DOCSLIB.ORG

Women's Voices in the Bangsamoro

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Women's Voices in the Bangsamoro Women’s voices in the Bangsamoro Experiences and expectations in conflict and peace Acknowledgements This publication is the joint effort of: Nisa Ul Haqq Fi Bangsamoro: Jurma Tikmasan, Fatima Allian, Dayang Bahidjan. United Youth of the Philippines-Women [UnYPhil-Women]: Noraida Abo, Sandra Abo, Frenz Laureta. Teduray Lambangian Women’s Organization (TLWOI): Froilyn Mendoza, Ronnie Ampok, Haydee Mokudef. Conciliation Resources: Paul Adolfo, Hana Kamid, Kristian Herbolzheimer, Tamanna Kalhar. Photography: Zabra Siwa Design and layout: www.revangeldesigns.co.uk The publication has been funded through the Human Rights and Democracy Fund of the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office. This work complements a wider project on building peace in Mindanao through public participation in governance, funded by the European Union. March 2016 Contents Our story 5 Of being on the frontline of armed conflict 6 Of armed conflict and being family of the frontliner 12 Of being caught in-between and escaping from conflict 22 Of choosing peace and challenging your own biases 40 Of daily realities and challenges beyond conflict 48 Key insights 60 Background developments 61 Ethnic groups in the Bangsamoro 62 Project background 63 3 WE ARE THE women OF BANGSAMORO and theSE are our StorieS to Share 4 Our story We are history’s witness to the Bangsamoro people’s struggle for self-determination and quest for peace. We experienced the political awakening of the Bangsamoro people, which gave birth to the Moro National Liberation Front [MNLF] and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. We celebrated significant milestones of peace processes such as the Final Peace Agreement with the MNLF in 1996 and the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro in 2014. We suffered the emotional and physical burdens inflicted by the atrocities of the Martial Law in 1970s, All-Out War in 2000, the breakdown of the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain in 2008 and the most recent infamous Mamasapano tragedy in 2014, among others. We are peacebuilders. We live each day to maintain peace and normalcy in our families and respective communities. We take leadership to overcome the challenges posed by our emerging realities. We inspire action and hope for the possibilities of a peaceful future. We are the women of the Bangsamoro – Lumad, Moro, Settlers – and these are our stories to share. 5 Of being on the frontline of armed conflict 6 PAGADIAN SOUTH UPI, MAGUINDANAO 7 “I was so mad and vowed to fight. How could I not join the MNLF when my family was nearly wiped out?” Hadja Aziza Tabayag 8 HADJA AZIZA TabayaG is a 72-year-old widow and former combatant from the village of Tapudok, Labangan, Zamboanga Sibugay. She is popularly known in her community as Omi – an Arabic term for mother. I remember that day in 1973 when the town mayor gathered us all together at an evacuation site near the municipal hall because of the critical situation brought about by Martial Law. At around five o’clock in the afternoon, we noticed the non-Muslims leaving the site, leaving behind even their cooked meals. At seven in the evening, the military indiscriminately started dropping bombs. One of the istok or mortar bombs hit us. My husband and four sons died on the spot. I couldn’t save them. We ran for our lives and I was only able to carry my two daughters with me. During that time, there were no Moro rebels in our community so I believe the mortars were intentionally dropped to kill us civilians. We evacuated to Kurmatan, Sultan Naga Dimaporo. It was a difficult situation for me being widowed. It was like passing through a needle’s eye but I had to stay strong in order to provide for my daughters. Aggrieved by my husband and sons’ deaths, I took up arms and joined the rebels for eight years. I became one of the women commanders of the Moro National Liberation Front [MNLF] and fought on the frontline with Chairman Nur Misuari and Muslimin Sema. Taking up arms was my way of coping with my loss. At the height of the conflict, I remember joining other women combatants with the men to fight back every time we were being attacked. I was on the military watch list and will never forget spending three months hiding in the mountains of Zamboanga with an escort who soon lost his sanity. Despite the hardship, I vowed not to surrender. When the Tripoli agreement was signed and the MNLF forces surrendered, I went to Taguig in Metro Manila. I stayed there for seven years and then came back here to serve my community. I was even elected as barangay chairperson. I still grieve for my loss. It is never easy to leave behind the past and whenever I think about it, the only way I can be at peace is to see my comrades and orphaned children reap the fruits of our struggle. We, the widows have been waiting a long time for the government to fulfil its promise and I can only hope that we will be treated justly and equally in spite of not having educational degrees. 