THE PROGRESS WITH TRANSFORMATION IN SOUTH AFRICAN CRICKET SINCE UNIFICATION IN 1991.
SHELDON MAYET 802025447
Short Dissertation
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree
Masters
in
Business Administration
in the
Faculty of Management
at the
UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG
STUDY LEADER: PROF. W.M. CONRADIE
OCTOBER 2006
Executive Summary
Transformation is one the most talked about topics within the cricket circles in South Africa and will continue to remain so until all the imbalance are addressed. Even today, more than twelve years after unity there are still worrying aspects of resistance. There exists an opinion in some clubs, schools and even corridors of white opinion, a notion that there was no past culture of cricket in previously disadvantaged communities. The transformation process, devised to regulate for speedier redress and access to higher levels of participation, is often regarded as reverse discrimination and violates the rights and diminishes opportunities for selection of players from previously advantaged communities. As time goes by more questions will be asked about the successes and failures of the United Cricket Board of South Africa’s development programmes in their quest to close the gap between black and white cricket players.
The main objective of this study is to establish if the transformation agenda as outlined in the
National Transformation Charter and the policies designed by the United Cricket Board has made an impact with its efforts to reshape the game and build a new national cricket culture in a new democracy. Within this study the aim is to evaluate the impact transformation has made on cricket since unification in 1991. To understand why transformation is fundamentally important to cricket an outline is given on the current status of South African sport and a brief introduction is given as to the goals and objectives of the study.
The literature review gives an overall view of sport under Apartheid in South Africa, and how sport in particular contributed to culture creation and nation building. The role of sponsors and their duel purpose in the promotion of sport and seeking future business is also touched on in the literature review. The literature review also reflects on the National Transformation Charter which includes the ten thrusts. The transformation challenges faced by the United Cricket Board
ii is included in the literature review, but one must discuss transformation taking into consideration the controversial decision by the United Cricket Board to scrap the “quota” system so early into the new democracy. This is discussed at length as it had far reaching effects on the transformation policies of the United Cricket Board and all its affiliates.
Chapter three focuses on the various methods applied during the study. Given the nature of the study a qualitative approach is preferred as the intentional focus is on personal perceptions, attitudes, conceptual understandings and objectives of the research participants. A brief outline is also given in this chapter on the sampling method used, gaining access and the use of a structured questionnaire during formal interviews. Mention is also made of the documentary research, observational studies and the challenges and constraints faced during the course of the study.
Chapter four highlights the views of the government on cricket transformation and also explains the United Cricket Board’s transformation perspective. The overall development plan of the
United Cricket Board is discussed. This is followed by the evaluation of the successes and failures of the various development programs within cricket. The study aims to highlight the role played by the United Cricket Board and all its administrative structures as well as contributions made by the private sector in their attempts to address the imbalances of the past. The study of the cricket development with specific reference made to certain programmes that were designed to make a significant contribution to transformation is discussed and evaluated. The question concerning transformation and nation building is questioned and answered.
Practical examples are given on how players benefited and failed as a result of some the programmes that were designed to give them opportunities to succeed as cricketers. The perception of parents, teachers, players and administrators relating to transformation is
iii highlighted in this project. A short statistical summary is given in this chapter to highlight the responses to certain questions pertaining to transformation.
The concluding chapter gives an account of the contributions made by the cricket development programmes as well as the failures in trying to transform the game. It gives an account of the opinions expresses by current as well as former national players on the issues surrounding transformation and the inclusion of black player in the national team. This chapter also highlights the mentality and perceptions that still exist within certain sectors of the cricket establishments. It attempts to highlight possible reasons as to why transformation has been such a contentious issue and the reasons why it will take a while before the true impact of the National Transformation
Charter can be measured. It also makes mention that development is an ongoing process and the
United Cricket Board together with all its stakeholder should continue to promote and encourage cricket at all levels as it is the second most popular sport in South Africa..
iii Index
Chapter 1- Introduction to the study……………………………………………………………1
1.1 Introduction to the study……………….…………………………………………………..2
1.2 Problem statement……………....…………………………………………………………6
1.3 Goals and objectives………………………..…………………………………………….11
1.4 Research methodology………...……………………….………………………………...13
1.6 Content of study: Chapters two to six………………..………………………………..…14
Chapter 2-Literature review…………………………………………………………………....17
2.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………18
2.2 Sport under Apartheid South Africa……………...………………………………………18
2.2.1 Sport at large…………………………………………………….…..……………………18
2.2.2. Cricket….…………….………………….……………………………………………….21
2.3 Sport a factor in culture creation……………………………..……..……………………22
2.4 Sport and nation building…...……………………………………………………………24
2.5 Sport and the role played by sponsors……………………………………………………26
2.6 The new beginning…………………………………………..…………………………...29
2.7 The transformation challenges………..…………………..………………………………31
2.8 The investigation into the scrapping of the “quota” system…….………………………..32
2.9 The findings of the committee……………………………………………………………34
2.10 Summary………………………………………………………………………………….40
Chapter 3-Research methodology…………………………………………………………...…42
3.1. Introduction………………….…………………..……………………………………….43
3.2. Method of approach……………………………………………………………………....43
3.3. Sampling…………………………………..…………………….………………………..44
3.4. Gaining access……………………………..……………...……….…………………...... 45
iv 3.5. Interviews……………….……………………………………………………………...... 46
3.6. Documentary research……………………..…………………………………………...... 48
3.7. Observational studies…………..……………………..…………………………………..49
3.8. Challenges and constraints………………………………………………...... 50
3.9. Summary………………………………………………………………………………….50
Chapter 4-The strides made in cricket………………………………………………………...51
4.1 Introduction…………..………………..…………………………..……………………..52
4.2 The Government stance on transformation….……….……………………..……………53
4.3 The UCBSA transformation perspective..……………………………….………….……56
4.4 The development plan of the UCBSA………..….………….……………………………59
4.5 The contribution made by Bakers Mini Cricket…….……….……………………….…..66
4.6 MTN driving cricketing schools..……..……………………………………….…...... 68
4.7 The Gauteng Cricket Board’s Youth Programme….…………………..…………….…..70
4.8 The bursary programme of Gauteng cricket………………………………….…………..76
4.9 Challenges at the coal face of the game..………………………………………………...77
4.10 Analysis of the sample interviewed………………………………………………………81
4.11 Summary…………………………………………………………………….……………89
Chapter 5-Conclusions...... 91
References………………………………………………………………………………………..99
Annexure A: Transformation questionnaire……………………………………………..……104
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Chapter 1
Introduction to the study
1.1 Introduction …………..……………….…………………………………………………..2 1.2 Problem statement……………....…………………………………………………………6 1.3 Goals and objectives………………………..…………………………………………….11 1.4 Research methodology………...……………………….………………………………...13 1.6 Content of study: Chapters two to six………………..………………………………..…14
1 Chapter 1 Introduction to the study
1.1. Introduction
Transformation in sport has always been a contentious issue and cricket is no exception. Given the history in South Africa, on the one hand the country has sport federations trying to please both the political and public eye, and on the other hand government is applying pressure so that national teams represent the demographics of the newly formed democracy (Bayley, 1995).
In a country that boasts a great climate for outdoor activity, there are plenty of sport participants in South Africa, and even more fans, focused mainly only soccer, cricket and rugby, but going far beyond the country’s “big three”.
Much has changed in South African sport in the last 12 years since the country became a democracy in 1994. For millions it has meant a real chance to participate in sport; new role models have emerged; some stars and teams have risen while others have fallen; important changes have taken place; there have been great triumphs and heart-breaking defeats.
Through it all, though, South Africa’s sports addiction has remained constant. In international competition it has, predictably, been a roller-coaster ride. It’s difficult to evaluate the success that democracy has brought, because back in 1996 South Africa’s soccer team, Bafana Bafana, were the continental champions, the Springboks were top of rugby in 1995, and the one-day cricket team was arguably the best outfit in the game – and this is hardly the case today (Mogari,
2001).
Cricket in South Africa under the Apartheid Government was in drastic need of change in order to foster future growth. As a result of the division orchestrated by government policy, players, coaches, and administrators from various race groups developed differently (United Cricket
2 Board of South Africa, 2001). In 1991 all the cricket role players came together to form the
United Cricket Board of South Africa. This newly founded body and all its affiliates had confirmed their commitment to the growth of the new, democratic and non-racial South Africa and its entire people (Kidson, 1995:224). The director of coaching at the United Cricket Board of
South Africa in 1996, Conrad Hunte (UCBSA, 2001), expressed his vision of “development” in
South African cricket: “the development of players of colour must go hand in hand with development of cricketers of excellence.”
Even though the winds of change blew slowly there was no stopping the United Cricket Board in its ambitious objectives of reshaping the face of cricket that was once thought to be that of an exclusive elite.
To achieve this enormous goal there had to be clear cut objectives with uncompromising commitment from all role players. The vision of the United Cricket Board after unity in 1991 was to take cricket to previously disadvantaged communities and to create a culture of cricket in the townships that would eventually be embraced by all (UCBSA, 2002). Speaking in Parliament
, Minister of Sport Steve Tshwete justified his 1994 Budget for the department: “Whether you are talking about reconciliation and nation building …restoration of the culture of learning…job creation …or the establishment of international relations …there is absolutely no way you can…diminish the centrality of sport in addressing these matters. Sport remains unsurpassed as a bridgehead that transcends racial, ethnic, linguistic, cultural and gender boundaries, precisely because of the simplicity of language with which it tackles all these problems” (The Star, 2002).
