing Rip bizarre within Reichard's definition of what constitutes throughout America, as well as in England and a "Pennsylvania German Folk Play," yet this operetta Australia. Rip became identified, through Jefferson's would be frequently performed in the Allentown area portrayal, as the greatest expression of regional until about 1910, and there are many people today who American character on the stage during this era. would like to see it performed again. (While I believe it Jefferson was undoubtedly well-known by the Penn­ is more important to encourage new work in contem­ sylvania German theater-goer of the 1880s. Jefferson's porary productions, a revival of either Pinafore or Rip biographer, Francis Wilson, relates this anecdote: Van Winkle would be a welcome addition to the current He told me of once acting Rip in Easton, Pennsylvani a. The repertoire.) curtain had just fallen on the fin al act of the play , a nd he was Rauch's choice of Rip Van Winkle as a response to making for hi s dressin g room, when he was clapped fa miliarly the Pennsylvania German dialect Pinafore reveals the on the back by a lout of a stage ha nd, who bawled:

26 Joseph Jefferson as old Rip Van Winkle. (Joseph Jef­ ferson: Reminiscences of a Fellow Player, p. 24.)

" Joe, you do ne well! " popular. In the first is ue of Rauch' magazine, The Penn­ " Why, whal d id you ay 10 him?" I as ked . sylvania Dutchman, for example, there appears hi " I was aSlO nis hed , of course, and Ihen a mu ed , so I si mply tran lation of the scene from Hamlet (l,v) where said : ' Do yo u Ihink so? When we are here again , come 10 see Hamlet' father' gho t appear and tell Hamlet to us.' And he replied , ' Bel your life I wilL ' , ,,. avenge his (the father' ) murder. 12 (This January, 1873, It is our los that Rauch had to u e the inferior ver ion of Hamlet, I,v, wa reprinted in bilingual Penn­ dramatization by harles Burke for hi s dialect transla­ sylvania German and Engli h text in A us Penn yl­ tion , as Jefferson' version would not be published until fawnia: An Anthology of Translations into the Penn­ 1895. " sylvania German Dialect. 13) A different ver ion of thi But if I judge Rauch's Rip Van Winkle (and the later scene - along with the scene from Juliu Caesar (111,ii) plays that have followed within thi tradition) as an in­ where Brutus and Mark Antony eulogize the lain ferior realization of Reichard's definition of the true leader, and election from Richard III (I,i; and V, iv) Pennsylvania German folk theater, Rauch has yet other - appear in the Pennsylvania Dutch Hand-Book. I ' genres of dramatic dialect writings which may still pro­ Thi econd, 1879, version of Hamlet, I,v, wa al 0 vide more challengingly alternative - yet hi storically reprinted in the econd through fourth edition of traditional - models for that theater. Hi s tran lations Horne's Penn ylvania German Manual, I I and all three of scenes from Shakespeare's plays, for in tance, have of the 1879 hake peare tran lation appear in the been largely forgollen, but initially they were very standard dialect play anthology. 16

27 "ICH BIN DEI DAWDY 81 SHPOO K". I A~I YOUR FATHER'S GHOST.

Rauch's translation oj Hamlet, J, v, appeared in thejirst issue oj the Pennsylvania Dutchman; it was very popular with his contemporaries. (Horne's Penn­ sylvania German Manual, 3rd. ed., p. 123.)

The most popular of these Shakespeare translations posefully li terary constructions or now-unfamiliar was the scene from Hamlet. As late as 1942 Reichard words, which made the scene seem to be "above would write that Rauch's Pennsylvania German dialect people's heads" and totally alien to Pennsy lvania Ger­ Hamlet, " . .. made in the spirit of burlesque, has been man folk culture. presented very effectively many times by dramatic Times change . Conceptions of what is "traditional" organizations. I myself produced it with and for college or "acceptable" within a culture also change. For students [Muhlenberg College, Allentown, Pa.J and Rauch, in the 1870s, the humor in these Shakespeare other groups, and can vouch for its merits as a fun pro­ scenes rests in the supposed improbability of a Penn­ ducer wherever both the Pennsylania German and sylvania German speaking formal, literary language . To

Shakespeare are known." 17 hear Richard III cry, "'N gowl! 'N gowl! my The most recent performance of Rauch's Hamlet (the kanichreich jor 'n gowl" (My horse! My horse ! My 1873 version), and probably the first since Reichard's kingdom for a horse) becomes a trivialization of ti me, was gi ven on Septem ber 24 and 25, 1983, near educated, formal (and, ye , urban) English-language Allentown. The late Reverend Willard Weida played and upper-class general American culture, in the process "der Schpook" (the ghost), and I played Hamlet. Sur­ also treating the dialect as part of an essentially simple­ prisingly, neither performance was popular with the au­ minded and humorous (i.e., laughable) culture. dience. While in Reichard's time it may have been a It must be mentioned , however, that for the contem­ "fun producer," the 1983 Pennsylvania German au­ porary dialect speaker (excepting, of course, those who dience did not find this to be at all amusing. Much of belong to the Plain religious sects), Pennsy lv ania Ger­ the language and vocabulary consisted of either pur- man is now perceived as being essentially humorous in

28 itself, regardless of what is being said. When one en­ "Der Freedmen's Bureau" concerns two Pennsylvania counters a group of people conversing in the dialect, one Germans in a ficticious, 1869 conversation about then­ often hear much laughter; it is for this rea on the president Andrew Johnson's reconstructionist policies dialect is being used. It is also because of this ocial toward the newly-emancipated Black slaves.3o (Such trend that increasingly entimental and nostalgic com­ material was also popular White minstrel show political edies - remine cent of latter-nineteenth- and early­ commentary during the late 1860s and early 1870s.31) twentieth-century farce - have become the mainstay Rauch's material is controversial for the contemporary of com temporary dialect stage plays. reader, for one might say that his dialogue contains la­ Although hi translations of Shakespeare have not tent prejudice and hostility toward Blacks and their had a major effect on the historical development of tatus within the larger American society. One might Pennsylvania German folk theater, one might say that conversely say that Rauch's dialogue is ironic in tone, Rauch - with the e self-con ciou Iy literary and artistic being less a condemnation of Blacks than a self-satire of dramatic fragment - and Eli Keller - with his 1867 Pennsylvania German attitudes toward the work ethic. ver e tri-Iogue, "Mer Wolle Fische Geh," (Wanting to Rauch's second political dialogue, "Anno Domini go Fi hing) - initiated the omewhat obscure genre of 1973," is his only dialogue written in English. 32 In it, Penn ylvania German dialect ver e plays. 18 An almost two Pennsylvanians, one of Scotch-Irish and one of complete Ii t of the e would include Ralph Schlos er's German descent, talk about the world of the future. translation of Act V from Shake peare's Merchant of They believe that in one hundred years women will have Venice, performed in 1931; 19 Edwin C. Miller's unper­ attained full social and political rights; that insanity and formed kit, "Der Bauer un der Jaeger" ("The Farmer alcohol abu e will have been eliminated; that war will and the Hunter"); 20 Pre ton A. Barba' dramatization have been abolished, and the planet will be a global of Astor Wuchter' long poem, An Der Lumba Parti village of peaceful-coexistence, rapid communication, (At the Rag-Carpet Party), performed in 1933;" John and air travel. Sadly, from our 1980s perspective, many Birmelin' "Die Retscherei" ("The Gossiping"), of these 1870s Utopian ideal have not yet been realized. publi hed in 1938, but not performed until 1983;" [rene In terms of Penn ylvania German folk culture, Ma ter's Em Doctor Eisabord, Sei Satchel (Doctor however, "Anno Domini 1973" i accurately prophetic Iron-beard's Satchel), unpubli hed, but performed in of changes that have occurred within that community in 1941;" Milt Blatt', "Es Heirt Leeve" ("Married the last hundred years. A mentioned, the conver ation Life"), unpubli hed, but performed in 1946; 24 Richard take place in English, and one might interpret thi as a P. Middleton's Der arrschmidt (The Smith-Fool) from prophecy that Pennsylvania Germans would ultimately 1983, unperformed but later published; 25 Erne t W. lose their dialect, their rural life- tyle, and, indeed, all Bechtel's Der Dichter un der Arti t (The Poet and the of the attribute that make them a distinct American Artist) from 1983, unperformed but later published; 26 subculture. And, while thi may seem less obviou my own Em Yockli, Sei Haus (The House That Jack among the "Plain People" (Ami h and Old-Order Men­ Built) al 0 from 1983, and al 0 unperformed but later nonite) than the "Gay Dutch" (Lutheran and Re­ published;" and Peter V. Frit ch' Mommi, Du Mer formed), it must be said that such deteriorization have Tzugar ei (Mommy, Put More Sugar In) from 1986, as occurred among all contemporary Penn ylvania Ger­ yet unperformed and unpubli hed. 28 man group. The genre of dialect ver e play is generally unknown Very few Penn ylvania German dialect political plays by most com temporary playwright, actor, and au­ have appeared since Rauch' time. An almost-complete diences. [f such plays are a departure from the typical Ii t would include Thoma Brendle' Di Hoffning no talgic comedies, the fact is they do pre ent a (Hope) written about 1935-36 but apparently unper­ tradition-based alternative to thi mainstream fare, and formed; John Kohl's En Inside Chop (An Inside Job) is all the more reason why they are of great contem­ performed in 1941 but unpubli hed; Juliu Lentz' Sie porary value. Middleton's verse play, for example, ex­ Funga Dar Hitler (They Find Hitler) performed in 1946, tends the tradition of oral joke dialogues uch a but unpubli hed; Erne t Bechtel's Schalle Fun Freiheit "Hons, Woo Gat D'r Wak ous?"; Bechtel's play ex­ (Echoe of Freedom) performed and publi hed in 1976; tends the early nineteenth century literary, moral, and and untitled kits by rne t Kistler performed but un­ didactic dialogue found in pieces from the Moravian publi hed. Kistler's 1976 kit i a atire of Pre idential Girl's chool at Bethlehem (c. 1790-1827); Fritsch's play candidate Ronald Reagan, George Wallace, Hubert combines the oral dialogue song-form with dance, pan­ Humphrey, and then-Pre ident Ford; Ki tier' 1980 kit tomime, and games; and my own play is innuenced by satirized the" Arabian Oil ri i " with the Penn ylva­ games and nursery rhymes. 29 nia German "solution" being to ride a bicycle! 3) Another genre of playwriting initiated by Rauch i the While I do not advocate that folk theater hould be a topical political play. His two examples appear in the political forum, such plays do have a noticeable dif­ first issue of hi s magaLine The Pennsylvania Dutchman. ference in approach when compared with the typical