9 ELSIE Benito TRAVILLA, 57, is a Teduray from Sitio Bahar, Barangay Pandan, South Upi, Maguindanao. She is popularly known as ‘Commander Ligaya’. Elsie’s family migrated to Sitio Bahar in the 1980s after being displaced from their area in Nangi, North Upi due to the conflict. Moro businessmen started migrating here to Bahar in 1986. We initially had a good relationship with them until some civilian armed men started extorting from us. We didn’t know if they were MNLF [Moro National Liberation Front] or MILF [Moro Islamic Liberation Front] but they fluently spoke Maguinadanaon. They would usually knock on our doors at midnight with their guns and ask for money or some produce. At one point there were five different commanders extorting from us. Their demands got bigger and bigger over time, to the point it was almost like we were working for them. That was the time when I decided to refuse them. As a consequence, we were ambushed. The most painful part of this was seeing my son, who had just graduated in elementary, being slaughtered in front of me. He was screaming for my name and I was helpless. I can’t forget what they said, “Kagina mategas ka ged, niya I sample sa leka” [“This is a sample for you because you are so hard-headed”]. We knew that our neighbours had conspired with the perpetrators. They left Bahar right after that incident. Another painful incident took place three months after we were ambushed. A group of armed men along with some of our Moro neighbours came back and burnt down almost all the houses except those owned by the Maguindanaons. I believe all of this was purposely done to displace us so they could illegally own our land. We reported what happened to the local government, police and town mayor but nothing happened. Pain and hate got the best of me. I almost went crazy for a year because of what happened. What kept me brave and strong was the fact that this is our ancestral land and that we have to fight for it even if it will cost our lives. I convinced people in the community to stay. We had nowhere to go so we chose to fight for what is ours. Years went by and the killings of our people continued until the Philippine marines were finally posted here in 2014. This is the only time after several years that we felt secure and at peace. We are not a notorious people. All we want is to be able to cultivate our lands peacefully so that we can provide for our families. The land conflict that we currently face with our neighbouring village continues to challenge us. We’ve already made concessions and all we ask for as natives in this area is to live peacefully and be given what is due to us. 10 “We are not notorious people. All we want is to be able to cultivate our lands peacefully so we can provide for our family.” Elsie Benito Travilla 11 Of armed conflict and being family of the frontliner 12 PAGADIAN SOUTH UPI, MAGUINDANAO TAWI TAWI 13 “I hope the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro will be implemented otherwise history might repeat itself. Not all the children are like us who opted to finish our education. If the agreement will not be implemented, I fear that some children will also follow the path that their fathers took.” Amina Aban 14 AMINA ABAN is a 27-year-old volunteer at the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA), Zamboanga Peninsula. She is a member of the Kalibugan tribe. I am the daughter of Commander Agila of the MILF [Moro Islamic Liberation Front]. My mother said father joined the movement because he saw how our grandfather was butchered by the military. My father died as a martyr in Camp Salman during the All-Out War in the year 2000. We grew up without him by our side. In fact, I only met him three times in my life. He was cutting down bamboos when I first met him and he was joking about how bamboo cutting brought good money. I was very shy and felt awkward but mother kept on pushing me to approach him. Despite his physical absence, he has always been there for us. He constantly wrote us letters, which my siblings and I took turns to read to our mother. As the years went by, we learned to skip the bad news so as to keep mother smiling and happy.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Philippine Election ; PDF Copied from The
    Senatorial Candidates’ Matrices Philippine Election 2010 Name: Nereus “Neric” O. Acosta Jr. Political Party: Liberal Party Agenda Public Service Professional Record Four Pillar Platform: Environment Representative, 1st District of Bukidnon – 1998-2001, 2001-2004, Livelihood 2004-2007 Justice Provincial Board Member, Bukidnon – 1995-1998 Peace Project Director, Bukidnon Integrated Network of Home Industries, Inc. (BINHI) – 1995 seek more decentralization of power and resources to local Staff Researcher, Committee on International Economic Policy of communities and governments (with corresponding performance Representative Ramon Bagatsing – 1989 audits and accountability mechanisms) Academician, Political Scientist greater fiscal discipline in the management and utilization of resources (budget reform, bureaucratic streamlining for prioritization and improved efficiencies) more effective delivery of basic services by agencies of government. Website: www.nericacosta2010.com TRACK RECORD On Asset Reform and CARPER -supports the claims of the Sumilao farmers to their right to the land under the agrarian reform program -was Project Director of BINHI, a rural development NGO, specifically its project on Grameen Banking or microcredit and livelihood assistance programs for poor women in the Bukidnon countryside called the On Social Services and Safety Barangay Unified Livelihood Investments through Grameen Banking or BULIG Nets -to date, the BULIG project has grown to serve over 7,000 women in 150 barangays or villages in Bukidnon,