The culture and ideology of cricket can only be positioned as the structures which moulded and determine how it should exist (Bennett, Martin, Mercer & Woollacott, 1981:11). In other words, the symbolic culture of cricket that determines the “lived experience” of playing the game:
3 sharing in the administration, the wealth, the cultural ideology of the game, the norms, values and social associations which will ultimately determine the progress of transformation or produce the experience of playing the game.
The introduction of the development programmes by the United Cricket Board in 1994 were designed to make a dynamic impact on the reconstruction of cricket and to assist with the transformation of sport in South African society. In line with the new culture and ethos of a dynamic United Cricket Board it became the moral duty to ensure that cricket grows and flourishes among the truly disadvantaged of our society, with the recognition that the majority of disadvantaged people came from black African communities (UCBSA, 2004).
One needs to consider the United Cricket Board’s attempts to create a new national cricketing identity formed on the basis of creating a new culture around the game, based on the diversity of cultural exchange between the different developments of segregated players.
During the summer season there are a large number of cricket players competing at both school and club level from the townships, for many it may seem that the game has been embraced by all and this may bear testament to the introduction of the cricket development programs and the objective to transform the sport or was transformation merely a ploy to please the political eye.
Sport remains an integral part of the process of cultural and political assimilation and mobilization (Fredericks, 2004). Sport and in particular cricket served a specific political function for the black elite: By enthusiastically playing the most gentlemanly and Victorian game, intended to adopt and assimilate European culture and behave like gentleman and by extension to show their fitness to be accepted as full citizens in Cape Society (Odendaal,
1988:200).
4 The history of black cricket was characterised by barriers, deep divisions of strife, conflict, and missed opportunities. Notwithstanding the constant frustrations imposed by the repressive regime, there always remained a calm, dispassionate recognition of a day when repression would be replaced by an egalitarian ethos (Cashmore, 1990:70).
Cricket and its development programmes have often exposed many pressing national questions and issues in an open and public way. Politics decided on a racial basis the scope of sporting relations, and relegated black sportsmen to inferior facilities and opportunities (Hain, 1971:86).
It was the Basil D’ Olivera affair that set the stage for opposition to sports apartheid, and resulted in South Africans eventual isolation in international sport (Lapchick, 1975:202). International sporting links were with white South Africans, therefore it was white South Africa that the campaign for non-racial sport sought to isolate (Hain, 1971:84). As Trevor Huddleston observed, sport was South Africa’s Achilles’ heel (Cashmore, 1990:165). The sports boycott, as part of the comprehensive disinvestment and sanctions against South Africa, shook white morale and increased the sense of international isolation and unacceptability of apartheid policy (Penguin,
1989:13). It took international sporting isolation and its formal articulation and institutionalisation through the Gleneagles Agreement of 1977, and the Stop the Seventies Tour campaign for South African sportsmen and sport administrators to consider the development of multi-racial sport. One is able to witness the groundless claims of sporting autonomy: The myth of sporting political autonomy is contested by such specific and practical forms that “demonstrate that sport could be used to cause political pain, and that recipients of sporting pressure were affected” (Allison, 1993:6).
Perhaps most significantly, the actors involved in cricket development, through the articulation of their identification with the goals of national sporting reconstruction, have consciously positioned themselves strategically in the centre of political debates. In 1969 four Members of Parliament
5 were expelled from the National Party because of their opposition to the government’s decision to allow the New Zealand rugby team to include a Maori in its tour of South Africa. The rebels formed the Herstigte Nasionale Party under the leadership of Albert Hertzog. The white right’s opposition to the government’s white immigration policy and the inclusion of a Maori in the New
Zealand rugby team is a good example of the complex interplay between politics and sport (Van
Wyk. 1948:). The relation between politics and sport has always been a factor in South Africa and it’s is for this reason that cricket policies, government regulatory requirements and cricket development programmes warrant the investigation by this research project
1.2. Problem statement
The aim of transformation in cricket is to address the imbalances of the past by providing opportunities to players and administrators who were previously disadvantaged a chance to participate in a game that was regarded by the masses as elite (UCBSA, 2002). Transformation became a new word in the vocabulary of every South African because it has touched all lives in one way or another. In 2004 there was a large debate on racism in the advertising industry, with parliamentary hearings chaired by Nat Kekana bringing out promises from industry heads about transformation. Today very little visible change has happened in the industry and it seems that the polarisation is here to stay. “Yes, black faces have been installed into positions of authority, but the creativity still remains in the same hands” (The Star, 2005: p 12.)
ACA CEO Zandile Nzalo said “The necessity of transformation in industry is increasing, and the challenge is not window dressing, but it is embracing it” She also explains that “Transformation is not measured through profit margins or the number of black people within an organisation. It should be measured in the worth of those black people within the organisation” (Ndlovu, 2006).
The mere fact that the national cricket team comprises of different race groups bears testament to the progress made within this sport code guided by its transformation polices. Gerald Majola
6 (UCBSA, 2002) the CEO of the United Cricket Board of South Africa said “Transformation has nothing to do with the lowering standards, but with a reassessment of priorities regarding the development of sport in South Africa. It is not about black and white, but a vision to inform the choice of direction for our sport. Undoubtedly cricket has surpassed any other sport code in
South Africa in spreading the game.”
Sport and in particular cricket, was a potent symbol of the struggle against apartheid and South
Africa’s rigidity of the social and political scene showed obvious signs of crumbling in the mid- eighties. By February 1990 the release of political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela, and the unbanning of various organisations, signalled the end of apartheid (UCBSA, 2001).
While negotiations for a settlement were long and protracted, which culminated in the first all race elections in April 1994, sport was already being used as a ‘political football’ only this time it was in favour of the ANC, allaying fears of the white electorate and showing them that, only the way forward would usher-in untold opportunities for all (Khota, 2000).
The short three match tour to India in November 1991 and South Africa’s first World Cup campaign three months later in Australia, happened so rapidly, it was difficult to accept and understand at first that South Africa was back on the world sports stage. It had taken almost twenty years to campaign for South Africa’s isolation and the country spent another twenty years isolated from the rest of the world. It took a mere twenty months for all that to dramatically change (UCBSA, 2001).
7 In the days of the Apartheid Government there was no optimism or hope among black cricketers, that they would live to see the eradication of the inhuman and unjust system in their lifetime.
When it suddenly materialised very few were ready. Many decisions were hastily arrived at.
Affirmative action was the watchword, but for many of the white administrators and media the pain of change became glaringly evident.
In the mid 1990’s ‘transformation’ and ‘quota’ system became the hue and cry as sport in general had hardly changed for the better for black sportsmen. By 1998 cricket was forced to find a more equitable solution because there was a lack of trust. Imtiaz Patel spearheaded the campaign to map out a fresh plan for cricket. Out of it emerged the National Transformation Charter (Khota,
2000:6).
Mahomed Jajbhay the chairman of the Gauteng Cricket and Judge of the High Court said “As administrators, we graduated in a deeply divided country. This graduation compelled us to make choices which pervious generations had been able to mute, to avoid and to postpone. The latent anomalies and the nascent fissures of the past had to be and remain to be consciously addressed.
We found ourselves in the midst of a conflict that was debilitating and painful. Many millions of our compatriots still experience negative emotional conditions of frustration, anger and futility.
The fear of the privileged born from insecurity about the future, and the anger of the disadvantaged born of the frustration with the present feed each other. However, this conflict in not inherently debilitating or painful. It also offers exciting renewal and revival of the spiritual and intellectual energy. A society not exposed to moral challenges, and not privileged with a choice of visible and significant alternatives can easily fall into a state of dreary habit and unconscious decay. A nation sharply sensitised through ethical alternatives and challenged to make a visible relevant choice of values and opportunities, is potentially a nation reborn. The
8 dominant group can be liberated from its fears and the dominated from anger and frustration”
(Khota, 2000: 4).
There is no doubt that cricket as a sport code made great strides at grass roots level in spreading the game and the cricket development programms were seen as the trend setters to other codes, but did the role played by cricket development really address the imbalances of the past? Ali
Bacher who is seen to be the brain behind the development programme thought that both black and white South Africans would perform twin roles of improving race relations and providing opportunities for disadvantage children. Ali Bacher made the bold statement to say that, for the first time, they were “being given life through the opportunities that this grass roots cricket was providing….” (Hartman, 2004:18). Considering the fact that the majority of the country youth have not been exposed to the game, one has to ask to whom was cricket development aimed. Is cricket’s transformation an attempt to romanticize the game or is it an attempt in formulating a cricket culture that will provide the building blocks that will bond new non-racial elite.
The problem statement can be defined as follows:
Transformation can be explained as the repositioning and growing of South African Cricket in an optimal way in the new, 21 st century financial and political environments (Roux, 1995: 2-3).
Dr R. Salojee a member of the ANC said “An often overlooked fact is that transformation is not only about doing thing differently, but is a sophisticated process of change management. It is about ensuring the future sustainability of the game in a complex environment.” The United
Cricket Board had to emphasise repeatedly that it is not-anti-merit or anti-standards, but directly about maximising resources and promoting merit (Khota, 2000:8).
As cricket and its development programmes functions on a public and visible platform thus the wider policy initiatives of development and reconstruction are partly carried out in the public arena of sport. The process that cricket followed offers an arena in which to assess significant
9
features such as resources location, organizational structures, coaching programmes as well as the notion of social advancement and upliftment.