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nostalgic farce. By wri ting about topical concerns, the sions of Shakespeare, and one of hi s "Pit Schwef­ author, the actors, and the audience must give attention felbrenner" letters. to truly contemporary concerns. This use of theater, as The formally-designated business dialogues are men­ mirroring and expressing contemporary life, is the final tioned briefly in Reichard's Pennsylvania German genre of dialect playwriting formally initiated by Rauch. Dialect Writings and their Writers, and in Reichard and In hi s 1879 Pennsylvania Dutch Hand-Book, Rauch Buffington's anthology . One of these dialogues, "Der begins by explaining: Lawyer," was reprinted in the second through fourth editions of Horne's Pennsylvania German Manual. 36 It About the yea r 1870, I made up my mind to publish this book , is not known whether "Der Lawyer" (or any other of with a view of a ffo rding practi cal a nd pro fi table instructi o n, especia ll y fo r business men wh o a re located a mong Penn­ Rauch's business dialogues) was ever performed. The sylvania Dutch speaking people, a nd also fo r the many other business dialogues are samples of everyday-life tho usa nds o f native Pennsylvani a girls and boys who a tt end English public schools, a nd yet almost exclusively speak the conversations that might occur in a bookstore, a Pennsylvani a Dutch language at home a nd in th e community clothing store, a drug store, at the doctor's office, at a dry goods, furniture, or grocery store; or in a hotel. 37

Flattering myself tha t to some ex tend I have succeeded , a ft er a I would say that none of these dialogues were ever number o f years of experience a nd practi ce, in ma king a fair performed because of what they are: purposefully "un­ record o f the Pennsylvania Dutch la nguage, I respect full y sub­ dramatic" and matter-of-fact typical everyday situa­ mit my wo rk for approval or rejecti on by a n intelligent tions. There is some humor, such as in the conversation public." at the bookstore with a customer inquiring about Rauch's Pennsylvania Dutch Hand-book. While these The Hand-Book includes a dictionary of English to business dialogues are rather dryas theater, they do pro­ Pennsylvania German and Pennsylvania German to vide cogent social documentation. English vocabulary words; interrogative expressions; Other dialogues, overlooked by previous scholars, are "practical exercises" (sample sentences for practice); a also found in the Hand-Book's "practical exercises" selection of dialogues called " Bisness G' Shwetz" section. 38 Rauch begins by simply listing bilingual ("Business Talk"); and a short anthology of dialect English and Pennsylvania German dialect sentences writings including scriptural passages, poems by Henry such as "I don't believe that" (lch glawb sell net); or Harbaugh and Rachel Bahn, Rauch's own dialect ver- " Are you well?" (Si'd eer oil g 'soond?) - uncon-

30 nected, floating sentence without the cause-and-effect folk theater being "a scene from contemporary life, relation hip of conversation. By the middle of page characters indigenous, playwright, a native of the 176, however, Rauch begin . to use hi s practical region, people, hi s own people; ... concerned with the sentences in a more interconnected and conversational legends, superstitions, customs, environmental dif­ manner: ferences and the vernacular of the common people." He died last ni ght. Rauch's form of dialogue as typical conversation be­ Ar is de letsht naucht g'shtorwa. tween two persons would ultimately find its greatest and I wa there mysel f. most mature expression in Clarence Rahn's scripts for Ich war elwer dort. the weekly radio program Asseba un Sabina Mumbauer I can't stand that. 1m Eihladaahl (Asseba and Sabina Mumbauer of Owl­ Ich con sell net sh/anda. Valley), broadcast over WSAN, Allentown, from I know nothing more. January 1944 through June 1954. It is true that Rauch's Ich wais nix maio dialogues are only a few lines, while Rahn's are full y On the other side. thought-out fifteen-minute skits; and it is also true that Uf der onner side. Rauch's dialogues do not have the depth of character That is what I aid. development, or the completeness of documenting Sell is wass ich g'sawt hob. traditional calendrical event and seasonal situations as Where are you going? occur in Rahn's later plays; yet Rauch's dialogues Wo gaesht hee? should not be sli ghted . For, although hi s dialogues were Mind your own busines not written for actual performance (and, indeed, I have Mind di eagny bisnes . not found a ny in stance of their ever havi ng been per­ That is a very fine house down on the corner. formed), Ra uch remains hi torically impo rtant as the Sell is an orrick fines house droona uf'm eck. first dialect writer to sy tematically experiment with the That is what the old lady told me ye terday. emerging form of P ennsylvania German folk theater. Sell is was de olt fraw mer g 'sawt hut gesh/er. What distinguishes Ra uch's 1870s dialogues from ow would be a good time to inve t in land. 1980s dialect stage play is the tone of voice. Rauch's ow waer 'n gooty tzeit for in land tzu investa. dialogues are mo tly matter-of-fact in content, with Better wait until property get cheaper. very few foray into humor. What is humorou i the Besser wardsht bis property wulfeller waerd. sel f-identi fication of Pennsylvania German character a nd Ii fe that these di a logue provide for the P ennsylva­ Clearly, Rauch has moved in these "practical exer­ ni a German audience. In contrast, the 1980s dialect cises" from unconnected tatement to conver ational tage play i preconceived a being a comic and nostalgic pattern. Although he doe not typographicall y farce refering to the early twentieth century, and havi ng de ignate thi a uch, from the previously quoted line no connectio n with everyday life a nd experience. Even above, Rauch conclude thi section of the Hand-Book during the 1940 , when P enn ylvania German folk with entence practice - in effect dialogues - about theater wa at its height, Earl Robacker would write: such typical everyday event a buying butter; seeing a "A they now exist, the e Penn ylvani a German plays suspicious-looking stranger; taking a sleigh ride; a re more a vehicle for the dialect than for the ideas they di cus ing an election, crop pro pect , and the new of convey. They are de igned first of a ll for entertainment, Tom Jone ' death; buying coal; and criticizing the new a nd th~ language i a major part of the entertainment. minister. Whether a deeper drama i to emerge from the fun and Taking together these informally designated "prac­ frolic of the e light offerings remains to be seen. 39 tical exercises" dialogue with the formally designated In summary, Rauch' Rip Van Winkle has become "business talk" dialogues, one sees for the fir t time in the model for the majority of Penn ylvania German Pennsylvania German dramatic writing the beginning dialect play ince the 1880s; hi tran lation of of a more-or-less complete theatrical expre sion of Shakespeare have had only a margi nal influence, and everyday vernacular life. The informal dialogues might the arne may be aid of hi topical a nd political be said to be illustrative of rural and village life, while dialogue . Moreover, hi dialogue concerning pur­ the business dialogues mi ght be said to be illustrative of po efu ll y undramatic (yet perhap more authentic?) urban life in predominately Pennsylvania German cities everyday-li fe experi ence a nd conver a tional pattern such as Allentown , Reading, or Lancaster. Taken have been ignored by schola r , playwrights, actor, a nd together as a genre, then, these dialogues by Rauch pro­ audiences. But I believe these brief and unpretentiou vide the first coherent picture of Pennsylvania German everyday-life dialogues are of decisive value, not only a folklife expressed through dramatic writi ng in the hi storical documents of Penn ylvania German folklife, dialect. It is these dialogues which most sati sfactorally but a lso a a n a lternati ve (though traditional) model for reali7e R eichard'~ definition of Pennsylvania German Pennsylvania German folk theater in our own time.

3 1 For here is a form of dramatic writing which is very negative, sometim es pOSItIve, critical viewpoint; simple, but which need not be simpli tic. Here is a however, I do enjoy folk theater in all its aspects, a nd " drama" whi ch does not use the professio nal theater as offer criticism in order to beautify, not to mar. For the basis from whi ch to model and make a "folk play," among the P ennsylvani a Germans, dialect folk theater but instead uses life itself a theater. Such writing mir­ is an extremely rich tradition that has been proven rors a nd documents real-Ii fe conversations without the capable of profound artistic a nd social expression. preconceived notion that "a play" situation should be While thi s essay has taken a rather reductive approach , humorous. Indeed, here is drama which does not even and while Pennsylvania German folk theater certainly presuppose that "theater" should necessaril y be has many voices, the work of E. H . Rauch not o nl y pro­ "theatrical." The brevity of these di alogues certainl y vides us with a hi storical model for varieties of dialect finds precedent in the oral performance tradition of theatrical expression, it also asks us to question a nd dialogue jokes such as " Der Paul Revere." rethink what o ne means by " P ennsylvania German fo lk Throughout thi s essay I have taken a sometim es theater" in the first place.