    [Show full text]
  • Lanao Del Norte – Homosexual – Dimaporo Family – Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)
    Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PHL33460 Country: Philippines Date: 2 July 2008 Keywords: Philippines – Manila – Lanao Del Norte – Homosexual – Dimaporo family – Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide references to any recent, reliable overviews on the treatment of homosexual men in the Philippines, in particular Manila. 2. Do any reports mention the situation for homosexual men in Lanao del Norte? 3. Are there any reports or references to the treatment of homosexual Muslim men in the Philippines (Lanao del Norte or Manila, in particular)? 4. Do any reports refer to Maranao attitudes to homosexuals? 5. The Dimaporo family have a profile as Muslims and community leaders, particularly in Mindanao. Do reports suggest that the family’s profile places expectations on all family members? 6. Are there public references to the Dimaporo’s having a political, property or other profile in Manila? 7. Is the Dimaporo family known to harm political opponents in areas outside Mindanao? 8. Do the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) recruit actively in and around Iligan City and/or Manila? Is there any information regarding their attitudes to homosexuals? 9.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bangsamoro Peace Process and Peacebuilding in Mindanao: Implications to Philippine Studies and National Development
    Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Volume 19, Number 3, 2016 The Bangsamoro Peace Process and Peacebuilding in Mindanao: Implications to Philippine Studies and National Development Juvanni A. Caballero Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippines Mark Anthony J. Torres Mindanao State University – Iligan Institute of Technology, Philippines INTRODUCTION As early as 1931, Moro leaders who were in favor of Moro integration into the Philippine body politichad already expressed their concerns on the marginalization of Mindanao and its native inhabitants. Datu Ibra, then representative of Lanao to the Philippine Legislature once said in his privilege speech: A nation is like a human body. To be healthy, all its parts must be healthy. A man cannot be said to be healthy because his arms are strong provided his feet are weak… A beautiful Manila does not constitute a beautiful Philippines, and so we ask you to pay more serious attention to the problems of the south, which in progress is far behind the north.1 The above speech of Datu Ibra gives us a lot of insights. First, it reminds us that the Philippines cannot be complete without Mindanao. Hence, if we talk about Philippine development, Mindanao cannot be detached from it. Second, the speech reminds us that the problem in Mindanao is a Philippine problem. Thus, people from other parts of the country should not say: “Mindanao is too far from us” or “The problem in Mindanao is not our problem”. After all, the war efforts to contain “Moro rebellion” are financed by Filipino taxpayers; Soldiers recruited to fight the Moro “rebels” often come from other regions of the Philippines; and Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) from Mindanao migrate to overcrowded cities in Luzon and Visayas.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnic and Religious Conflict in Southern Philippines: a Discourse on Self-Determination, Political Autonomy, and Conflict Resolution
    Ethnic and Religious Conflict in Southern Philippines: A Discourse on Self-Determination, Political Autonomy, and Conflict Resolution Jamail A. Kamlian Professor of History at Mindanao State University- ILigan Institute of Technology (MSU-IIT), ILigan City, Philippines ABSTRACT Filipina kini menghadapi masalah serius terkait populasi mioniritas agama dan etnis. Bangsa Moro yang merupakan salah satu etnis minoritas telah lama berjuang untuk mendapatkan hak untuk self-determination. Perjuangan mereka dilancarkan dalam berbagai bentuk, mulai dari parlemen hingga perjuangan bersenjata dengan tuntutan otonomi politik atau negara Islam teroisah. Pemberontakan etnis ini telah mengakar dalam sejarah panjang penindasan sejak era kolonial. Jika pemberontakan yang kini masih berlangsung itu tidak segera teratasi, keamanan nasional Filipina dapat dipastikan terancam. Tulisan ini memaparkan latar belakang historis dan demografis gerakan pemisahan diri yang dilancarkan Bangsa Moro. Setelah memahami latar belakang konflik, mekanisme resolusi konflik lantas diajukan dalam tulisan ini. Kata-Kata Kunci: Bangsa Moro, latar belakang sejarah, ekonomi politik, resolusi konflik. The Philippines is now seriously confronted with problems related to their ethnic and religious minority populations. The Bangsamoro (Muslim Filipinos) people, one of these minority groups, have been struggling for their right to self-determination. Their struggle has taken several forms ranging from parliamentary to armed struggle with a major demand of a regional political autonomy or separate Islamic State. The Bangsamoro rebellion is a deep- rooted problem with strong historical underpinnings that can be traced as far back as the colonial era. It has persisted up to the present and may continue to persist as well as threaten the national security of the Republic of the Philippines unless appropriate solutions can be put in place and accepted by the various stakeholders of peace and development.