To determine the extent to which the historical legacy of apartheid-controlled sport has been transcended one has to attempt to reconstruct South African cricket (Kidson, 1995:82). The current issues that surrounds the practice of “sports development” allows for a focused analysis
(Nyoka, 1995). The rhetoric of sports development in developing a national sporting culture highlights the potential of reconstructed sport to foster a common national identity. If one is to understand the dynamics of “sport and nation building”, then a study of the transformation process established by the formation of the transformation charter in 1998, the implemented of the development programmes by the United Cricket Board offers some analytical insight into the complex array of social relations, constraints and opportunities that is facing cricket in providing opportunities for all that will assist in fostering national unity. To uncover the extent of a shared political commitment of national sports reconstruction between the state and its affiliate one has to evaluate the impact of transformation had on cricket.
During the mid-1990’s complaints began surfacing about glass ceilings and a lack of change in cricket. Many felt that while development was being trumpeted, black cricketers were making little headway at the elite provincial and national playing levels. Calls were made for transformation on a more fundamental level in cricket and peoples were demanding delivery
(Odendaal, 2003). This study is an attempt to highlight the progress and failures made by the
United Cricket Board through their transformation policies and the many challenges it continues to face.
As transformation continues to be debated at the highest levels amongst politicians and sport administrators and spectators one can hardly attempt to do justice to all the views expressed.
This study aims to give an insight into the various programmes that were designed to have an
10 impact on transformation or to determine whether the transformation charter designed to please the political eye.
1.3. Goals and objectives
To evaluate the impact transformation has made on South African cricket in the wider initiative of the reconstruction of South African Sport one has to question the role played by the development programmes in the redefinition of the codes, values and cultural expression of the game.
The main objective of this study is to establish if the transformation agenda as outlined in the
National Transformation Charter and the policies designed by the United Cricket Board has impacted with its efforts to reshape the game and build a new national cricket culture in a new democracy. Further, the emphasis on a qualitative methodological approach allows for an analysis of the current issues the surround both the discourse and the practice of “sports development”. The rhetoric of sports development in developing a national sporting culture highlights the potential of reconstructed sport to foster a common national identity. If one is to understand the dynamics of the efforts and failures of cricket’s development programmes in their contribution to “nation building”, then a study such as this one offers some analytical insight into the complex array of social relations, constraints and opportunities that faces cricket in building a nation.
This project aims to uncover the extent of a shared political commitment between the state and its affiliate, the United Cricket Board of South Africa. Do the goals the United Cricket Board, its cricket development programmes, that is both racially representative and internationally competitive, mirror the goals of the state in its attempt to create racially representative sporting institutions?
11 By asking to whom cricket development is aimed, and by whom is it orchestrated, the underlying motives of cricket development in fostering a popular sporting culture can be assessed. Through the consideration of the conscious and deliberate attempt to construct a popular cricketing culture, one may question the rhetoric of national unity that may be developed through the auspices of sport development and its possible outcomes. Is cricket development an attempt to romanticise the game of cricket so that it takes on the popularity best associated with Indian and
West Indian cricket cultures? Or alternatively, will the articulation of a national cricketing culture provide the cement to bond all nationalities in South Africa.
The secondary objectives of this study are to:
1.3.1 To do a literature study in order to give a brief political and socio-historical account of how transformation affected South African Cricket since unification in 1991 and the contributions made since by certain sponsorship in rebuilding the game at grass root level.
1.3.2. To establish and compare government’s perspective on transformation since unification in
1991 to that of the United Cricket Board. One would also compare the Gauteng Cricket Boards attempt in transforming the game to what is outlined in the United Cricket Board transformation thrusts.
1.3.3. To define practical examples on how players from black clubs like Soweto Cricket Club and white clubs like Pirates Cricket Club view transformation. It also includes the views of parents, teachers, coaches and pupils perspective on transformation and the effects on their playing abilities and aspirations.
1.3.4 To give an account of the governments investigation into the scrapping of the “quota” and the outcome of the committees findings.
1.4.5 To analyse and interpret the impact transformation has made on cricket by means of evaluating what is being done to foster sustainable growth.
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1.3.6. Provide recommendations as to how transformation can become more successful within the cricketing structures.
1.4 Research methodology
Since the central question is to establish if the transformation agenda as outlined in the National
Transformation Charter, designed by the United Cricket Board, has made an impact in the development of a new sporting culture in cricket. It is necessary to adopt an eclectic methodological approach that embraced the many issues at hand. A wide range of empirical tools were required to do an investigation of sport as a social institution and particular consideration is given to the cricket development programmes.
This project has a distinctive qualitative approach, with an intentional focus on the personal perceptions, attitudes, conceptual understanding and objectives of the research participants.
Methods such as in-depth interviewing and documentary research is used to substantiate the wide range of statistical information that is made publicly available by the administrators involved in cricket development.
In understanding the position of the non-state administrative structures within the cricket development programmes, the development officials and administrators of both the Department of Sport, the United Cricket Board and the Gauteng Cricket Board were targeted as key informants.
To uncover the motives and objectives of social investment in sport and cricket in particular required interviews with the staff of major sponsors of cricket development programmes. Thus, a targeted sample was implemented to gain access to the corporate social responsibility departments of Fedsure, MTN and Bakers.
13 The sample to interview cricket players who had participated in development initiatives was of a more informal nature and the author’s knowledge and support of local cricket clubs, and the assistance of cricket playing colleagues, facilitated the negotiation of access through informal introductions.
The sampling framework of this project included twelve interviews with the officials and personnel of the three key actors: the state, non-governmental administrators and the corporate sector. Seven interviews of a less formal sample comprised the investigation amongst development cricket players.
A holistic view is taken when studying the national transformation policies of the United Cricket
Board and how it effected the game. Unfortunately every province is unique with different problems and challenges, therefore it is practically impossible to give an in depth study on each province transformation successes and failures. A detailed study is made of the Gauteng Cricket
Boards initiatives in transforming the game.
A detailed study is made of the Transformation Report to the Minister of Sport regarding the progress made by cricket in light of them taking the decision to scrap quotas from the game in
2002.
Content of study - Chapters 2 - 6
Each chapter is outlined as follows:
Chapter 2: Literature review
To get a better insight into why transformation was necessary one has to examine the socio- historical political past of apartheid sport and how politics and other social forces influenced cricket’s transformation and restructuring programme. The aim of this chapter two is to give a
14
brief insight into apartheid sport and how it failed at being a social integrating mechanism. A comparison is also be made between the government’s perspective on transformation compared to that of the United Cricket Board of South Africa. To get a better insight into transformation within the cricket structures practical examples are given in order to clarify certain perceptions around transformation. The transformation thrusts of the United Cricket Board of South Africa, are detailed in this chapter as well the role played by certain sponsors in the promotion of the sport as well as their products. This chapter also evaluates the decision of the United Cricket
Board of South Africa to scrap the quota system. It attempts to compare whether it was the right or wrong decision to make, given the transformation issues that still exist within the game.
Chapter 3 - Research methodology
This chapter outlines the empirical research methods that were used in gaining access to the administrators and players regarding their thoughts and opinions on transformation. Given the nature of the research conducted and the extent of the subject matter, it was necessary to adopt an eclectic methodological approach that embraced the many issues at hand. The focus was on the personal perceptions, attitudes, conceptual understandings and objectives of the research participants. A wide range of empirical tools and investigatory tools were used in the completion of the research. This chapter gives an account of the challenges and constraints one faced when conducting a research project of this nature.
Chapter 4 - The progress in sport
Transformation in sport is always at the heart of sport debates. This chapter aims at giving an overview on what the government and its department’s views are on transformation. A section in this chapter reflects on the development programmes and policies that the United Cricket Board of South Africa implemented to take cricket to the masses.
15 It also evaluates the contribution made by the sponsors Bakers and MTN and the problems they experienced at grass root level. The effort made by the Gauteng Cricket Boards development programme, are also outlined in this chapter. The bursary initiative was seen to be one of the solutions to transformation the pros and cons of such a programme are detailed in this chapter.
Practical examples are given of how, both black and white clubs as well as parents, teachers and pupils view transformation.
Chapter 5 - Conclusion
Conclusion are made regarding the study objectives defined for this research with recommendations going into the future.
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Chapter 2
Literature Review
2.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………18 2.2 Sport under Apartheid South Africa……………...……………………………………...18 2.2.1 Sport at large…………………………………………………….…..…………………...18 2.2.2. Cricket….…………….………………….……………………………………………….21 2.3 Sport a factor in culture creation……………………………..……..……………………22 2.4 Sport and nation building…...……………………………………………………………24 2.5 Sport and the role played by sponsors……………………………………………………26 2.6 The new beginning…………………………………………..…………………………...29 2.7 The transformation challenges……………………………………………………………31 2.8. The investigation into the scrapping of the “quota” system……………………..……….32 2.9. The findings of the committee……………………………………………………………34 2.10 Summary………………………………………………………………………………….40
17 Chapter 2 Literature review
2.1 Introduction
Sport in South Africa is an integral part of the greater society and is continually being influenced and manipulated by political factors (Jarvie, 1993: 61). Cricket in particular with its highly publicised development programmes and its lavish transformation policy is continually shaping its history and therefore one has to consider the social forces that influence its restructuring. To understand the impact that transformation has made on cricket one has to examine the historical political past of South African sport as a social institution which remains highly politicised.
This chapter gives an account of the history of South African sport as well a socio-historical account of sport under the National Government.