E DNOTES

' Harry Hess Rei chard, Pennsylvania Gerll7an Dialect Writings and 'O Edwin C . Miller, Miller's Prose and Verse (All entown, Pa.: Searle their Writers (Lancaster, Pa.: The Pennsylva ni a German Societ y, & Ba chman Co., 1924), pp. 72-82. 1918), pp. 74-76 ; and Albert F. Buffington, ed., Th e Reichard Collec­ " Albert F. Buffington, The Reichard Collection of Early Pennsyl­ tion oj Early Pennsylvania Gerll7an Dialogues and Plays (La ncaster, vania German Dialogues and Plays, pp. 353-370. Pa.: The Pennsylvania German Society, 1962), pp. 42-43 . " John Birmelin, Gez witscher: A Book oj Pennsylvania German ' E. H. Rauch, De Call7pain Breeja JUII7 Pit Schwejf elbreflner un de Verse (A ll entown, Pa.: The Pennsy lvania German Folklore Society, Bevvy, Si Alty (Lancaster, Pa.: Rauch & Cochran , 1868) . 1938), pp. 56-58. JAlbert F. Buffington, Th e Reichard Collection oj Early Pennsylva­ " This play appears in the Rei chard Collection of unpublished nia Gerll7an Dialogues and Plays, pp. 53-91 . playsc ripts housed in the Pennsylvania German Archives of 'Charles Burke, Rip Van Winkle, A Legend oj the Catskills: A Muhlenberg Coll ege in Allentown, Pa. ROil/antic Drall7a in Two A cts (New York: Samuel French, c. 1857). " Author's coll ection of Pennsylvania German theatrical materials. ' Albert F. Buffington, The Reichard Collection of Early Pennsylva­ " Ri chard P . Middleton, "Der Narrschmidt," in Da Ausauga Vol nia Gerll7an Dialogues and Plays, pp. 44-47 . 25, No. 2, Spring 1985 . ' Harry Hess Reichard, " Pennsy lvania German Literature," pp. " Ernest W . Becht el, " Der Dichter un der Artist," in Da Ausauga 165-244 in Th e Pennsylvania Germans, Ralph Wood, ed . (Princeton, Vol. 25, No.3, Summer 1985 . N.J. : Princeton University Press, 1942), pp. 182-183 . " William Fetterman, "Em Yockli, Sei Ha us," in Da Ausauga Vol ' Ha rry Hess Reichard, " Introduction to Cla rence lobst's En Quart 25, No. I, Winter 1985 . Millich un en Halb Beint Rahill " (Allentown, Pa.: The Pennsylvani a " Peter V. Fritsch, " Mommi, Du Mer Tzugar Nei," in Da Ausauga German Folklore Society, 1939), p. 19 . Although Reicha rd takes hi s Vol. 28 , No . I, Winter 1988. definition from Frederick H . Koch' s work with the Carolina " For more background on these tradit ional genres of fo lk perfor­ Playmakers during the 1920s a nd 1930s, Reichard's persuasiveness ma nce see William Fetterman, "A Brief Histori cal Appreciation of a ll ows the definition to be serviceable also within Pennsylvani a Ger­ Contemporary Pennsylvani a Germa n Folk Theater," in Der Reg­ man folk theater. geboge Vo l. 22, No. I , Spring 1988, pp. 15-32. ' Albert F. Buffington, Th e Reichard Collection of Early Pen nsylva­ JO E. H. Rauch, The Pennsylvania Dutchman Vol I , No . I , January nia German Dialogues and Plays, pp. 97-98. 1873 , p. 8. 'Stephen Johnson, "Joseph Jefferson's Rip Van Winkle, " in The " Robert C. Toll, Blacking Up: Th e Minstrel Show in Nineteenth­ Drama Review Vol 26. No. I (S pring 1982) , p. 5. Cel1lury America (New York : Oxford Universit y Press, 1974), p. 126. ,o Francis Wilson, Joseph Jefferson: Reminiscences oj a Fellow " E. H. Rauch, Th e Pennsylvania Dutchman, January 1873 , pp. Player (New York : C harl es Scribner's Sons, 1906), pp. 30-31. 16-18. " Joseph Jefferson, Rip Van Winkle, As Played By Joseph Jeffer­ " Brendle's play appears in Th e Reichard Collection oj Early Penn­ son (New York : Dodd, Mead a nd Compa ny, 1895). sylvania German Dialogues and Plays, pp. 223-253; the plays by Kohl "E. H . Ra uch, in Th e Pennsylvania Dutchman Vol. I, No. I , a nd Lentz appear in the Reichard Coll ecti on o f Pennsylvania German (January 1873), pp. 7-8 . materi a ls in the Pennsylva ni a Germa n Archive of Muhlenberg Col­ " William S. Troxell , ed. , A us Pennsylfawnia: A n A nthology of lege; Becht el's pl ay was published by the Pennsylvani a Germa n Socie­ Translations into the Pennsylvania German Dialect (Philadelphia, ty in a small edition c. 1976; ski ts by Ernest Kistl er are in the a uthor's Pa .: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1938) , pp. 22-27. collecti o n. For mo re socia l/ aesthetic cont ex t see Willi am Fetterman, "E. H . Rauch, Rauch's Pennsylvania Dutch Hand-Book (Mauch "A Brief Histo ri cal Appreciation of Cont emporary Pennsylva ni a C hunk, Pa.: E. H . Rauch, 187 9) , pp. 218-222. German Folk Theater," pp. 19-2 1. " A . R. Horne, ed ., Horne's Pennsylvania German Manual (A ll en­ "E. H . Ra uch, Rauch's Pennsylvan ia Dutch Hand-Book, pp. iii -v . town, Pa.: Na tional Educator, 1896 [second edition)) , pp. 97-100; " See Rei chard's Pennsylvania-German Dialect Writings and their Horne's Pennsylvania German Manual (Allentown, Pa.: T. K. H orne, Writers, p. 82; Rei chard's " Pennsylva ni a German Literature," p. 1905 [third edition)), pp. 121 -125 ; and Horne's Pennsylvania German 182; a nd Bu ffi ngton's Th e Reichard Collection oj Early Pennsylvania Manual (Allentown, Pa.: T. K. Horne, 1910 [fourth ed itio n)) , pp. German Dialogues and Plays, p. 43. 152-157 . "See Horne's Pennsylvania German Manual, second edi ti on pp. " Albert F. Buffington, Th e Reichard Collection oj Early Pen nsyl­ 100- 101 ; third edi ti on pp. 124-125 ; fourth edition pp. 156- 15 7. vania German Dialog ues and Plays, pp. 91 -96. " E. H . Ra uch, Pennsylvania Dutch Hand-Book, pp. 185-207. " H a rry Hess Reichard, "Pennsylvania German Literature" in Th e "E. H. Rauch, Pennsylvania Dutch Hand-Book, pp. 174- 184 . Pennsylvania Germans, p. 182. " Earl F. Robacher, Pennsylvania German Literatllre: . Changing " Harry Hess Reichard, ed., Pennsylvania German Verse (Nor­ Trends jrom 1683- 1942 (Philadelphia. Pa .: University of Pen n­ ri stown, Pa.: The Pennsylva ni a German Society, 1940), pp. 150-151. sylvania Press, 1942) , p. 160. " Harry Hess Rei cha rd , Pennsylvania German Verse, pp. 234-238.

32 GERMANIC ORIGINS AND RELIGIOUS -GEOGRAPHICAL HISTORY OF THE MENNONITES IN EUROPE by Lee C. Hopple

Thi i the fifth in a eries of article examining the Anabaptist movement in Switzerland to the founding of European religious and patial experiences of one of the the Mennonites in the Netherlands; the second is sub­ original Penn ylvania German Plain sects which has divided into five chronological units which examine the been publi hed in this periodical. Of the e five studies reli gious-spatial experiences of the Mennonites in thi , concerning the Mennonites, is the most wide­ Europe and Russia from the 1530s to the present. The ranging in time and pace, and involve the largest European a nd Rus ian Mennonites are discussed population - a population which trace its origins to eparately throughout thi investigation because of their the Anabapti t ' movement in the Germanic regions of differing religious and secular experiences. Switzerland in the 1520s. The Mennonite faith spread This work has been hindered by several factors: Men­ from there to the etherland in the 1530 , and then nonite demographic data i either unavailable or gradually dispersed acro Europe, Russia, and We tern unreliable for the first two centuries included in this Siberia; ' today Mennonites are the only major Anabap­ study; and the supply of information emanating from ti t Plain German secr remaining in Europe in substan­ the U.S.S. R is rather meager. Also, some relevant infor­ tial number. mation has no doubt escaped the author' attention, The three above-mentioned factors - time, space, and some was simply unavailable to him. Despite these and population - strongly influenced the organiza­ and other handicaps, the religious and geographical tional pattern of thi tudy which i comprised of two history of the Mennonites in Europe is summarized parts. The first briefly review the origin of the below.'

.( >- 10 • 13. 0(' ~ 12. /' .14

/ S W T Z E R l A .15

o 1 5 30MIlES I I I • ORIGINS OF SWISS BRETHREN ANABAPTISM • MAJOR CONGREGATLONS , PROBABLE MAJOR DIFFUSION ROUTES 1. Zollikon 7. onstance 12 . Lucerne 2. Ziirich 8 . Sl. Gallen 13 . Berne 3. Basle 9 . Appen7ell 14 . Fribourg 4 . Waldshut 10. Glarus 15. Lau anne 5. Schaffhausen 11. hur 16 . Geneva 6. Schleitheim FIGURE I: THE BRETHREN I SWITZERLAND, 1525- 1540.

33 Ziirich in the sixteenth century; tbe Anabap­ tist Reformation was established in 1525 at Zollikon, a town just outside the city. (Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, p. 63.)

RELIGIOUS-GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGINS OF cient Church; and, because of their geographic disper­ ANABAPTISM IN SWITZERLAND sion, it was not possible to convene for the purpose of The Protestant Reformation consisted of three major resolving their differences, developing policies and pro­ religious movements: Lutheranism, Calvinism, and cedures, and establishing doctrine. Consequently, Anabaptism.4 The term Anabaptism means rebaptism' Anabaptism commenced in a rather confusing, unclear (believers denied the validity of infant baptism and manner.9 practiced adult baptism), and is technically defined as Many prominent restitutionists did, however, religious primitivism - a desi re for the restitution of the gradually move to Germanic Switzerland where they Apostolic Church. 6 (Many leading Protestant theolo­ joined forces with the distinguished Swiss restitutionist, gians, preachers, and scholars believed restitution of the Conrad Grebel. Grebel (1498-1526) became the leader primitive Church was the central concept of the Refor­ of the movement,'O and Anabaptism began to develop mation. 7) Although in the larger sense the principal per­ unity, clarity, cohesiveness, and distinctiveness . Then, sonalities of the Reformation were religious revolu­ in a simple ceremony conducted by Grebel and several tionaries, within the framework of the Reformation others, the Anabaptist Reformation was established in they were exceedingly conservative, cautious men striv­ 1525 at Zollikon, a town just outside Zu·rich." Upon­ ing to preserve what they had created. Thus they pro­ and perhaps partially because of - Grebel's untimely claimed restitutionism an extremely radical concept, death in 1526, Anabaptism resumed a somewhat and the Anabaptist movement became known as the haphazard course of development, but nonetheless early "Radical Reformation."8 obtained many converts and rapidly spread across Ger­ Unfortunately for restitutionism, its many exponents manic Switzerland. With members now . calling were widely dispersed across the Germanic states. themselves Brethren,'2 the movement diffused in all Moreover, they were not in agreement regarding a directions, and congregations were established in or precise set of tenets, or a procedure for restoring the an- around Basle, Waldshut, Schaffhausen, Schleitheim,

34 The Anabapti ts were the victim of brutal per ecution; burning at the stake was just one of the atrocities inflicted upon them . (D. K. Cassel, Geschichte der Mennoniten, p. 29 J.J

I '