    [Show full text]
  • 4. Resources, Security and Livelihood
    Violent Conflicts and Displacement in Central Mindanao 4. RESOURCES, SECURITY AND LIVELIHOOD This section examines households’ perceptions of their surrounding environment (e.g. security). It looks at their resources or capital (social, natural, economic) available to households, as well as how those resources were being used to shape livelihood strategies and livelihood outcomes such as food security. The results give insights into the complex interaction between, on the one hand, displacement and settlement options, and, on the other hand, access to basic needs, services and livelihood strategies. Services and Social Relations Access to Services Across the study strata, about one-third of the households ranked their access to services negatively, including access to education (22%), access to (35%) and quality of (32%) health care, and access to roads (37%). Respondents in Maguindanao ranked on average all services more negatively than any other strata. Disaggregated by settlement status, respondents who were displaced at the time of the survey were more likely to rank services negatively compared to others, with the exception of access to roads. Nearly the same percentage of households who were displaced at the time of survey and those returned home found the road to be bad of very bad (47% and 55%, respectively). Figure 11: Ranking of services (% bad - very bad) Two-thirds (67%) of the sampled households had children aged 6-12 years, and among them nearly all had children enrolled in primary school (97%). However, 36 percent of the households reported that their school-enrolled children missed school for at least a week within the 6 months prior to the survey.
    [Show full text]
  • Pdf | 474.14 Kb
    PHILIPPINES - Mindanao: 3W - Who does, What, Where (comPhilippines:pleted, ongoing, Central planned Mindanao activities) Who-does as of 31 WhatMarch Where2015 (3W) as of December 2013 124°0'0"E 124°15'0"E 124°30'0"E 124°45'0"E Shoreline Regional boundary TALITAY DATU PIANG DATU SALIBO SHARIFF SAYDONA MUSTAPHA Provincial boundary FAO/DA‐ Sultan KudaratFSD/PCBL IOM/DSWD‐ARMM Municipal boundary Maguindanao, DAF‐ IOM/DSWD‐ARMM; Primary road ARMM, BFAR‐ARMM PLAN Int/MTB PLGU‐Maguindanao; Affected municipalities & MMI Bangsamoro Development Number of displaced people PLGU‐Maguindanao; Agency; FAO/DA‐ UNFPA/DOH‐ARMM Kadtuntaya Maguindanao, DAF‐ 0 - 750 DATU ANGGAL MIDTIMBANG HOM/UNICEF Northern KabuntalanFoundation, Inc.; ARMM, BFAR‐ARMM & FSD/PCBL 751 - 3,100 FSD/PCBL FAO/DA‐ MMI FAO/DA‐Maguindanao, KFI/CRS; UNICEF/ Maguindanao, DAF‐ DAF‐ARMM, BFAR‐ MTB/MERN 3101 - 6,200 ASDSW ARMM, BFAR‐ARMM ARMM & MMI & MMI FSD/PCBL; Save the MTB/MERN Children/MERN 6,201 - 13,500 ´ UNFPA/DOH‐ARMM Save the Children/MERN Kabuntalan FSD/PCBL; Save the RAJAH BUAYAN KFI/CRS NorthNorth CotabatoCotabatoMOSEP/UNFPA, CHT; Datu Montawal more than 13,500 Children/MERN PLGU‐Maguindanao; UNFPA/DOH‐ARMM MTB; FAO/DA‐ Datu Odin Sinsuat Save the Affected municipalities GUINDULUNGAN ASDSW/UNICEF; Save the Maguindanao, DAF‐ Children/MERN Marshland IOM/DSWD‐ARMM; Children ARMM, BFAR‐ARMM KFI/CRS Save the & MMI FAO/DA‐ Children/MERN; HOM/UNICEF Maguindanao, DAF‐ MTB/PLAN Int. UNHCR/MDRRMO/B ARMM, BFAR‐ARMM LGU; FSD/PCBL Cluster & MMI ! Talitay ! Food and Agriculture MTB/MERN Datu HealthBlah incl. RHT. and Sinsuat MHPSS UNFPA/DOH‐ARMM Datu Salibo ! Protection incl.