Chapter two also gives a brief description of the ten development thrusts as outlined by the
United Cricket Board of South Africa and explains the role played by organisations in sponsoring the game. It is important to understand the history before one can make an assessment of the future
2.2 Sport under Apartheid South Africa
2.2.1 Sport at large
To understand the political nature of South African Sport one has to do a historical assessment of
Apartheid sport, the implications of sport segregation in the contemporary context of sporting unity as well as the organisational bureaucracy of sport as a socio-political institution. While the history of white sport in South Africa is well documented, the same cannot be said for the diverse and rich heritage of black sporting organizations. Black sporting history has no real documentation, and stimulated by the racial segregation and discrimination under apartheid, there is a widely held belief that blacks have no real sports history (Odendaal, 1988: 194). However,
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these myths have no empirical basis. Sport in South African, played by both black and whites has always been influenced by wider political factors. As a result black sport was always seen to be inferior in the bureaucracy of apartheid thus perpetuating the myth of little or no sporting activity in black communities.
Socially the separate and unequal development of black and white sport was closely associated with the apartheid system as a whole. Archer and Bouillon (1982:11) argue that an “intimate relation [existed] between sport and apartheid, sport and discrimination, oppression and racial exploitation in their most political forms” Apartheid was responsible for the development of unequal and separate sport which also determined the social and economic environment which conditioned the sporting arena: “By…curtailing black access to education, urban residence, employment, wealth and travel… the Nationalist government necessarily stunted the natural development of sport and dealt a crippling blow to the attempts of black players to improve their standards of play and organisation” (Archer & Bouillon, 1982: 43).
Sport failed to be a social integrating mechanism because of the political and social forces that promoted separatism and segregation.
The historical evidence shows that South African sport does not ascribe to the “myth of [political] autonomy” that is conventionally associated with apolitical status of sporting institutions and activities (Allison, 1986: 17). The myth of sport’s political autonomy posts the notion of sport being separate from society, and as a social institution, sport transcends politics and social conflict (Allison, 1993: 5). The most common form of this idea of sporting autonomy is articulated in the indictment of sporting boycotts: that is, sport should not be used as a form of social and political ostracism, and that sportsmen and women should be allowed to pursue
19 sporting careers without regard for politics. Yet South African sport has always been, and remains as much, a highly politicised domain.
To what extent did the politicised nature remain apparent, today it is a source of speculation in this research project – Allison’s notion of apoliticism is an important variable in the consideration of the clearly politically motivated involvement of the state and administrative structures in sporting reconstruction.
Richard Lapchick (1975:17) identifies three fundamental political components of racially segregated sport in South Africa. Firstly, sport in South Africa has been subjected to the influence of apartheid legislation, playing an integral and supportive function of the apartheid system where several distinct phases of the extension of a separatist ideology in sport are recognisable Secondly, South Africa was the recipient of more domestic and international pressure than other nations that used sport for political purpose, because the underlying basis of segregated sport in South Africa was not ideological but racial And lastly, the political character of sport made the South African government more susceptible to international and domestic pressure: “when non-whites…. [and] other nations refused to compete within the framework of apartheid sport …South Africans viewed it as a rejection of their political system” (Lapchick,
1975: xxv).
Thus the South African case poses interesting questions about the role of sport as a catalyst for social and political change. Specifically the question is: to what extent was the ideology of apartheid rendered untenable by the sporting boycott of South Africa? Allyson argues that the sporting boycott - - and sport itself - - played a direct part in the alteration of the apartheid government’s official doctrine on race and sport (Allison, 1993:3).
20
Various role players continued to organise resistance to apartheid sport in order to address the legacies of sporting inequality. Sport has, at times, contributed to unique popular nationalist and political struggles (Jarvie, 1993: 78). The South African Council on Sport (SACOS) promoted the sports boycott with slogans: “No normal sport in an abnormal society” (Penguin, 1989:61).
SACOS the controlling body of black African sport continued with its members to challenge the policies of apartheid through the sports arena.
2.2.2 Cricket
Cricket has been played by black people in regions all over South Africa, and the nature of the game has been shaped by development in the South Africa’s political history. The development of early twentieth century black cricket had followed that of white cricket in many ways. Cricket was introduced into schools, the formation of clubs, leagues and interprovincial competitions, and the establishment of a national controlling body (Odendaal, 1988:211). But with the developments of formal segregation, a massive divergence was to emerge between the two codes.
White cricket became synonymous with “establishment’ cricket and black cricket in particular in the Eastern Cape, was still played and had formal organizational administration. Yet it was not recognized as an official code by the South African authorities. The white cricketing structures had an uncomfortable relationship with black cricketing organizations – acknowledging their existence, but being denied any form of formal contact between racially defined structures
(Matsiela, 2001:The Sowetan).
The history of South African cricket illustrates the contradictions between the ideologies of sport and segregation:
On the one hand cricket epitomized fair play and the ideals of the black elite; on the other hand they entrenched white racial and class attitudes and domination (Odendaal, 1988:203).
21 The aim of the development programmes was designed to redress the tensions of the past by giving equal opportunities to all
2.3. Sport a factor in culture creation
A fundamental question is whether cricket development is a true reflection of the transformation of sport that mirrors the wider process of democratization in South African Society. A further issue is what transformation really entails: notions of social upliftment, black empowerment and social welfare are commonplace in the rhetoric of sponsors and controlling bodies alike. Their use of sport as a promoter of community ties, acculturation and structural assimilation has a strong ideological appeal of being able to unite disparate groups through the “popularization of the mobility myth, and the rationalized, articulate vision of saving children through team sport”
(Reiss, 1989:7). Are such social and cultural trends that aim to address the institutionalized inequalities of society evident in the rhetoric of state, administrative and corporate actors in the political goals of cricket development and their promotion of national sporting codes? Given the white domination in almost all social classes, the democratisation of sport often assumes the status of a middle class levelling…involving the cultural dominance of middle class values, attitudes and sentiments (Talamini & Page, 1973: 25).
The South African scenario is very different since sport became an “object of civil struggle in the name of social justice”, involving not just sportsmen and women, but the entire population
(Archer & Bouillon, 1982: 302).
The extent to which “social justice” and the democratisation of South African cricket is apparent in the development of a new national cricketing code, arguably reflects the tension that exists in the wider debates of reconstruction and transformation in contemporary South Africa today. The combination of political manipulation and cultural appropriation by different sections of the
22 population has locked South African cricket in the wider context of national reconstruction and
“nation – building” debates.
The relationship between the state and the cultural reproduction of sport is the basis of
Hargreaves (1986:243) argument. The state may intervene in the cultural and ideological reproduction of sport by repressive means, by patronising popular forms of sport, or by incorporating sport into a social welfare provision programme Any analysis of the political economy of cricket development programmes must include the increasing trend of South African political elites patronising popular sports: As sport and sporting culture is open to state appropriation and incorporation into a political ritual designed to promote social and political integration Further, the public domain of sport, the centrality of government agencies in cricket development programmes, and the articulation of state programmed intervention is arguably a reflection of how sport may form part of social welfare provision that transcends the ability of sport to alter every day life. Sport has generally fallen outside of the formal processes of social welfare decision making and recourses allocation, but is beginning to be recognised as a key asset in the quest for wider socio-economic growth and development (Allison, 1986: 23).
Sport, as a cultural process, is implicated in the systematic production and reproduction of systems of meaning. Further, the cultural characteristics of sport reflect the more inclusive culture of that larger society (Talamini & Page, 1973 35). It has been explained how the ideology of segregation permeated sporting relations and sports culture during the apartheid era. In other words, sport is dependant on, and imitative of, the social context (Allison, 1986: 12).
Theoretically, this idea implies that sport is an adaptive mechanism to social conditions, social change, and the wider socio-economic environment. It can be argued that in the social and political context of democratic transition, the face of South African sport has come to reflect these changes, as well as play an integral role in the consolidation of democratic, transition.
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2.4. Sport and nation building
The role of the state and its policy initiatives in overcoming the legacy of the apartheid past understandably weighs heavily on the articulation of a national sporting culture. Sport failed to serve as a social integrating mechanism in the apartheid era because of the political, ideological and spatial forces promoting separatism. Thus the challenge for both state and local sports administrative structures, in the desire to foster a national sporting culture in the interest of
“nation building”, is to overcome the constraints of the past. The investigation of the transformation of cricket is a means with which to consider the transition from segregated to nationally representative sport. It has been said that sport “is an expression of British virtues, a metaphore for American capitalism, and at the forefront of modernising nationalism in Africa”
(Allison, 1986:13). One must question the scope of contemporary cricket development initiatives in the political socialization process of socio-economic reconstruction and development.
Whether government intervention into the sport field is a form of legislative control, or a means for the manipulation of sport for political purposes (Cashmore, 1990:177) should become clear in this project’s evaluation of the transformation of cricket.
A fundamental source of power, the cultural appropriation of sport by certain groups is able to reproduce societal power relations (Hargreaves, 1986(b):9). The appropriation of the cultural symbols of sport may be used to promote the ideals of nationalism, sporting unity, and a national sporting culture (Hargreaves, 1986(a):253). Whether such processes are evident in the transformation of cricket is a crucial aim of this research project. The contemporary expression of a national sporting culture, and the rise of sport may provide new cultural and social expressions of nationalism through choice or the invention of nationally specific sports
(Hobsbawn & Ranger, 1983: 300).