Con tance, St. Gallen, ppenzell, Glaru, Chur, quence, most of the aforementioned Lu cern e, Berne, Fribourg, Lau anne, Geneva, JJ and congregations di s olved or declined as a majority of many mailer center . their members fled to the remote hinterlands where they From the time of the movement' founding, the Swis lived in cognito. ' 9 Brethren were victimized by brutal persecution inflicted But because of the ever-pre ent danger of detection by Zwinglians, Lutherans, and Catholic .'4 Because of and death, many of the Brethren began fleeing this per ecution and becau e of internal uncertainty, a witzerland in earch of les rancorous environment . group of Anabaptist dignitarie convened at chleitheim Some mi grated ea tward through the Danube River in 1527 '1 and formulated the chleitheim Confe ion of Valley as far a~ Moravia, 20 whi le others moved north­ Faith 16 which articulated the fundamental tenet of ward into outh-central Germany; but most pread Anabaptism. In caustic reaction to the Schleitheim ar­ northward along the Rhine Ri ver, ettling in Baden, ticles and to Anabapti m's popularity, the authoritie Wurttemberg, Al ace, Lorraine, the Palatinate, and the ordered a meeting of wi s city counci ll or. The e coun­ Rhineland . Some Brethren believer traveled even far­ cillors met in Zurich and prepared a policy aimed at ther north, into the etherland ,21 and by the early eradicating Swi s Anabaptism." A a result, repression 1530 Anabapti m was nearly obliterated in became even more ferociou s; nevertheless , the Bret hren witzerland. Some remnant of the faithful did manage survived. to urvi ve in the mountainous hinterland of the coun­ Frustrated in their efforts to expunge the movement, try, but fortunately for Anabapti m the movement wa the civil and clerical authorities subsequently issued the destined to be reorganized in the etherland where it Edict of Speyer (1529) '8 which authorized even more wa given another name. savage measures. The peyer decree condemned to Swis Brethren Anabapti m cro ed the Dutch border death all nabaptists \'vho refused to recant, and bar­ in 1529, and several di tingui shed per onalitie were barous atrocities were perpetrated agai nst believers in soon conve rt ed and began preaching and teaching it an effort to obtain such recantations; a measure of their doctrines throughout the country. The Philip z determination is the fact that bounties we re paid to brothers, Obbe and Dirk , and Melchior Hofmann, a Anabaptist hunter" for ki lling Brethren. [n conse- erman, were the outstanding nabapti t preacher in

35 S e

• ORIGINS OF THE MENNONITES

• CONGREGATIONS ESTABLISHED BY SIMONS AND HIS o ASSOCIATES

.. CONGREGATI'ONS ESTABLISHED DURING SIMONS-EXILE

~ PROBABLE MAJOR DIFFUSION ROUTES

MUNSTER• <

o 20 40 MILES I I I

1- Witmarsum 2. Pingjum 3. Groningen 9. Alkmar 15. Brussels 4. Leeuwarden 10. The Hague 16. Ghent 5. Haarlem 1l. Harlingen 17. Liege 6. Amsterdam 12. Utrecht 18. Aachen 7. Rotterdam 13. Dordrecht 19 . C

FIGURE 2: MENNONITE ANABAPT/SM IN THE LOW COUNTRIES

Holland.22 Hofmann was a brilliant, sel f-educated promoted and transferred to Groningen. Favorably im­ itinerant Lutheran lay preacher of vacillating convic­ pressed by the brothers and by their religious beliefs, tions who accepted and began teaching Anabaptism in Simons followed the Anabaptist movement with grow­ 1529. Unfortunately, he became the leader of the mili­ ing interest; an interest which caused him to question tant Millenarian movement (centered at Munster, the doctrines and sacraments of Catholicism. Searching Westphalia, 23 ) which was responsible for the near­ for answers, he began an intense, detailed study of the destruction of Anabaptism in the Netherlands. When Scriptures. Unable to find satisfactory answers which the Millenarian movement was crushed in 1535 Hof­ would resolve his intensifying disenchantment with the mann escaped, only to die in prison several years later. 2. Catholic Church, Simons denounced the papacy and On the other hand, the more sophisticated and for­ was rebaptized by Obbe Philipsz at Groningen in 1536. 27 mally educated Philipsz brothers quietly spread the precepts of Anabaptism and obtained many converts. MENNONITE RELIGIOUS-GEOGRAPHICAL While traveling across the Netherlands they made the HISTORY, 1536-1561 acquaintance of a Catholic priest named Menno Menno Simons soon became the most distinguished Simons. 2S Simons (1496-1561), born in Witmarsum, was leader and most eloquent exponent of Anabaptism in ordained in 1524 and began his priestly duties at Ping­ the Netherlands. With the help of the Philipsz brothers, jum26 where he met the Philipsz brothers; in 1533 he was he modified and revised the beliefs and practices of

36 Despite exceedingly virulent persecution after Menno Simons' departure from the Low Countries, growth a nd dispersion of the movement continued, and between 1543 and 1560 significa nt congregations evolved around Alkmaar, The Hague, Harlingen, Utrecht, and Dor­ drecht in the Netherlands; a nd at Antwerp, Brussels, Ghent, and Liege in Belgium. And, during this period, important congregations also developed at Aachen, Cologne, and Dusseldorf in Westphalia. In short, by the time of Simons' death the Mennonite movement could not be annihilated, but had spread through the Low Countries, the Lower Rhine Valley, and a long the North and Baltic coasts of Germany.

Menno Simons. (Geschichte der Mennoniten, p. 3.)

Swi Brethren Anabapti m .28 The Dutch Anabaptists were immediately called MenistS,29 and a few years later were named Mennonite. JO U ing Groningen a their base, the three leaders preached acro the etherl ands, Friesland, and Belgium, attracting many convert. The movement spread rapidly and, between 1536 and 1542, flourishing congregations developed at Groningen, Wit­ marsum, Leeuwarden, Pingjum, Haarlem, Amsterdam, Menno Simons' old meetinghouse near Witmarsum, Rotterdam, Emden, and other, mailer centers.J' Friesland, Holland. (Geschichte der Mennoniten, p. The Dutch authorities quickly pa ed an edict de­ 345.) signed to halt the remarkable growth of Meni t Anabap­ MENNONITE RELIGIOUS-GEOGRAPHICAL tism, J2 and the per ecution and oppression which HISTORY, 1560-1650 resulted varied widely in degree of everity: fines, pri on The century of Mennonite religiou and spatial ex­ terms, denial of burial plots, and confiscation of prop­ perience commencing after imons' death is exemplified erty were some of the lighter penalties; more un for­ by a gradual decline in the severity of persecution, the tunate victims paid a higher price - being o ld as gall ey development of internal di cord, fluctuating population slaves, tortured, and/ or drowned, burned at the stake, growth, a nd extensive territorial di persion. Thi era or even beheaded. JJ ends with the termination of the Thirty Years' War With their lives imperiled, Simons and his associates (1618-1648),B a time of extremely har h treatment were forced to leave the etherlands in 1543 . They again t Anabaptist beli evers during which the civil and traveled across Friesland, Hanover, Oldenburg, clerical authorities employed military force to vent their Schleswig-H olstein, Mecklenburg, P omerania, Prussia, wrath . Belli gerents often cruelly murdered, tortured, and Westphalia. Their proselytizing activities produced and raped the innocent Mennonite ; believer who thriving congregations at Wismar, Altona, Lubeck, escaped li ghtly still often had their property de troyed Stellin, R ostock, Danzig, lbing, Konigsburg, or were mole ted in numerous other way . J6 Wustenfelde, and smaller towns. Simons li ved in exil e The Mennonites were deva ted a nd decimated by the for nearly eighteen years, and during that time he Thirty Year ' War,l7 but even while truggling to ur­ tirelessly and eloquently articulated the precepts of vive this long period of horrendou persecution they Anabaptism across northern Germanic urope and in found time to argue the merit of their reli giou prin­ the lower Rh ine Valley. Finall y, overwhelmed by the ci ples a nd practice. Because they did take their religion ravages of time, he returned to Wustenfelde in 1560 and eriously, and because there wa no church hi erarchy, spent his remaining days there. H e died in January, each individua l wa free to interpret the cripture in ­ 1561. " dependently. This independence re ulted in religiou

37 nonite commUnttles were firmly entrenched in East Friesland and along the lower Rhine and lower Elbe river valleys. Major congregations were organized at B~rg, Cleve, Crefeld, Emmerich, Gladbach, Neuwied, Julich, and Rheydt; and there were a number of smaller communities in the lower Rhine Valley. Three large con­ gregations - Aurich, Norden, and Leer - and several smaller churches were established in East Friesland and, along with some smaller churches, significant con: gregations were founded at Fresenland, Friedrichstadt, and Glueckstadt in the lower Elbe section of Schleswig­ Holstein. 44 Fortunately for the Mennonites, then, all ex­ ternal efforts to annihilate them had failed. But internal divisiveness would nearly prove to be their undoing in the years ahead.

Torture was used to "persuade" Anabaptist believers to MENNONITE RELIGIOUS-GEOGRAPHICAL recant; those who didn't were often put to death. HISTORY, 1650-1815 (Geschichte der Mennoniten, p . 409.) This period of Mennonite religious-spatial history is characterized (and strongly influenced) by the gradual chaos, which in turn caused the development of fac­ rise of the new Age of Enlightenment. The mentality of tionalism. 38 Disunity centered around the question of the Enlightenment is at least partly definable by the whether traditional church practices should be pre­ slogan "liberty, equality, fraternity"; it affected the served or modernized. The question of the degree to process of internal amalgamation, the population which church practices should or should not be diluted growth, the socio-cultural organization, and the settle­ caused the Mennonites to divide into four major ment patterns of the European Mennonites. groups: Frisians, Flemish, Waterlanders, and North Efforts to unify the church were proceeding satisfac­ Germans. These factions were classified according to torily throughout the latter half of the seventeenth cen­ the degree to which they subscribed to the idea of main­ tury, but during the eighteenth century Mennonite Ii fe taining church purity.39 The Frisians and the Flemish was rudely disrupted and significantly affected by were the most traditionally conservative, the several religious - philosophical bodies and other groups Waterlanders were more moderate, and the North Ger­ such as the Sconians, the Collegians, and even the mans were the most liberal. Unable to agree among Quakers .. s Several permanent and temporary fractures themselves, the major factions split further into a were precipitated by these various groups. One such per­ number of splinter groups"o manent rupture occurred in Switzerland,46 where an Alarmed by the growing divisiveness, the Mennonites ultra-conservative branch of the Swiss Mennonite initiated talks aimed at resolving their di fferences. Church was organized by Jacob Amman.47 He accused Several conferences resulted in the formulation, in 1632, the Swiss Mennonites of laxity in religious affairs and of of the Dordrecht Confession of Faith41 which ar­ ignoring certain traditional practices, the most impor­ ticulated the principles of Mennonite Anabaptism, and tant of which was the Bann. Unable to achieve an to which some sub-sects still subscribe.42 Communica­ amiable solution the ultra-conservative body broke tions continued, and in the late 1640s approximately away, forming the Amish Mennonite sect. The Amish seventy-five congregations agreed to meet in order to moved to Alsace, and after about a generation they further resolve their differences, thus continuing the emigrated to America.48 process of amalgamation,,3 Despite this internal Another serious rift (this one involving two factions) unification movement, some members left the church, developed in the Netherlands. One group stressed a and these losses - combined with losses sustained due Scripturally based faith, the other group emphasized a to persecution - produced an oscillating pattern of faith centered on traditional practices. The Scriptural population growth. group worshipped in a building decorated with the sign Except for a period of stagnation during the Thirty of the sun; they were called Sunnists. The traditionalists Years' War, though, the founding of a multitude of new worshipped in a structure marked with the sign of a congregations in established areas, along with substan­ lamb and were known as Lammists. This (racture, tial spatial expansion of the overall Mennonite com­ known as the "War of the Lambs," wasn't fully re­ munity, suggests the general trend through this period solved until the early nineteenth century,,9 was one of population growth and, by 1650, new Men- By the close of the eighteenth century Mennonite at-