    [Show full text]
  • Counter-Insurgency Vs. Counter-Terrorism in Mindanao
    THE PHILIPPINES: COUNTER-INSURGENCY VS. COUNTER-TERRORISM IN MINDANAO Asia Report N°152 – 14 May 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. ISLANDS, FACTIONS AND ALLIANCES ................................................................ 3 III. AHJAG: A MECHANISM THAT WORKED .......................................................... 10 IV. BALIKATAN AND OPLAN ULTIMATUM............................................................. 12 A. EARLY SUCCESSES..............................................................................................................12 B. BREAKDOWN ......................................................................................................................14 C. THE APRIL WAR .................................................................................................................15 V. COLLUSION AND COOPERATION ....................................................................... 16 A. THE AL-BARKA INCIDENT: JUNE 2007................................................................................17 B. THE IPIL INCIDENT: FEBRUARY 2008 ..................................................................................18 C. THE MANY DEATHS OF DULMATIN......................................................................................18 D. THE GEOGRAPHICAL REACH OF TERRORISM IN MINDANAO ................................................19
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World 2016 Philippines
    Philippines Page 1 of 8 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Philippines Philippines Country: Philippines Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 3 Civil Liberties: 3 Aggregate Score: 65 Freedom Rating: 3.0 Overview: A deadly gun battle in January, combined with technical legal challenges, derailed progress in 2015 on congressional ratification of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BLL), under which a new self-governing region, Bangsamoro, would replace and add territory to the current Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The BLL was the next step outlined in a landmark 2014 peace treaty between the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the country’s largest rebel group. The agreement, which could end more than 40 years of separatist violence among Moros, as the region’s Muslim population is known, must be approved by Congress and in a referendum in Mindanao before going into effect. President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino’s popularity suffered during the year due to his role in the January violence—in which about 70 police, rebels, and civilians were killed—and ongoing corruption. Presidential and legislative elections were scheduled for 2016. In October, the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, the Netherlands, ruled that it had jurisdiction to hear a case filed by the Philippines regarding its dispute with China over territory in the South China Sea, despite objections from China. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: https://freedomhouse.org/print/48102 4/19/2018 Philippines Page 2 of 8 Political Rights: 27 / 40 (+1) [Key] A. Electoral Process: 9 / 12 The Philippines’ directly elected president is limited to a single six-year term.
    [Show full text]
  • Toward Peace in the Southern Philippines
    UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT G. Eugene Martin and Astrid S. Tuminez In 2003 the U.S. Department of State asked the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) to undertake a project to help expedite a peace agreement between the government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The MILF has been engaged in a rebellion against the GRP for more than three decades, Toward Peace in the with the conflict concentrated on the southern island of Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago. This report highlights USIP activities in the Philippines from 2003 to 2007. It Southern Philippines describes the conflict and its background, the substance of ongoing negotiations, USIP efforts to “facilitate” the peace process, and insights on potentially constructive steps for A Summary and Assessment of the USIP moving the Philippine peace talks forward. It concludes with a few lessons learned from USIP’s engagement in this Philippine Facilitation Project, 2003–2007 specific conflict, as well as general observations about the potential value of a quasi-governmental entity such as USIP in facilitating negotiations in other conflicts. G. Eugene Martin was the executive director of the Philippine Facilitation Project. He is a retired Foreign Summary Service officer who served as deputy chief of mission at the • The Muslim inhabitants of Mindanao and Sulu in the southern Philippines, known U.S. Embassy in Manila. Astrid S. Tuminez served as the project’s senior research associate.