24 The contradictions of sporting political autonomy and sports development initiatives is reflected in the growing policy formations regarding the implementation and funding of transformation and nation-building objectives. The increase in statutory interventions and control, cast sport as an arena in which public interest need to be regulated by the state (Foster, 1993:107). The regulation of sport – in a South African context, a national sporting culture – is instrumental in the achievement of policy objectives (ibid). Mike Marqusee explains how the powerful influence of cricket over the English national psyche, in a way that draws out the extent to which “vicious nationalism” has perverted the supposed ideals of the game (Salaam, 1995:103). His discussion of the patronage of the game by the social and political elite, cricket’s development as the first modern spectator sport, its present status as a commercial commodity, and its position at the core of British identity, leads to an often scathing attack on the hypocrisy, xenophobia and corruption of the game.
Sport and the participation in sport is used as a mechanism through which to promote national prestige, and may be explained as a process whereby the “social spirit of the population is connected with an awareness of victory over the colonizers and the striving to achieve rapidly economic and cultural independence (Calhoun, 1987:160).
Donald Calhoun (1987) highlights the problems of balancing elite forms of sport such as cricket, given its colonial and “white” roots in South Africa with mass physical culture.
He argues that African independence and the subsequent advent of modernisation and urbanisation, has tended to produce a new specialises sport elite that becomes proficient at the game of former masters (Calhoun, 1987:171). His argument may be linked to the South African example while not a newly independent state, certainly one in the throes of establishing a new political and social democratic order and raises questions about the nature of sport and nation building in a new political order. It is simply a question of black cricketers becoming more
25
proficient at the game of cricket, to the extent that they form part of the initiative to create a representative national cricket side? Alternatively, will the “representativeness” of South African cricket become an organic process, relying on the game itself and the internal dynamics of the selection of better players whether they be white or black to promote the ideology of a “new nation”
2.5. Sport and role played by sponsors
As a result of democracy sport became more marketable and it is necessary to review to what extent did business contribute to the transformation of cricket through sponsorship? The new profit motives of sport have lead to the decline of sport as a mere leisure past time. Sport is now viewed as an economic activity, with sport bodies controlling large economic resources (Foster,
1993:106). Sport in a South African context has now become responsible and accountable to the nation.
The commercialisation of sport means that sport is now produced, packaged and sold like any other commodity on the market for mass consumption at enormous profits (Cashmore, 1990: 70).
Sports development was seen as a vehicle by business to gain access into the townships and ultimately to sell their products.
In South Africa, the contemporary situation of sports sponsorship is shaped by the legacy of the past - - the inequitable distribution of public and private funding of sporting activity directly affected the density of sports facilities in black areas (Archer & Bouillon, 1982:168). To counteract this legacy sport development sponsorships largely went to the upliftment of sport in the black communities.
Patricia Bibb and Wally Bendix (1991) suggest that the most valid reason for entering into the arena social responsibility is that the South Africa is in a critical state of flux. This allows the
26 corporate sector to assume a role of managing contemporary changes (Bibb & Bendix, 1991:58).
In South Africa’s highly politicized society, politics cannot be divorced from business and corporate social responsibility. Thus corporate social responsibility must be viewed against a background of transformation in the new democracy. By implication, the sponsorship decisions and initiatives of the corporate sector carry political ramifications as an effort for socio-economic and political change in the medium term. They are not long term business strategy (ibid).
Bibb and Bendix (1991) concluded their argument by asserting that education, housing and generation of economic activity are the three key areas in which the corporate sector can assume a socially responsible role. They argue that it is the increasing politicisation of social welfare issues—like housing and education—and the growing socio-economic polarisation of South
Africans, that requires the channelling of corporate funds into the public sector. Thus, it is in the broader context of this new “buzz-word” of corporate social responsibility—of which sports sponsorship is a fashionable component –that the political economy of cricket development programmes and their link to nation building and transformation may be examined.
For Bibb and Bendix (1991), the concepts of corporate social responsibility are commonly confused with the sponsorship of sport. They contend that sponsorships may only be considered as a social responsibility if that sponsorship is for the “common good” Thus, the promotion of sport and sports development in the interest of creating a new national identity, corporate initiative, through the implication of their argument, constitutes a broader initiative. However, at stake is whether corporate actors in fact consider- - and promote- -their role in the broader scheme of reconstruction and nation building.
Corporate sponsorship may be defined as the support of a sport, sport event or sports organizations by an outside body for the mutual benefit of both parties (Wilson, 1988:157). This definition raises some pertinent questions as to why certain sections of the corporate sector
27
elected to promote and sponsor the cricket development initiatives of the United Cricket Board of
South Africa and its provincial affiliates. Niel Wilson’s response to the motivation of corporate actors who provide social investment or sports sponsorship draws a distinction between philanthropism, and a concerted attempt to ensure a return on an investment (Wilson, 1988:157).
Wilson (1988) highlights that sport is an important part of marketing: “a critical cousin to the advertising, sales promotion and public relations departments which from the marketing mix”
Companies began to realise that they can enhance their reputation by being associated with development programmes thus improving their community standing and reaching various target audience. In other words, sport sponsorship is no longer a philanthropic gesture. Yet the debasing of corporate social responsibilities can be avoided by reaffirming the distinctions between the social responsibility budget, the advertising budget and sponsorships (Bibb& Bendix, 1991:56).
Sport sponsorship fulfils three basic objectives of corporate social responsibility initiatives.
Firstly, sponsorships forms an extension of the main advertising campaign. Secondly the iniative establishes corporate identity. And thirdly, the sponsorship consolidates name and brand awareness, ultimately leading to increased sales (Wilson, 1988: 160).
In what has been called the “onward march of commercialism” (Allison, 1993: 7), the conflict between the commercial- professional ethos of sport, and that of amateur - elite position would claim that the sponsorship of development programmes “debases the nobility and purity’ on the sport (Allison, 1993: 7). Yet in contrast, those who support the increasing inroads made by business into the world of professional sport, would point to the consequence of better playing performances and improved sporting results.
28 2.6. The new beginning
There were growing pressures after unity for more fundamental change, the UCB initiated a series of national ‘vision’ workshops were feelings could be gauged and new strategies could be developed for cricket. These workshops, held in every province over a period of 18 months, were likened to cricket’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In emotive, charged sessions cricketers from vastly different backgrounds and posts spoke openly about their angers, hurts and wishes for the future. The process culminated in a National Vision Conference held in
Johannesburg on the 13-15 November 1998. More than 120 delegates adopted the National
Transformation Charter and a Pledge to the Nation, which committed the UCB to operate with a
‘new culture and ethos in an African context’ so that cricket could become a dynamic reflection of South Africa’s young democracy (Odendaal, 2003:65).
Odendaal (2003) noted that the National Transformation Charter covered ten main strategic areas or thrusts for the future with Redress and Representivity being the key one which is outlined below:
The first thrust is the role of the United Cricket Board of South Africa, they need to be a dynamic body with leaders defining their role in accordance with changing demands and realities. They are the custodians of the sustainability of the sport and are responsible for the control and enhancement of our human assets and strategic opportunities. The second thrust referred to the democratisation, a process designed to unlock the human asset of the organisation by allowing all legitimate stakeholders to be heard, to encourage local ownership, and ensuring accountability to all its structures.
The third thrust concerned redress and representivity and the moral duty of the United Cricket
Board of South Africa and business forces to drive cricket to the majority of people of this
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country at all levels of the game. “In line with the new culture and ethos of a dynamic UCB operating in an African context, we reaffirm: Our historic and moral duty to ensure that cricket grows and flourishes among the truly disadvantaged of society, with the recognition that the majority of disadvantaged come from our black African communities”(UCBSA, 2004). This involves a commitment to develop potential among black African people at all levels of the game. This programme reaffirms the UCB’s mission to bring cricket to all the people of South
Africa and facilitate a culture of non-racialism.
The constitution as outlined by Odendaal (2003) in thrust four is a unifying force, reflecting the sentiments of a modern organization, promoting sound governance, facilitating strategic guidance, encapsulating the executive powers and accountabilities, and protecting the codes of conduct of the UCB. A new constitutional dispensation should be established to encapsulate a governance structure that will:
● Ensure effective execution of all the strategies of the new vision.
• Encourage and propagate the practices of a progressively democratic organization
• Allow for amendment procedures that will protect the organization and its vision, but will
not stifle progress.
• Facilitate democratic participation of all stakeholders in clearly defined tiers of
governance by June 1999.
The fifth thrust structured around competitiveness and revenue had to ensure the sustainability of cricket in South Africa through its ability to compete effectively in the entertainment and sport industry and to maintain and grow its market share.
The development programme aimed at broadening the culture of the game and democratising opportunities in all our communities formed the sixth thrust. This programme must ultimately
30 assist in establishing cricket as the “People’s Game”, which integrates all communities into cricket activities, thereby contributing to the shaping of a future cricket culture.
The seventh thrust is designed to bridge the existing gaps between schools cricket, club cricket, provincial cricket and international cricket in order to minimize loss of human potential, optimize the return on cricket’s human and financial investment.
The eighth thrust revolved around the funding and distribution to assist in supporting a financially and operationally viable and stable affiliate/provincial base. This will be achieved by establishing a fair and equitable policy for the distribution of funds that will be achieved by establishing a fair and equitable policy for the distribution of funds that will be accepted and supported by affiliates and rewards affiliates for their contribution to cricket.
To acknowledge, record and respect black cricket during the past century in order to establish a rich and comprehensive history of South African cricket, recognizing our diversity as a source of strength is encapsulated in thrust nine.
The last thrust is aimed at the establishment of a mechanism for the monitoring and implementation of the National Transformation Charter, and to establish joint accountability amongst the UCB and its affiliates during this process.
The very essence of unity within cricket is based on the National Transformation Charter even though many of the aims of the charter have not been achieved it serves as a futuristic guideline to measure progress within the organisation.