38 Mennonite meetinghouse in Buycksloot, Holland. (Geschichte der Mennoniten, p. 411.)

titudes and value were changing in re ponse to the prin­ a an inducement to settle in Prussia. 52 Many West ciple of the Enlightenment, and they began a similating European Mennonite, distres ed with the religious into the general European culture. Adherence to St. discord and the emerging new life-style, accepted this Paul's proclamation to live apart from the world, and offer. ome settled in the congregation founded in the the traditional reverence of the land dimini hed in im­ ixteenth century, but mo t pioneered new settlement . portance. Va t number of rural believer moved to By the 1750s, Mennonites were farming large tracts in town and citie and obtained employment in a wide the fertile Nogat and Vistula river valley , and large range of occupations; youth were apprenticed in the congregation had developed in or around Tiegenhof, trades and educated in the profession . The Mennonites Marienburg, Schwetz, Graudenz, Culm, Thorn, and gradually became re pee ted members of the general Til it. Smaller congregation were organized in other community, and many became pre tigious citizen . Un­ town and villages, 53 and the Prussian Mennonite fortunately , however , a ssi m i lation engendered population i e timated to have reached approximately secularism; as intere tin religiou affair diminished, an 13 ,000 by the 1770s.,4 alarming decline occurred in church member hip,'o and The Prus ian Mennonites, blessed with civil and most congregation in the etherland and witzerland religiou freedom, became pro perous farmers and experienced sharp decrea es; ome even closed . practiced their German Anabapti t way-of-life without El sewhere, only the congregations at Gladbach , fear of reprisal until the 1760s. During thi period of euwied, and Crefeld , in the Rhine Valley; Emden, tranquility, the Prussian aUlhoritie were becoming in­ orden and Leer in Friesland; and Altona and Lubeck creasingly frightened by a number of external political along the Baltic coa t remained open by the end of the and social force. Finally, feeling threatened by the e eighteenth century. Indeed, the Mennonite population external force , the Prussian government re ponded by declined from a n estimated 160,000 in 1700 to approx­ gradually retracting Mennonite privilege, 55 and the imately 30,000 in 1815 .51 stability of this simple, rural farm ociety wa up et. During this period of preci pitous population decline, atherine the Great admired the Prus ian Mennonite the Pruss ian autho rities - impressed with the Men­ and their way-of-life, and in the 1760 extended them an no nites' agri cultural a nd other skill s - promised invitation to ettIe in Russia. Although he guaranteed beli evers reli gio us fr eedom and other special privileges all the pecial privilege formerly enjoyed in Pru ia, her

39 To Russia

100 200 I I MILE S

50 100 200 MILES I

PROBABLE MAJOR DIFFUSION ROUTES OF,

THE SWISS BRETHREN; THE DUTCH MENNONITES; +- THE PRUSSIAN MENNONITES

FIGURE 3: PROBABLE MAJOR DIFFUSION ROUTES OF ANA BAPTlSM, 1525-1800

invitation was ignored until 1786 , when life there A large tract of land near the Molochnaya River (a became intolerable. Following a two-year period of small stream emptying into the Sea of Azov) became detailed investigation, the first Prussian Mennonites available to the Mennonites in 1803, and by the end of began the move to Russia 56 in 1788. In that year, about the year approximately 160 Prussian Mennonite families 228 families set out for the Black Sea coast near Odessa, had establi hed the Molotschna Colony there. 58 They sailing from Danzig to Riga. Trekking by wagon from also suffered all the hardships of frontier life, but with Riga, they followed the Dnieper River to a place called the help of their Chortitza brethren the new colony was Dubrovna where they spent the winter. In 1789 they firmly organized by 1810. 59 Pruss ian Mennonites resumed the journey along the Dnieper toward their established three additional colonies in territories con­ destination. The authorities prohibited the Mennonites troll ed by Russia between 1790 and 1810: Deutsch­ from proceeding to the Black Sea coast because of the Michalin along the western border of Volhynia; and raging Turkish War and, much to their chagrin, they Deutsch-KaZtln and Deutsch-Wymysle along the Vi stula were forced to settle in the Chortitza River Valley. (The near Warsaw. 60 These three, all small colonies, even­ Chortitza is a tributary of the Dnieper, just north of the tually were abandoned, but Chortitza and Molotschna Black Sea. 57 ) Here they su ffered all the rigors and priva­ grew and prospered Y There were more than 200 Men­ tions of pioneer life for several years, but by the turn of nonite families in Chortitza Colony and nearly 300 the nineteenth century the Chortitza Colony was well families in Molotschna Colony by 1815 .62 established.

40 CONGREGATIONS ESTABLISHED BY SIMONS AND • HIS ASSOCIATES, 1543-1560

• CONGREGATIONS ESTABLISHED AFTER 1560

4(~------PROBABLE MAJOR DIFFUSION ROUTES

l. Wismar 6 . Elbing 10. o rden 16. Cleve 2. Ilona 7 . Danzig 11. Leer 17. Crefeld 3. Lubeck 8. Konigsburg 12. Aurich 18. Gladbach 4 . tetlin 9. Wustenfelde 13. Glueckstadt 19. Rheyd t 5. Rostock 14 . Friedrichstadt 20. euwied 15. Berg 2l. Emmerich

FIGURE 4: ME 0 ITE CO GREGA TlO I NORTH A D WEST GERMANY

ME ONITE RELIGIOU -GEOGRAPH ICAL Urbanization accompanied integration into the general HI TORY, 1815-1914 European culture, and the Mennonites' commitment to Europe's continuing struggle to obtain individual fa rming and related occupations had almo t totally liberty, the national unification movement in Germany, evaporated by the end of the nineteenth century. several socio-cultural upheavals, and the birth of Com­ Because they had been absorbed into the general munism are among the dominant events of this era, ociety, uch events as the Revolution of 1830 and which is one of the most exciting times in European 1848 , the unification of Germany, and the Franco­ Mennonite religious-spatial history. In Western Europe, Pru sian War did not have detrimental effect on the communication continued (and even increased) between Mennonites, and after 1830 the Mennonite population the various branches of the church . And, although com­ actually began to increa e; by 1914 there were approx­ plete reunification never has been achieved, the various imately 65,000 Mennonite in Western Europe. About Mennonite bodies are now in spiritual accord with each 35,000 re ided in the ether land , 12,000 in Frie land, other. Moreover, except for adult faith baptism and re­ 2,000 in France, 2,000 in witzerland, and about 3,000 jection of the oath, even the most conservative Men­ were di spersed across outh-central Germany. The re­ nonites abandoned their time-honored religious prac­ mainder were scattered through the Rhine Valley and tices and mores 6J as religious and civil tranquility pro­ along north German coa tal area. The principal con­ moted economic prosperity, and accelerated the cultural gregation were centered at Am terdam, Groningen, assimilation which began during the preceding period. The Hague, Haarlem, Leeuwarden, and Rotterdam in

41 o 25 50 MILE S I sea /.,0 \ \

a 5 t \

o

ESTABLISHED, 1543 - 1560

• CONGREGATIONS ESTABLISHED, 1700-1750

~------~ PROBABLE MAJOR MIGRATION ROUTES

1. Danzig 5. Marienburg 8. Culm 2. Elbing 6. Schwetz 9 . Thorn 3. Konigsburg 7. Graudenz 10 . Tilsit 4 . Tiegenhof

FIGURE 5: PRUSSIAN MENNONITE CONGREGA TlONS, 1543-1800.

Holland; at Emden, Leer, and Norden in Friesland; and in fifty-eight villages in the Molotschna Colony by 1840, at Crefeld along the Rhine. 64 and they farmed approximately 325,000 acres. 67 During the early nineteenth century the Prussian Astonishingly, in Czarist Russia, the most arbitrary Mennonites continued migrating to Imperial Russia, state in Europe, the Mennonites enjoyed almost com­ with most settling in the Chortitza or Molotschna col­ plete civil and religious freedom. Not required to obey onies, although a few settled in the aforementioned laws which violated their conscience, Russian Men­ three small colonies along or near the Vistula River; 6s nonites developed a tradition-directed, rural folk socie­ when these were abandoned, some of their residents ty . They practiced their Anabaptist beliefs, preserved relocated to Chortitza or Molotschna, while some their Germanic culture and language, established a sec­ moved to other locations.66 Migration to the Chortitza tarian school system, and devoted their lives to and Molotschna settlements came to an end by the late farming. 68 Peace and prosperity afforded time to argue 1830s because no more land was available in those the merits of religious beliefs and practices, and fac­ areas. By 1840, about 400 families were living in eight­ tionalism developed among the Russian Mennonites just een villages in the Chortitza settlement and farming as it had among their western European predecessors. nearly 40,000 acres. Almost 1,200 families were residing Six major groups developed: Kleine Gemeinde, Die

42 ( U. R. ) u S s

PROBABLE MAJOR DIFFUSION ROUTES

~(------PRUSSIAN MENNONITES

~ - -- RUSSIAN-SOVIET MENNONITES o 1000 I 2~0 I • ORIGINAL CONGREGAT I ONS ESTABLISHED 1789-1860

• CONGREGATION ESTABLISHED AFTER 1860

19 . Barnaul 1- Chorti!za 7. Orenburg 13 . Sama rka nd 2. Molo! chna 8 . ura 14. Tashkent 20 . Odessa Tobolsk 21. Lemburg 3. Deu! sch-Kazun 9 . Kuban 15 . 16. 22 . Altona 4. De Ul ch-Wymysle 10 . Terek O m k 23. Ri ga 5. Deu!sch-Michalin 11. Kh iva 17. Tomsk 18 . 6. ama ra 12 . Bo kha ra Slavgorod

FIGURE 6: ME o ITE CO GREGA TlO S I RU lA, /790-/9/4.