    [Show full text]
  • Defining the Bangsamoro Right to Self Determination in the MILF Peace Process
    Human Rights in Southeast Asia Series 1 144 BREAKING THE SILENCE DEFINING THE Bangsamoro RIGHT to SELF Determination IN THE MILF PEACE Process Ayesah Abubakar and Kamarulzaman Askandar The Right to Self Determination (RSD) struggle of the Bangsamoro of Mindanao, Philippines has been internationalised since its first peace process in the 1970s with third party actors being involved. However, it is in the recent Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GRP-MILF) peace process that the idea of RSD is well articulated in several ways. An example of this is in defining development in terms of RSD. In a usual peace process, development is often introduced in the post-conflict phase soon after a peace agreement had been signed. However, in the context of the GRP-MILF Peace Talks, a new approach of starting reconstruction, rehabilitation, and development efforts in the conflict affected areas is being undertaken as part of a confidence building measure during the peace process itself. This new phase can be seen in the creation of the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA). This research will present its findings on how the Bangsamoro articulate their concepts of development and Right to Self Determination. Mainly, it discusses the creation of the Bangsamoro Development Agency (BDA) and the worldview of MILF communities. Defining the Bangsamoro Right to Self Determination in the MILF Peace Process 145 1. Introduction The core of the conflict in Mindanao, Philippines is identity-based leading to a right to self-determination struggle. The Bangsamoro of Mindanao maintains that it is a sovereign nation and it wants to assert its freedom from the Philippine nation-state.1 Mindanao is the historical ancestral domain of the 13 ethno-linguistic tribes forming the Bangsamoro group and other Indigenous Peoples.
    [Show full text]
  • Zamboanga City: a Case Study of Forced Migration
    Philippine Institute for Development Studies Surian sa mga Pag-aaral Pangkaunlaran ng Pilipinas Case Study of Zamboanga City (Forced Migration Area) Ma. Luisa D. Barrios-Fabian DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES NO. 2004-50 The PIDS Discussion Paper Series constitutes studies that are preliminary and subject to further revisions. They are be- ing circulated in a limited number of cop- ies only for purposes of soliciting com- ments and suggestions for further refine- ments. The studies under the Series are unedited and unreviewed. The views and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not neces- sarily reflect those of the Institute. Not for quotation without permission from the author(s) and the Institute. December 2004 For comments, suggestions or further inquiries please contact: The Research Information Staff, Philippine Institute for Development Studies 3rd Floor, NEDA sa Makati Building, 106 Amorsolo Street, Legaspi Village, Makati City, Philippines Tel Nos: 8924059 and 8935705; Fax No: 8939589; E-mail: [email protected] Or visit our website at http://www.pids.gov.ph RESEARCH REPORT CASE STUDY OF ZAMBOANGA CITY (FORCED MIGRATION AREA) Undertaken through the POPCOM-PIDS Population, Urbanization and Local Governance Project MA. LUISA D. BARRIOS-FABIAN Research Consultant MA. LUISA D. BARRIOS-FABIAN Research Consultant ABSTRACT OF THE STUDY Background and Objectives of the Study: In the City of Zamboanga, the increase in growth rate during the first half of the decade (1990-1995) can be attributed to the net migration rate. This plus the rapid urbanization, has brought about positive and negative results, particularly on service delivery, resource mobilization and social concerns.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume Xxiii
    ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY VOLUME XXIII NEW YORK PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES 1925 Editor CLARK WISSLER FOREWORD Louis ROBERT SULLIVAN Since this volume is largely the work of the late Louis Robert Sulli- van, a biographical sketch of this able anthropologist, will seem a fitting foreword. Louis Robert Sullivan was born at Houlton, Maine, May 21, 1892. He was educated in the public schools of Houlton and was graduated from Bates College, Lewiston, Maine, in 1914. During the following academic year he taught in a high school and on November 24, 1915, he married Bessie Pearl Pathers of Lewiston, Maine. He entered Brown University as a graduate student and was assistant in zoology under Professor H. E. Walters, and in 1916 received the degree of master of arts. From Brown University Mr. Sullivan came to the American Mu- seum of Natural History, as assistant in physical anthropology, and during the first years of his connection with the Museum he laid the foundations for his future work in human biology, by training in general anatomy with Doctor William K. Gregory and Professor George S. Huntington and in general anthropology with Professor Franz Boas. From the very beginning, he showed an aptitude for research and he had not been long at the Museum ere he had published several important papers. These activities were interrupted by our entrance into the World War. Mr. Sullivan was appointed a First Lieutenant in the Section of Anthropology, Surgeon-General's Office in 1918, and while on duty at headquarters asisted in the compilation of the reports on Defects found in Drafted Men and Army Anthropology.
    [Show full text]