2.7. The transformation challenges
On the 7 th July 2002 the United Cricket Board of South Africa and its National Consolidation
Conference held at Kievits Kroon, resolved to scrap transformation quotas at the level of national teams and senior provincial sides (UCBSA, 2002). The term “quotas” has generally been used to
31
refer to the transformation targets which the UCB set for itself during May 1999. The Kievits
Kroon Resolution had the following implications:
(a) Transformation quotas at the level of national teams and senior provincial sides were abolished
(b) Selection for these teams would henceforth be based purely on merit
(c) At the level of B Teams and teams below that level quotas have been replaced by two “guidelines”, viz:
(1) All provincial B teams and teams below this level should contain at least 50% players of colour (2) There A teams should contain at least one Black African player
(d) Provinces will be expected to show their commitment to transformation in their player contract
(e) Provincial Presidents will take responsibility for ensuring the forward drive growth and Transformation of the game in their provinces
(f) The Transformation Monitoring Committee and Provincial Committees were “dismantled” in recognition of the need to “internalise” transformation issues at the UCB and its affiliates.
This resolution also outlines the reservations expressed by United Cricket Boards on the governments decision to investigate crickets decision on the scrapping of the quotas within the sport and the reasons why government, players and other members of the cricket fraternity were strongly opposed to this decision. The findings of the committee appointed by the goverment is outlined in this chapter.
2.8. The investigation into the scrapping of the “quota” system .
The UCB’s understanding of the term “quotas” is best encapsulated by the following statement made by the president at the time, Mr Percy Sonn, in a joint media release following a meeting with the Minister on the 10 th July 2002. “The issue of quotas should be understood as a
32 transformation strategy employed to expedite and achieve a merit based demographic representation in sport in the country” (Quotas gone. 2002: The Star, p 3)
At a meeting between the UCB and the Minister which preceded the abovementioned press release, the UCB committed itself to the transformation and representatively in accordance with the performance agreement between itself and the Minister. The Minister appointed a Committee to test the validity of the claim made by the UCB that “South African Cricket has grown beyond its own expectations when targets for transformation were set three years ago” (UCBSA, 2002).
Although the UCB initially welcomed the Minister’s decision to appoint a Committee and agree to co-operate, it subsequently expressed serious reservations about the terms reference, the composition of the Committee and the scope of the enquiry envisaged. This initial reluctance on the part of the UCB to allow its affiliates to co-operate with the Committee caused considerable delays in the investigation and aroused suspicion about the motives of the UCB. After a number of high powered meetings the UCB eventually, gave its qualified support to the Committee and confirmed that it would allow its affiliates to participate in the proposed inquiry.
The UCB however in a media release on the 6 th August 2002, expressed the opinion that the inquiry was flawed, in particular in regard to the composition of the Committee, the terms of reference and the scope of the inquiry envisaged. The UCB expressed the view that the
Committee’s inquiry would be tainted with bias and subjectivity and that “any report of such a
Committee will be viewed with circumspection and cynicism by both the UCB and members of the public” (UCB, 2002: The Star, p 2).
The Committee did not have statutory powers and was therefore reliant upon the co-operation of the various affiliates. There objective was to determine the extent to which the UCB affiliates have achieved or surpassed the transformation targets set out in the Transformation Charter. It
33
was therefore essential for the Committee to interview the various provincial monitoring committees, executive committees, the convenors of selectors, coaches, development staff and other interested parties outside of the UCB structures.
In order to facilitate free and open discussions the Committee decided to adopt a procedure in terms whereof the interviewees were invited to make submissions on their views regarding the implications of the Kievits Kroon Resolution. All the sessions were closed to ensure that persons felt free to express themselves and that the issues are not sensationalised by the press before the report was submitted to the minister. The proceedings were mechanically recorded and the transcripts were indexed and collated and kept as future references.
2.9. The findings of the committee
The outcome of the Committee’s investigation was that the decision to scrap transformation quotas at the level of national teams and senior provincial sides was taken without any consultation with its affiliates and various structures. The Committee also indicated that the transformation targets set by the UCB in its Transformation Charter during 1999 were not based on a proper analysis of the demographic make-up of its various affiliates and should be reviewed. It also became apparent that the successes achieved by the UCB affiliates insofar as transformation is concerned, was primarily due to the centralised driving and monitoring role played by the UCB (Smith, 2002).
The system of transformation quotas was intended to serve as an incentive to the various UCB affiliates to ensure that there is a steady stream of players of colour who could compete successfully at the highest levels of the game. It was envisaged that province would produce
34 their own players of colour in order to meet the transformation targets. It appeared unfortunately, during the course of the Committee’s investigations, that some of the provinces have been able to circumvent the stringent requirements set by the UCB by purchasing players of colour from other provinces. It was recommended that the definition of transformation targets be revised so as to exclude players of colour purchased from other provinces and players of colour who have been, or are still, contracted to the National team (Smith, 2002: 12).
It was generally accepted by the UCB and most of its affiliates that its transformation programme had failed to produce a significant number of black African players, administrators and other officials who could compete and make a contribution to the game of cricket at all levels. In their report it was a matter of great concern that provinces such as Free State and in particular Gauteng and Northern’s, where the bulk of infrastructure is located, have been the slowest in transformation and it was recommended that the UCB make extra effort to focus on these provinces in order to ensure that transformation is accelerated (Smith, 2002:8).
The Sports Minister Mahenkesi Sofile addressed parliament in 2004 by saying:
“I am tired of the artificial use of sport quotas as a mere window-dressing. All we want our teams to be representative, but artificial quotas are not the answer. We all want our teams to win, but nobody likes being chosen purely on the grounds of a quota system. The new focus will be on merit and talent” (Ndlovu, 2004: The Star, p3).
The United Cricket Board president Ray Mali reiterated the minister’s sentiments and agreed that there were no quotas in cricket, but he added that he was unhappy with the “reluctance” of coaches and selectors of provincial and national teams to field more black players. It was felt amongst many players that were interviewed, that the existing structure were holding on to their power base and only satisfying the minimum transformation requirements.
35
The views expressed by black players regarding the negative consequences of the quota system have been in the press and the UCB has publicly stated on several occasions that the quota system was detrimental to the team’s morale. It was significant though that some of the black players who publicly stated their opposition to the quota system, indicated their support during private session with the Committee. It is important also to state all the coaches and convenors of selectors interviewed were adamant the quota system never resulted in them having to field a player who did not deserve to be in the team on merit. While initially the implementation of the quota system necessitated the fast tracking of black players, it was the responsibility of the coaches to put in programmes to ensure that there is a steady stream of competent and talented black players to ensure that quotas are met (UCBSA, 2002).
Black players who felt hard done by the quota system in that they were being labelled as quota players, were at pains to acknowledge that the quota system was indeed crucial in allowing them an opportunity to progress to the highest level of the game. It was interesting to here from some of the players that are now being labelled as “guideline players”. The views expressed by black players regarding the negative consequences of the quota system were as well as unnecessary and unfair pressure brought to bear by the media. Most of the provinces acknowledged that this is a shortcoming and already taken steps to educate players about the necessity of affirmative measures and to equip them with the necessary skills to deal with the media (UCBSA, 2002).
One of the main reasons stated by the UCB for the scrapping of quotas was that the statistics indicated that the cricket unions have sufficiently internalised transformation during the passed eleven years and that there is therefore no longer the need for quotas, or any prescriptive
36 affirmation measures, at the senior levels of the game. In the 2000/2001 Supersport
Competition, most of the provinces played the average of three black players per game, which was the minimum quota. It is significant to note that despite the goodwill that allegedly abounds among the cricket affiliates, eight out of the eleven provinces averaged the minimum number of players of colour prescribed in terms of the quota system. The minimum has therefore, so to speak, become the maximum. It is a matter of concern that after more than eleven years of transformation, more than 70% of the provinces only managed to satisfy the minimum quota in their senior provincial teams (Smith, 2002).
There is still a concern that there is not a sufficient large pool of black players to select from, if this is the case them what happened to the United Cricket Board of South Africa’s widely published development programmes. It is interesting to note that Border, the province with one of the best development programmes in the country, showed similar malaise when selecting its provincial team. The junior provincial teams in this province have more black (50% from under
-13 to under -19) than most provinces, yet in the Supersport Competition they only had three
Black players on the field. It seems that in most provinces the minimum quota was rarely surpassed.
During December 2001 the President of the United Cricket Board of South Africa interfered with the selection of the South African team during a tour to Australia. His actions, so he claimed were justified in response to the discrimination against black players by the national selectors. This drastic intervention occurred only a few months before the United Cricket Board of South Africa decided to scrap the quota system (Sonn enforces quotas.2002. The Star, p 3).
Perhaps the most compelling evidence against the cricket fraternity is the allegations against individual black players. One of the contracted black players who as a result of treatment melted out to him by his fellow players had to undergo psychological treatment for a full year.
37
It was however encouraging to note his understanding that in a sense he was a pioneer and the passion for the game has fortified his resolve to assist the other black players to deal with this type of discrimination.
A member of the UCB Transformation and Monitoring Committee, Imtaz Patel stated that:
“We are living in a country where prejudice still exists, and this we witness daily. It is therefore unreasonable to place the future of black players on the goodwill of white officials.” Almost all black officials echoed the same sentiments across the country. In almost all the provinces there are still more contracted white players than blacks and most of the senior coaching positions belong to whites. It is encouraging to note that after the restructuring of the provinces by the
UCB into six franchises, the number of black captains have increased from zero in the
2001/2002 season to three in the 2005/2006 Supersport Competition.