Groze Gemeinde, Mennoniten Bruder Gemeinde, habiting the two colonie were land Ie 73 Jerusalem Friend, Peters Brethren, and the Mennonite The more perceptive Mennonites had anticipated such Alliance.69 Since di ssension focu sed around the que tion a hortage as early as the 1830 , and had initiated a of modernizing the church, th ese six di visions can be fund-rai ing program to procure land. Unfortunately,

catalogued as con ervative, moderate, or liberal. 70 this program could not sati fy the need for tillable The environment in zarist Ru ssia was conducive to acreage, and the farm cri i became 0 acute that the population growth, and th e original 10,000 Pru ian im­ Mennonites appealed to the government for relief. migrants increased to 35 ,000 by 1860 .71 umerical Subsequently, 64,000 acres were made available for et­ growth eventually cau sed a serious land shortage tlement. Then, being a thoroughly autocratic and un­ because the government refused to make additional predictable state, in 1853 the government invited the parcel s available, and in addition prohibited heads of Pru ian Mennonites to colonize a large tract around households from subdividing es tates . It is believed that amara near the Volga Ri ver. Thu , the land obtained there were 1625 full , and 675 , partial es tates in hor­ through fund rai ing, the territory gained through the titla and Molotschna combined by the 1860s. It is fur­ appeal, and the Samara tract, provided the impetu for th er belie ved that som e two-thirds of the families in - a period of internal migration and re etllement com-

43 mencing in 1836 and lasting until the beginning of the nonites decided to embark on the long journey to twentieth century. '3 America; Odessa and Lemburg were the usual assembl y The Samara Colony was established by several hun­ points. From the assembly stations the emi grants trav­ dred new immigrant pioneer fami li es from Prussia be­ eled to Altona, sail ed from there to Liverpool, England, tween 1853 and 1859, and a number of Russian Men­ and then crossed the Atlantic to New York. From New nonite fa milies also settled there during the 1860s . By York they dispersed into the interior of the continent,8' the early 1870 Samara consisted of 300 fami li es di s­ with approximately 10,000 settling in Minnesota, the persed among twenty village congregations. The vi ll ages Dakotas, Kansas, and Nebra ka in the United States; were sma ll , each had only about fifteen families; never­ and the remaining 8,000 spreading across Manitoba, theless, in 1875 Samara was the third largest Mennonite Canada.82 Des pite the mi gration, the original Russian settlement in Czarist Russia. '4 Mennonite population of around 10,000 had increased The earl y decades of the era of internal resettlement substantiall y by the begin ning of the twentieth century, were characteri zed by the establishment of the first and it is believed that in 191 4 there were 100,000 Rus­ "daughter colonies" by the landless inhabitants of the sian Mennonites ti lling three million acres. 83 original "mother coloni es," Chortitza and Molotschna. They developed settlements at Kuban and Terek a nd MENNONITE RELIGIOUS-G EOGRAPHICAL smaller centers in the Caucasus; at Orenburg and Ufa HISTORY SINCE 1914 near the Urals; and around a number of small com­ munities throughout the C rimea.'s The next phase of in­ The story of the Mennonites in twentieth century ternal migration was dominated by a movement to E urope is a story of almost unbelievable violence, hard­ western Siberia from a ll the previously establi shed col­ ship, and sorrow. All of the Mennonite communities onies. Settlements were founded at Omsk, Tomsk, a nd there suffered the effects of global economic depres­ Tobolsk near the route of the present day trans-Siberia sion , the horrors of two world wars, and the rise of railway; and at Khiva, Bokhara, Samarkand, and totalitarianism. (So, for the most part, did their non­ Tashkent in the arid and semi-arid regions of Mennonite neighbors, of course.) The Russian Men­ Turkestan. The colonies around Omsk, Tomsk, and nonites were even more unfortunate for, in addition, Tobolsk were settled by pioneers from Samara, Oren­ they were devastated by the Communist Revolution and burg, and Ufa. '6 Ukrainian a nd Crimean Menno ni tes the turbulent sequence of events involved in the process emigrated across the salt fla ts around the Caspi an Sea to of Sovietizing the Russ ian people. Unfortunately, it is settle in Turkestan . The period of in ternal mi gration possible to relate only the hi ghlights of this convul sive came to a close when inhabita nts from all the Siberian period. congregatio ns establi shed a colony at Slavgorod­ Except for those in neutral Switzerland, most Men­ Barnaul in the early 1900s. " nonite communities were overrun and destroyed by the Slavgorod-Barnaul was the last and largest of the World War I (I914-1918) belligerents. Beli evers and daughter colonies. By 1910 it had grown to be the third non-believers a like suffered all the expected conse­ largest Mennonite settlement in Russ ia .'s Although the quences of war; many were killed and many more left exact number is unknown, it is beli eved that between homeless as houses and property were destroyed . There 1,000 and 1,300 families were residing in fifty-nine were chronic shortages of food, clothing, and shelter. village congregations and farming about 135 ,000 acres Unfortunately, rape and rapine were also common in Slavgorod-Barnaul. Statistically, villages there were tragedies. 84 Soon after the war the global economic comprised of between seventeen and twenty-two depression enveloped Europe. With the continent families, and each family controlled between 105 and already in chaos as a result of the military conflict, and 135 acres. '9 with the added burden of economic hardships, the Frightened by the national unification movements in climate was right for aspiring tyrants, and several subse­ Germany and Italy, by the formulation of the North quently succeeded to power. German Confederation, and by the Franco-Prussian Since the Mennonites were ethnic Germans and were, War; distressed by the on-going Turkish conflict, and in western Europe, fully assimilated, they were never concerned with peasant unrest engendered by envy of molested or incarcerated by the Nazi regime. Their suf­ the Mennonites, the government withdrew almost all of fering, then, during World War II (I939-1945) was com­ the Mennonites' special privileges in the 1860s and parable to that of other Europeans during the period8s 1870s. In consequence, the Mennonites appealed to the - they were not singled out, as were the Jews, for exter­ United States and Canada to accept them, as the loss of mination. Even so, it was difficult for the Mennonites privileges became intolerable. Following a lengthy (and the general population) to begin r eco n ~ tructing period of negotiations, a decade of emigration com­ their lives until about 1950. But despite the hardships of menced in 1873. 80 two world wars and the inter-war period, they remained Between 1873 and 1884 some 18,000 Russian Men- active in European affairs. And, although their energies

44 and meager resource were essentially directed toward implemented the first Five Year P la n in 1928. Coll ec­ recovery, they were till vitally intere ted in their tivization of agriculture and resettlement were mer­ pirituallife. They were trongly evangelical and philan­ cilessly and forcefully imposed on the Mennonites; thropical,'6 and even during the most difficult epi odes many were relocated in non-agricultural endeavors. En­ ince 19 14 they found time to enhance internal com­ tire communities were moved, and families were munication, to evangelize and proselytize, and to deliberately scattered by the government. 91 Predictably, un elfi hly sacrifice exceedingly skimpy resources to Mennonite congregations deteriorated, and the Ger­ provide relief. manic culture began to disintegrate as policies to In 1925 the wis Mennonites expanded communica­ Sovietize the populace were intensi fied. In 1929-30, tion with their orth American brethren by organizing more than 13,000 attempted to escape the unbearable and sponsoring a World Mennonite Conference. In rigors of Soviet Ii fe; only 5,700 succeeded. 92 1951 they e tabli hed a European Bible School; that During the next two decades the plight of the Men­ Bible chool is now supported cooperatively by Swiss nonites became even worse. Because they were classified and French Mennonites. The Dutch Mennonites a dangerous (potentially enemy) aliens, they were organized a Work Group Again t Military Service in savagely victimized by the government purges which 1922 (it wa revi ed in 1925), founded a Mennonite swept the country in 1937-38. Then, scarcely three years Peace Committee in 1936 (it ha been meeting annually later, the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union . They con- si nce 1961), and developed the Mennonite iter Circle idered the Mennonites ethnic Germans and protected in 1952. The We t German Mennonite opened a mutual them; the Soviet considered them enemies and im­ id Center in 1963. 87 In addition, everal cooperatively pri soned them. ot surprisingly , after the Red Army spon ored endeavor have been developed by European gained the initiative more than 35,000 Mennonites fled Mennonite . In 1952 they organized the European Men­ westward with the retreating Germany Army. 93 About nonite Evangelical Council, the Federation of Men­ 12,000 of the e made their way to Canada or Latin nonite iter Circle, and the Mennonite Youth Agency. merica; when the Reich capitulated the other 23,000 In 1954 they opened the Mennonite Relief Commi ion were forcefully repatriated to the U .S.S. R. During the in an effort to provide aid to oviet Mennonite, and to­ 1940, mo t Mennonites were relocated in western day they conduct mi ionary activitie and extend relief iberia; probably only a small number now remain west to many countrie in Latin America, frica, and ia. 88 of the Ural .94 The Mennonites in the Soviet Union were in de perate need of the help offered by their We tern European brethren. already mentioned, their trouble began CONCLUSION under the czars when their pro perity wa envied by the More than four-and-one-half centurie after the Ru ian peasant. During World War I the Mennonites nabapti t movement began, the Old World has a Men­ were deliberately terrorized and murdered by Czari t nonite population of about 160,000 believer nearly force; they were accorded the arne treatment by both equally divided between two widely eparated area - the Red and White armies during the Bol hevik Revol u­ We tern Europe and We tern iberia. ot urpri ingly, tion - their property wa pillaged and de troyed and tho e two area have experienced oppo ite population many were cruelly murdered. Tho e who escaped death trend ince 1914; Western Europe' Mennonite popula­ suffered from expo ure, famine, di ea e, rape, and a tion ha increa ed nearly twenty-five per cent ince then, host of other privation and tragedie .89 but the number of Mennonite in the oviet Union ha The plight of the Rus ian Mennonites became critical declined by a imilar percentage.95 in the wake of the country' total economic collap e in Pre ently there are about 85,000 Mennonite concen­ the early 1920s. In con equence, a delegation was ent to trated in urban congregation in three areas of We tern orth America to obtain aid, and to negotiate with the urope: the Low countrie, orthwe t Germany, and government of the United tates and Canada the ques­ the Rhine Valley. pproximately 50,000 are di per ed tion of oviet Mennonite emigration. Immigration acro Holland, Belgium, and Luxembourg. Another policies precluded settlement in the United State but, 20,000 are pread along the coa tal ection of We t after a period of fru strating di scus ions with the newly­ Germany,96 and about 5,000 are scattered through the installed Soviet government, many were able to Rhine Valley from the Palatinate to witzerland. The establish homes in anada. By the time emigration to re tare prinkled acro the central and outhern that country slowed to a trickle in 1927, 14,000 Ru ian regions of We t Germany. Mennonites had moved there. 90 In the oviet Union the Mennonite population ha Those who decided to stay 10 the oviet Union and declined from about 100,000 in 19 14 to around 75,000 struggled to reconstruct their tradition-directed, Ger­ today. But, since nearly 32,000 believer left the country man nabaptist farm culture were surprised and since 1914,97 it suggc t that had there not been uch an frustrated in their hopes and efforts when the regime emigration, population would probably have increa ed