The system used by the UCB to determine the allocation of development funds, i.e. the scorecard system, also merits consideration. In terms of this system emphasis was placed on the number of so-called development cricket clubs in a particular province. The implementation of this system however brought about some serious anomalies. Boland for instance, gets the same amount as Gauteng Province. It appears that Boland was rewarded for having a higher number of development clubs. Soweto has a far greater population density than Boland yet it appears that the UCB system punishes the region for not having enough clubs, a historical fact that was not the making of the people of the township. The scorecard system did not take into consideration the history of a particular area and the densely populated areas that still under- developed such as Soweto (Smith, 2002).
38 With regards to funds allocated from the World Cup legacy, not sufficient consideration was given to the spending of a significant proportion of these funds in African areas in order to eliminate existing disparities.
The four largest townships in the country, Soweto, Mdantsane, Motherwell and Botshobelo,s combined population is about eight million people. However there is only a total of seven cricket clubs situated in these townships.
The White population of Johannesburg is about 700 000, and yet there are over 106 cricket clubs in this areas. It is quite clear that the manner in which development funds are spent will ultimately determine the success of transformation. A large proportion of the funds in preparation for the World Cup were spent to upgrade existing facilities for the matches. The amounts for each facility varied from six million to fifteen million for St George’s Park. The main concern was that so much money was spent for just one event when many areas of our countries townships are still without facilities. Botshobelo an African township in the Free State received only R650 000 to build its first and only cricket facility. This relatively small sum of money is considered a long tern investment in a community of over one million people.
There has been significant progress made with the process of transformation in South African cricket. Griqualand West has surpassed all the other provinces insofar as development of all its black communities is concerned. Yorkshire Cricket Club, based in one of the poorest African townships, won the Premier league Championship. The coloured community in the Boland has also made significant progress towards closing the gap between itself and the white community.
The Board and Executive Committee have a clear black majority. The senior coach is also black and their provincial team has comfortably and on various occasions exceeded the minimum quotas (Walsh, 2002).
39
In Kwa-Zulu Natal the black (Indian) community dominate both the Executive and the Board.
The progressive policy of insisting on six black African players in their B team is starting to pay dividends as we can see more players of colour coming through to their senior provincial team.
It must be noted that Kwa-Zulu Natal has more contracted African players the Western province and Boland put together. This is despite the fact that the latter two provinces both have a longer history of African cricket than Kwa Zulu Natal.
Border remains the only province with a black African president and they are also the only province with a meaningful presence of Africans on the Board and Executive. Northern’s a province with a very conservative history, adopted a constitution that demands a Board which is
50% black with a minimum of two black Africans. Gauteng was the first province to have a black African CEO who later resigned because of internal political pressures from a predominant white Board. At the United Cricket Board of South Africa the president and the
CEO are black.
2.10 Summary
This literature review show’s how the historical legacy of apartheid sport has widespread implications for cricket organisation and development. The review also highlight’s the need to assess the organizational bureaucracy of the cricket transformation policy in the context of what it aimed to achieve. Finally, the degree to which cricket may be manipulated and appropriated both culturally and ideologically plays an important part when analysing crickets development programmes and the impact of transformation.
Each of these topics helps to point to an understanding of the dynamics of ‘nation building’: a nationalist venture which includes the cultural and social appropriation of cricket and its symbolism, a reliance on the organisational and bureaucratic structures of state and cricket’s administrative bodies, and which ultimately aims to redress the segregated past of apartheid sport.
40 When one compares the United Cricket Board of South Africa achievements to their outlined objectives a better understanding will emerge.
It appears that despite these achievements, the greatest challenge facing the UCB is to take the game to the black African communities. It unfortunately appears that the development programmes have simply failed to make an impression on this community. If one looks at the premier leagues around the country, the teams based in African Communities make up 10% of the total clubs. Boarder is the only exception, with five African clubs in its premier league, however even at Boarder, with its rich history of African cricket, most black schools have to compete as composite teams. In an area like the former Transkei with between four to five million people, there are no team that participates in the Bowl Competition.
The general success of the UCB in reaching its cricket transformation objectives should not obscure the fact that cricket transformation must be an ongoing process. The broad socio- economic inequalities in South Africa arising from apartheid will take generations to eliminate, and cricket needs to remain an active change agent. In particular, intensified efforts must be made to help redress the historical marginalisation of African communities. For transformation to succeed it needs to be driven self consciously from the top. As stated in the National
Transformation Charter, the UCB is the “Principal agent for the driving transformation in cricket”.
41
Chapter 3
Research methodology
3.1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………43 3.2. Method of approach…………………..…………………………………………………..43 3.3. Sampling…………………………………………….……………………...... 44 3.4. Gaining access………………………………...……….………………………………....45 3.5. Interviews……………….……….………………………………………...... 46 3.6. Documentary research…………………………………………………………………....48 3.7. Observational studies…………..…….…………………………………………………...49 3.8. Challenges and constraints………………………………………………...... 50 3.9. Summary……………………………………………………………………………….…50
42 Chapter 3 Research methodology
3.1. Introduction
For one to understand and absorb the impact transformation has made on South African cricket and the role played by the development programmes in the redefinition of the codes, values and cultural expression of the game, an eclectic methodological approach had to be used together with all existing data. Methodological studies in the field of interviews and cross cultural studies have produced very worthwhile in empirical research (Burgess, 1998). The investigation of the
United Cricket Board’s transformation policies in a South African society and in particular the contribution of the cricket development programs required the use of a wide range of empirical and investigatory tools in the completion of this research.
3.2. Method of approach
The project had a distinctly qualitative approach, with an intentional focus on the personal perceptions, attitudes, conceptual understanding and objectives of the research participants. The motivation for doing qualitative research, as opposed to quantitative is that qualitative research methods are designed as explained by Wolcott to understand people and the social and cultural contexts within which they exist. As the emphasis is on in-depth knowledge and the elaboration of images and concepts, qualitative methods have been viewed as particularly useful to areas of social research such as “giving voice” to marginalised groups, formulation of new interpretations of historical and cultural significance of various events, and advancing theory, as in-depth, empirical qualitative studies may capture important facts missed by more general, quantitative studies (Wolcott, 1995).
Patton (1990) argues that the goal of understanding a phenomenon from a point of view of the participants and its particular social and institutional context is lost when textual data is quantified. Such qualitative methods allowed for in-depth interviewing and documentary research
43
to substantiate the wide range of statistical information that is made publicly available by the administrators involved in the cricket development programmes (Burgess, 1992).
3.3. Sampling
In keeping with the objectives of the study the target population had to be clearly defined. As the entire cricket population was too large to attempt to interview all its members, but carefully chosen sample is used to represent the population and its characteristics. A probability sampling method is any method of sampling that utilizes some form of random selection. In order to have a random selection method, one has to set up some process or procedure that assures that the different units in the population have equal probabilities of being chosen (William, 2006). A random sampling method is classified as the purest form of probability sampling as each member of the population has an equal and known chance of being selected and the pool of available subjects becomes biased. The youth cricket officials, parent, players, coaches, the administrators of both the United Cricket Board of South Africa and the Gauteng Cricket Board were the targeted sample as key informants in understanding their role and contribution in the application of the transformation policies.
To establish the motives and objectives of social investment in sport - - and cricket in particular -
- required structured interviews with specific questions asked to ensure no variation occurred between interviews (Dillion, 1994). The staff of the corporate social responsibility departments of the major cricket development programmes was targeted for this research. Being involved in cricket for the last ten years allowed the interviewer to have a good grasp of the study objectives.
All the development managers interviewed were involved with the programme for more that six years, and the information received was could be validated against statistics and practical examples. To gain access to the corporate social responsibility departments a target sample was selected of Bakers, Fedsure and MTN.
44 The sample to interview cricket players who participated in the development initiatives was more of an informal nature – the author’s knowledge and of local cricket clubs, cricket playing schools, the Gauteng Cricket Boards development programme, facilitated access through informal introductions.
This project included interviews with officials and personnel of non-governmental administrators, the state and corporate sector. Additional interviews of an informal nature were conducted amongst development cricket players.
3.4. Gaining access
There were no serious problems in gaining access to institutions and administration bodies around which the transformation policies were structured. Access to the development officials of the United Cricket Boards of South Africa and the Gauteng Cricket Board was easily achieved.
Both formal and telephonic approach to both cricket boards elicited a series of interviews with the relevant personnel at the UCBSA and GCB respective offices at the Wanderers Stadium in
Johannesburg. The only constraints to meeting with these cricketing officials were suitable time, given their demanding schedules with the start of the 2004/2005 cricket season.
A similar approach of formal and telephonic introduction ensured a meeting with a representative of the Department of Sport and Recreation in the department offices in Johannesburg City Centre.
By visiting their offices a copy of the Departments Report on Transformation in Cricket was obtained.
The corporate social responsibility representatives of Bakers and Fedsure were contacted and interviewed individually.
45
3.5. Interviews
A formal questionnaire (Annexure A) was drawn up, covering the main themes of the proposed research. This data-collection instrument contained questions that were presented in a systematic fashion; its purpose is to enable to the evaluator to obtain uniform data that can be compared, summed and if it is quantitative, subjected additional statistical analysis (Lavrakas, 1987). The structured interview was face to face and the same questions asked of numerous individuals representing different sectors of cricket. The questions were asked in a precise manner, offering each interviewee the same set of possible responses, in contrast, a structured interviews contains many open-ended questions, which are not asked in a structured precise manner (Sudman, 1982).