45 in spite of two world wars, revolution, civil war, Hammond's Home and Office A tlas of the World. New York: C.S. economic privation, and other calamities. All the infor­ Ha mmond a nd Company, 1944 (Figures I through 6) . Hammond Contemporary World Atlas, New Census Ed. New mation available today suggests that nearl y all th e York: Doubleday and Company, 1971 (Figues 3 through 6). Soviet Mennonites a re now located in Western Siberia; Horsch, John. Mennonites In Europe (Figures I through 4) . the degree to which the,ir faith has been modernized, Littell , Franklin H . Th e MacMillan Atlas History of Christianity. New Yo rk : The MacMillan Publishing Company, In c., 1971 (Figures and their residential patterns are unknown; the degree I through 6). to which they have been "Sovietized" is a matter of Mitchell's Modern Atlas. Philadelphia: E. H . Butler and Company, conjecture. 1868 (Figures I through 3) . New 1I1Iernationai A tlas of the World. Chicago: The Geographi cal Publishing Co., 1930 (Figures I through 5). ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Palmer, R. R. Historical A tlas of the World. New York: Rand Once again the writer is deeply indebted to, a nd gra tefully McNally a nd Compa ny, 1965 (Figures I through 6) . acknowledges the help provided by several Bl oomsburg Universit y Philadelphia Public Ledger's Unrivaled A tlas of the World. staff members. Mr. Roger Fromm , reference librarian, contributed Chi cago: Ra nd McNall y a nd Compa ny, 1899 (Figures 3, 4 , a nd 5). many hours procuring source materials through inter-libra ry loan. Reynolds, Francis J . Th e New Encyclopedia A tlas and Gazelleer of Ms. Jane Ha rrison and Ms. Fern Gallagher, word processing the World. New York : P. F. Collier a nd Son Publishers, 191 7 (Figures specialists, labored beyond the call o f duty in preparing the several I , a nd 3 thro ugh 6) . drafts, a nd Ms. Linda Haines, duplicating services specialist, provided Rand McNally Cosmopolitan World A tlas. Chi cago: Rand Mc­ much valuable assistance in preparing the maps. Nally a nd Company, 1959 (Figures 3 through 6) . Rand McNalley Standard Atlas of the World. C hi cago: Continental RELIGIOUS WORDS AND TERMS Publishing Company, 1890 (Figures 1,2,3, and 4) . Thoro ugh understanding of many complex reli gious wo rds, ter­ Smith C. Henry. Th e Story of the Mennonites (Figures I through minologies, a nd certai n theological precepts practica ll y req uires some 6). degree o f training in theology. Readers not conversant with such The Columbian Worlds Fair A tlas. Antwerp, New York : C. W . words, terms, and precepts, as well as the tenets of the confessions of Moffett a nd Co., 1893 (Figures: I , 2, 3, a nd 4). faith referred to in the study can obtain explanations in the following Th e Times A tlas of the World, Comprehensive Edition . New York : sources: C. J. Dyck, Editor, A n Introduction to Mennonite Histor" New York Times Book Company, Inc., 1980 (Figures: I through 6) . (Scottdale, PA : Hera ld Press, 1967); Jo hn Horsch , Mennonites In A . L. E. Werheyden. A nabaptism in Flanders 1530-1650. Scottdale, Europe (Scottdale, PA: Mennonite Publishing House, 1950); F. H . PA: Herald Press, 1961 (Figure 3) . Littell, Th e A nabaptist View of the Church, 2nd ed . (Boston: Star King Press, Beacon Hill , 1958); Littell , The Origins of Sectarian Prot­ estantism, 3rd. ed. (New York: MacMilla n Publishing Company, ENDNOTES In c., 1972); F. E. Mayer, The Religious Bodies of America (St. Louis: 'Cornelius J. Dyck, An Introduction to Mennonite History (Scott­ Missouri, Concordia Publishing Ho use, 1961); C. Henry Smith , Th e dale, PA, Herald Press, 1967), pp. 9-35; C. Henry Smith, The Story Story of the Mennonites (Berne, IN : Mennonite Book Concern , 1945) ; of the Mennonites (Berne, IN , Mennonite Book Concern, 1945), pp. and G. H . Williams, Th e Radical Reformation (Philadelphia, The 9-95; C. Henry Smith, Mennonites in A merica (Goshen, Indiana, Westminster Press, 1962) . 1909) , pp. 14-18; Frederic Klees, The Pennsylvania Dutch (New York , The MacMillan Company, 1950), pp. 13-30. GEOGRAPHICAL WORDS AND TERMS ' Dyck, pp. 9-35; Smith, Th e Story of the Mennonites ( 1945), pp. The writer's reference to, and use of, several spatial terms a nd pl ace 9-95 . names may be unclear to some readers. T o facilitate reading, these ' Dyck, pp. 9-35; Klees, pp. 13-30; Smith, The Story of the Men­ terms a nd place na mes a re herewith explained . The word Ru ss ia is nonites (1945), pp. 9-95. used for time periods prior to the Communist Revolution . The terms ' Ibid., 10 . Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (U .S.S. R.) a nd Soviet Union a re ' Dyck, pp. 9-35 ; F. E. Mayer, Th e Religious Bodies of America (St. used interchangeably and refer to the post-revolutionary period. Lo ui s, The Concordia Press, 1961), pp. 399-405 ; Klees, pp. 13-30. Siberia is the Asian pa rt of the U .S.S. R., and West Europe is meant to ' Wa lter Klassen, A nabaptism Neither Protestant Nor Catholic include the non-Russian-speaking portion of the Eu ropean continent. (Waterloo, Ontario, Conrad Press, 1973); Franklin H . Littell, Th e MacMillan Atlas History of Christianity (New York , The MacMillan SPELLINGS Co. , 1976), p. 69. The writer has attempted to preserve the spelling of proper a nd ' Fritz Blank, Brothers in Christ (Scottdale, PA, Herald Press, place names o f the various periods encompassed by the study. In cases 1961), Mayer , pp. 399-405. where there is disagreement or confusion the following references ' Roland Bainton, Th e Church of Our Fathers (New York, C harles served as the primary sources for spellings : C. J . Dyck , Editor. A n In ­ Scribners' So ns, 1941) ; William R. Estep, Th e Anabaptist Story troduction to Mennonite History; John Horsch , Mennonites In (Nashville, The Broadma n Press, 1963); George H . Williams, Th e Europe; and C . Henry Smith, The Story of the Mennonites. Radical Reformation (Philadelphia, The Westminster Press, 1962), C hapter 6. MAP NOTES AND SOURCES ' Ibid. Three interrelated factors - time, space, and scale - inOuenced " Ibid. the quantity of detail and accuracy of the maps. Because o f the " John Horsch , Mennonites in Europe (Scottdale, PA, Mennonite necessarily small scale , most boundaries are generali zed, and only that Publishing House, 1950), pp. 30-115 ; Williams, Ch. 6. spatial information essential to the study is included o n the maps. " Horsch , pp. 30- 130; Franklin H . Littell, The Origins of Sectarian Because of the vast expanse of time encompassed, many bo undary Protestal1lism, 3rd ed. (New York, The MacMillan Co. , Inc., 1972), changes have occurred and they may not have been mapped with pp. 12-16. precision. Consequently some boundaries may be inaccurate. It " Franklin H . Littell , The Anabaptaist View of the Church (Boston, should be noted tha t diffusion a nd migration lines a re suggested as Star King Press, Beacon Hill, 1958), pp. 11-23; Smith, Th e Story of probable routes. the Mennonites (1945), pp. 9-95. " Dyck, pp. 26-35 ; Delbert Gratz, Bernese Anabaptism, (Scottdale, MAP SOURCES PA, Herald Press , 1953). Dyck, C. J ., An Introduction to Mennonite History (Figures I and " Ibid. 6). " Harold S. Bender and C. Henry Smith, Mennonites and Th eir Geographical Manual and New Atlas. Garden City, New York : Heritage, A Handbook of Mennonite Beliefs (Scottdale, PA, Herald Doubleday, Page and Co., 1918 (Figures 3 and 4). Press, 1942); Smith, The Story of the Mennonites, 1945, pp. 126-215 .

46 " Smith, The Story of the Mennonites, 1945, pp. 126-168; Henry A. 'I lbid. Burrage, A History of Anabaptism in lVitzeriand, Pub. 1882 (New " Ibid. York, Lenox Hill Pub., and Di s!. Co., 1973), pp. 10-2 1. " Smith, Th e Story of the Mennonites, 1945, pp. 245 -296. " Ibid. " Ibid. I' Dyck, pp. 26-35: Smith, The Story of the Mennonites, 1945 , pp. " Ibid. 126-164 . " Dyck; pp. 126-145; Smith, The Story of the Mennonites, 1945, pp. ,olbid. 383-535; Horsch, The Mennonites in Europe, pp. 271-289. 'I lbid. " Ibid. " John C. Wenger, The Doctrine of the Mennonites, Scottdale, PA " Ibid. (Herald Pre s, 1950); Hor ch, pp. 160-2 18. " Ibid. " Ibid. '0 I bid. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Dyc k, 126-145. " Harold S. Bender and John Horsc h, Menno Simons Life and " Smith, Th e Story of the Mennonite , 1945 , pp. 383-545. Writings ( cottdale, PA, Mennonite Publishing House, 1936); John " Dyc k, pp. 275-291; Smith, Th e Story of the Mennonites, 1945 , pp. C. Wenger, What Mennonite Believe ( cottdale, PA, Herald Press, 383 -545 ; Horsch, The Mennonites in Europe, pp. 271-289. 1977); Bender and mith, Mennonites and Their Heritage, A Hand­ " Ibid. book on Mennonite History and Beliefs. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Dyck, pp. 75- 9; Bender a nd mith , Mennonites and Their " Ibid. Heritage, A Handbook of Mennonite Beliefs, 5th Printing, 1977 ; ,o lbid. Henry Do ker, The Dutch Anabaptists (Philadelphia, The Judson 'I lbid. Press, 1921). " Ibid. ,o lbid. 1J Ibid. Jl Dyck, pp. 75-89; John C. Wenger, Even Unto Death (Ri chmond, " Ibid. John Knox Press, 1961). Hor ch, The Mennonites in Europe, pp. " Ibid. 160-218. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Dyck, pp. 75-89; A. L. E. Verheyden, Anabaptism in Flanders, " Ibid. 1530-1660, A Century of Struggle, tudies in Anabaptist and Men­ " Dyck, pp. 275-290, Frank H . Epp, Mennonite Exodus (Altona, nonite History (Scottdale, PA, Herald Press, 1961), p. xvi. Manitoba, D. W. Friesen and Sons, 1962). " Ibid. 10 lbid. " Dyck, pp. 75-102; mith, The Story of the Mennonites, 1945 , pp. II Ibid. 164-215 ; Hor ch, The Mennonites in Europe, pp. 227-265, Wenger, " Dyck, pp . 125- 146 and 275-290; Smith, The Story of the Men­ Even Unto Death. nonites, 1945 , pp. 383-534; Smith, The Story of the Mennonites, 4th " Ib id. Ed., 1957, pp. 237-345 and 464-526. " Ibid. OJ Ibid. " Ibid. " Ibid. "Smith, The Story of the Mennonites, 1945 , pp. 164-215; Horsch, " Ibid. The Mennonites in Europe, pp. 160-23 ; Verheyden, p. xvi. " Ibid. Pre ently, European Menno nite eva nge li cal activities and ,olbid. relief services are most meritorious. 'I Dyck, pp. 75-102. " Ibid. " mith, The Story of the Mennonites, 1945, pp. 164-215; Hor ch, " Ibid. The 'vtennonites in Europe, pp. 160-23 . ' Ibid., Epp, Mennonite Exodus. " Ibid. 'O Dyck, pp. 126-145 and 275-290; mith , Th e Story of the Men- "Ibid. nonites, 1957, pp. 464-526; Epp, Mennonite Exodu . " mith, The Story of the Mennonite , pp. 164-215 and 245-296. 'I lbid. "Dyck, pp. 111-126; John A. H o~tetler, Amish Society, 3rd. Ed " Ibid. (Baltimore Johns Hopkins Press, 19 0), pp. 25-49. 'Ilbid. " Hostetler, pp. 25-49. " Ibid. " Ibid. " Ibid. "Dyck, pp. 111-126; Smith, The Story of the 'vtennol1ltes, 1945, pp. "Dyck. pp. 126-145; Bender and mith, p. 147; Smith, The Story of 164-215 and 245 -296; Horsch, The 'vtennonlles 111 Europe, pp. the Mennonites. 1957, pp. 464-526. 227-266. " Ibi d. " Ibid.

47 ~lbe~ un meies

BOOK REVIEW morning, picking up researchers at approximately 9:30 Haag, Earl c., editor. A Pennsylvania German An­ and bringing them directly to the library. In the after­ thology . Selinsgrove: Susquehanna University Press, noon the bus makes one trip back to the train station 1988. 366pp. $45.00 hard cover; $14.95 soft cover. after the library closes at 4:30. Reservations are necessary for this service, and those interested should With Earl C. Haag we say, "Endlich, endlich, endlich call Mrs. Wiggins at 888-4630 or 1-800-448-3883 to iss es buch rausgewwe!" ("Finally, at last and in the reserve a seat. Reservations must be made one week in end, the book has finally been issued!") Editor Haag advance of the planned visit in order to guarantee a seat has accepted a difficult assignment - to present a selec­ on the bus. tion from representative Pennsylvania German writers The Winterthur library has extensive collections of that gives some flavor of the subject matter and writing printed design sources, architectural pattern books, style which is involved. The task is overwhelming, and American and British manufacturers' trade catalogues, leaves him vulnerable to many second guesses: This Shaker books and manuscripts, American housekeeping reviewer agrees from experience that every reader will guides, American and British periodicals, city direc­ have his own priority list of authors who ought to have tories, probate court records, artists' and craftsmen's been included, as well as those who might well have records, and tax and census records. The library also of­ been ignored. fers a large photographic study collection of decorative But Earl Haag has indeed produced a book which is arts objects and historic interiors. The manuscript col­ not only an anthology, but a cultural reader as well. lection includes estate inventories, correspondence, Poetry from such accepted masters of the dialect as business records, life insurance records, import-export Henry Harbaugh, Rachel Bahn, Astor C. Wuchter, records, drawings, watercolors, prints, pattern books, Charles Calvin Ziegler, and Lee Grumbine is to be broadsides, price lists, paper dolls and games, journals found here. Poetic efforts are placed in context (and are and diaries, textile and wallpaper samples, city maps contrasted) with prose efforts by authors ranging from and views. For further information on the Winterthur Edward Rauch to Clarence G . Reitnauer. Plays are not library collections, contact Ms. Neville Thompson at neglected but are given proper attention with favorites 888-4701 or 1-800-448-3883. by Paul R. Wieand and Irwin R. Klinger. All writers who have attempted to publish in Pennsyl­ CALL FOR PAPERS faanisch Deitsch, the dialect of the Pennsylvania Ger­ The Vernacular Architecture Forum is soliciting pro­ mans, have met the same response at one time or another: posals for presentations at its 1989 Annual Meeting to "The market is too small to make it worthwhile." For be held in St. Louis, Missouri. Papers may address any commercial companies perhaps; but surely not for the aspect of vernacular architecture in the United States or student of folk culture or the linguist. It is simply too abroad, and should be primarily analytical rather than bad that we have so few publishers who will even at­ descriptive in content. Proposals may be for either a tempt it, for it is done successfully elsewhere; for exam­ 20-minute paper on a subject the author has extensively ple, at dialect literature houses such as the Meininger researched or a lO-minute "work in progress" report. Verlag in Neustadt a. d. W., or Badenia Verlag, Selection will be based on the proposed paper's original Karlsruhe, in the old homeland. contribution to the study of vernacular architecture. W. T. Parsons Proposals should be type written with the author's name, address and telephone number in the upper right hand corner and be a maximum of 400 words in length. HELP FOR SCHOLARS The text should succinctly state the paper's content, Winterthur Museum and Gardens now offers re­ delineating the scope, argument, and method, not just searchers using its library free shuttle bus service from outline its topical considerations. Deadline for submis­ the Wilmington AMTRAK station to the museum. The sion: 30 November 1988. Accepted papers, pr~pared to new service, which operates on Thursdays and Fridays conform to the prescribed time limits, must be submit­ only, allows scholars greater access to the resources of ted to the session chair by 31 March 1989. Send three the Winterthur library. The bus makes one trip in the copies of the proposal to: Thomas C. Hubka, V AF

48 Papers Chair, Dept. of rchitecture, University of CHILDREN'S PORTRAITS NEEDED FOR EXHIBIT Wi con in-Milwaukee, P .O. Box 413 , Milwaukee, WI P ortraits of Lancaster County children by artist 5320 I. known to have worked in Lancaster County, P enn­ sylvania, are being sought by the H eritage Center of Lanca ter County for a loan exhibition cheduled for 1989. Work are desired in all mediums (oil, watercolor, CALL FOR INFORMATION pencil, pen and ink, pa tel and sculpture) within the In preparation for an exhibit of Pfaltzgraff pottery to time frame of 1750- 1925 . Some of the artists known to open in the spring of 1989, The Hi torical ociety of have worked in Lancaster County include: Jacob York County i seeking material pertaining to the Eichholtz, Arthur Armstrong, John Jay Libhart, Pfaltzgraff Pottery Company from the early 19th cen­ William Williams, Benjamin West, Charles Demuth, tury to the pre ent. E pecially needed are hi torical Leon von 0 sko, J . A. Danner, Caroline Peart, Lloyd document, photograph, early catalogues, company Mifflin, Lewi Tow on Voight, a nd Jacob Maentel. In­ record , and other memorabilia, a well a fine and dividuals or institutions having knowledge of ap­ unusual example of Pfaltzgraff pottery. Plea e contact propriate work for exhibition are asked to contact: Wade Lawrence, Curator of Collection, The Hi torical Patricia Keller-Conner, Director/ Curator, The Heritage Society of York County, 250 Ea t Market treet, York, Center of Lanca ter County, Box 997 Penn quare, Penn ylvania, 17403, or call (717) 848-15 7. Lanca ter, Pennsylvania 17603 or call (717) 299-6440.

TOPICAL LISTS OF BACK ISSUES & REPRINTS A VAILABLE The following topical Ii t, compiled from Th e Twenty-Five Year Index (0 PE SYLVA IA FOLKLIFE are offered free of charge; imply end a elf-addre ed tamped envelope and a note of the number de ired (no more than four Ii t to each envelope, plea e) to: Free Li t Offer, Penn ylvania Folklife ociety, P.O. Box 92, Collegeville, P 19426. # 1 Migration Ii t # 2 Migration . arranged by Author # 3 Genealogy and Family Hi tory # 4 Folk rt & Fraktur # 5 Mennonite # 6 Folk Medicine & Powwow # 7 The Occult & upernatural / Witche # 8 Goschenhoppen & Perkiomen Regions # 9 Author from Goschenhoppen & Perkiomen # 10 Folk u tom & Beliefs / Folklore & Folklife tudie # 11 Hexerei & Ghost Tales / Joke & Humor # 12 Folktales # 13 Folksong, Mu. ic & inger # 14 German anguage Imprint. / Books & ew paper # 15 Dialect & Dialect Writers # 16 Holidays and east Day # 17 dna by H eller articles as found in Pa Dutchman & Pa Folkllfe # 18 Moravians & Schwenkfelder~ # 19 Travels and Travel Accounts / Taverns # 20 olklore & Folklife Questi nnaires June 25-26-27-28-29-30- July 1-2-3-4, 1988

The Festival and its Sponsorship The Kutztown Folk Festival is sponsored by the Pennsylvania Folklife Society, a nonprofit educational corporation affiliated with URSINUS COLLEGE, College­ ville, Pennsylvania. The Society's purposes are threefold: First, the demonstrating and displaying of the lore and folkways of the Pennsylvania Dutch through the annual Kutztown Folk Festival; second, the collecting, studying, archiving and publishing the lore of the Dutch Country and Pennsylvania through the publi­ cation of PENNSYLVANIA FOLKLIFE Magazine; and third, using the proceeds for scholarships and general educational purposes at URSINUS COLLEGE.

FOR THE FOLK FESTIVAL BROCHURE WRITE TO: Pennsylvania fotktife Society College Blvd. & Vine. Kutztown. Pa. 19530