It is beneficial to use structured interviews when the evaluation strategy calls for a sample survey when essentially the same information must be obtained from numerous people (Warwick, 1975).
The questionnaire was designed to cover the issues contained within the development initiatives of the transformation of South African cricket composed of five parts:
Firstly, the issues of “transformation” generated questions which concerned the objectives and role played by development, as well as the link between transformation and development.
Secondly, in an attempt to make a connection between cricket development, cricket sponsorships and transformation of a nation, participants were questioned about their personal cricketing role models and their preference for supporting national sides in international competition.
Thirdly, to probe both the personal and official position on the issue of sporting merit and to find out how the tension of selecting cricketers on merit of their performance as to that of “quotas” is viewed in opposition to the issue of opportunity.
In the fourth categorization, an attempted to reveal what governments perspective was on transformation compared to that of the United Cricket Board of South Africa and the trends of
46 cricket, particularly in relation to the years of political repression, sporting segregation and inequality, and sporting isolation was made.
Lastly, to evaluate the impact transformation made on cricket. Questions were designed to reveal what cricket’s cultural symbolism, and the values and norms associated with cricket, meant to those who played and watched the game.
This comprehensive questionnaire was adapted to each interview situation, in order to remain as open and adaptable as possible to the interviewee’s nature and priorities with specific focus on the issues directly applicable to the respondent being interviewed (Patton, 1990). For example, the questions around the broad themes of development, sporting reconstruction, and transformation formed the basis of the interviews with the cricket boards and the Department of
Sport.
Many of the questions were leading in nature, as it is known that this kind of questioning would produce a more focused and interesting insight from the research participants (Bradburn, 1980).
The atmosphere in which the interview was conducted was relaxed and informal. At first an explanation was given as to the reason for the interview For example: all the respondents were reminded of – and asked to comment on — the decision by cricket to disband racial quotas. Such questioning always prompted an answer concerning cricket’s position with regard to the opportunities for players at all levels of participation versus merit selection.
Structured and formal interviews (Bradburn, 1980) were conducted with the sample of cricket development managers – the administrators, coaches and umpires who in their official and professional capacities within cricket administrative structures were able to reflect on the present state of the cricket development programmes and it’s transformation into the future.
47
Interviews conducted with the representatives of the state and corporate sector were also structured and formal. The interviews with cricket players were not of such a formal nature – and were usually conducted after a practice or a match.
In all the meetings with the research participants, the intention to use a tape-recorder to record each interview was well founded and enabled one to give the respondent full attention during the interview (Dillion, 1994). Fundamentally, the formal nature of the interviews was best facilitated by jotting down shorthand notes, so that one is able to listen to the comments of the respondents, as well as contribute to the discussion myself. The discussions were lively and in no way did the nature of the interviews create an artificial atmosphere.
3.6. Documentary research
Extensive and detailed documentary research was a major component of the methodological framework of this project.
The Department of Sport’s Draft White Paper – “Getting the nation to play”—was analysed, with particular regard to those sections highlighting the transformation of South African sport through development initiatives. A similar content analysis was carried out on the Department’s Annual
Report of 1994. The examination of these policy documents allowed for the analysis of the state’s planned initiatives with regard to the development of sport, the attempt to foster a national sporting culture, as well as the proposed funding of these initiatives.
The documentary research also included a content analysis of the annual progress reports, and promotional literature of the United Cricket Board and the Gauteng Cricket Board.
The Gauteng Cricket Board and its key corporate sponsor, Fedsure, produced a cricket development magazine entitled Isicamtho Magents. This provided useful insight into the promotional discourse of township cricket and cricket development. The newsletter on the
48 Gauteng Cricket Boards, Cover Drive, allowed a content analysis of their development initiative in the broader ambit of provincial cricket.
Documentary research was conducted around the mass media and the wide range of “popular” literature sources that are currently available. The assessment of the electronic and print media included their coverage and promotion of redefined cricketing codes, reorganization of a national cricketing culture, and sporting developments. Television reports and programmes, newspapers, magazines were all examined in detail.
3.7. Observational studies
In understanding the game as a cultural experience, being involved with the game since 1975 an observational method would provide both illustrative and personalized examples of what the game entailed, but it would not be enough to understand the state of the game in South Africa through the comments and insight of office–bound officials. The values, norms and traditions associated with the game, are most noticeable on the pitch and in the club houses. The diversion of cricket, irrespective of its current relation to the objectives of transformation and nation building, is more than just a fun game. Within the game there exists a myriad of socially politically entrenched values and associations and to understand the sport these “experiences” are best observed as observational studies are the only practicable method of studying various problems if the conditions to be studied is rare. A further advantage is that a single study can examine various outcome variables (Fowkes, 1991).
One was able to gain insight into the internal politics at grass roots level by simply observing the interaction between school boys of different backgrounds during and after the match. By having discussions with cricket masters of different schools one was able to gain some insight into the dynamics of cricket as a wider representation of social relations.
49
What intrigued one the most was the observational studies between black and white school cricketers this shed light on the extent of racial disparities on performance, team morale, competitive sporting relations and social interactions. This helped one to understand the debates that centred on racially representative sporting structures, organizations and national teams.
3.8. Challenges and Constraints
Being involved in the cricket structures allowed one to gain access to the developmental officials of the cricketing boards with relative ease. Time constraints and pre-planned schedules often prevented meetings with high ranking officials within the Department of Sport and other National
Structures. This forced one to research the position of Government through press releases, promotional brochures, and the second hand knowledge of cricketing officials. The proposed observation in meetings of the Transformation Committees investigation into cricket in the attempt to understand the organisational dynamics and politics that existed in the different provinces was not achieved. Access to these meetings was not formally denied, yet was discouraged. However, some information with regard to the content, structure and objectives of these meetings was achieved through interviewing, as well as the documentary research process.
3.9. Summary
The nature of the study did not raise major ethical problems. All the participants in the study were of a voluntary nature. All interviewees, informants and research participants were informed of the exact nature and scope of the study, its aims, and the motivation for conducting the research. Participants were also assured that the findings of this study would not be used in any other capacity than that of the completion of a MBA. The rare requests for anonymity or “off the record” comments were respected, and such some of the information contained within this dissertation cannot be referenced or sourced.
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Chapter 4
The strides made in cricket
4.1 Introduction…………..………………..………………………………………………....52 4.2 The Government stance on transformation….……….………………………………..…53 4.3 The UCBSA transformation perspective..…………………………………………….…56 4.4 The development plan of the UCBSA…….………….……………………………….…59 4.5 The contribution made by Bakers Mini Cricket.……….………………………………..66 4.6 MTN driving cricketing schools..……..……………………………………………...... 68 4.7 The Gauteng Cricket Board’s Youth Programme….…….……………..…………..……70 4.8 The bursary programme of Gauteng cricket……………………………………………..76 4.9 Challenges at the coal face of the game..………………………………………………...77 4.10 Analysis of the sample interviewed………………………………………………………81 4.11 Summary…………………………………………………………………………………85
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Chapter Four
The strides made in sport
4.1. Introduction
Cricket development offers the ideal situation to consider the bigger social, political debates of transformation. The numerous, and often contentious issues surrounding “sports development” are an inroad into the many issues that abound in a society transforming itself. It bears testimony to many affirmative action debates, the pursuit of international excellence and the endeavour for competitiveness. Discussion around sport development needs to be evaluated, with reference to its role players. This section serves as an introductory evaluation of the state of transformation within the game including the constraints and opportunities in the arena of cricket development.
The first section outlines the state’s perspective of cricket development which incorporates their stance on transformation and “nation building”. The second section highlights the official position of the United Cricket Board of South Africa and its affiliates and their objectives relating to cricket development in their attempts to broaden the game in under privileged communities.
This chapter will consider some debates around “cricket development” in the interest of promoting a new national cricketing culture.
For one to understand the true impact of the transformation an understanding of the development programmes themselves form the part of this chapter. The transformation policy of the United
Cricket Board of South Africa is outlined. The discussion includes an overview of the Bakers
Mini Cricket Programme and the establishment of MTN cricketing schools in the townships.
Both these programme of the UCBSA were designed on the one hand to spread the game to all avenues of South Africa and to channel the exceptional talent to schools of excellence. This was to be the breeding ground for future stars and a method in which the administrators envisaged that the imbalances that existed would be addressed.
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This chapter outlines the initiatives of the Gauteng Cricket Board in there quest to promote the game in townships like Soweto, Alexander, Kagiso and other underprivileged areas within the
Gauteng Province.
4.2 . The Government stance on Transformation
Sport, with its roots in civil society, and its political significance, is a fundamental arena in which the state intrudes (Hargreaves, 1986 (a): 243).
The RDP states that sport and recreation should cut across all development programmes, and is an integral part of developing a healthier society. Further, the Reconstruction and Development calls for the mobilizing of resources in both the public and private sectors to redress inequalities in the sporting arena. In other words, the new democratic government aims to work with the
National Sports Council in developing and implementing a sports policy that undertakes the co- ordination of the development of all South African sport (ANC, 1994: 72-3).
The government in its Draft White Paper required the Department of Sport to deliver sport and recreation to the people of South Africa with specific focus on underprivileged. The DSR position itself and South African sport as a unified force, ready to discharge its responsibility as a unifier, healer of wounds, creator of work opportunities, booster of national image, promoter of national health, consolidator of international ties, restorer of the culture of learning and teaching redeemer of the so-called marginalised youth (DSR White Paper, 1995:2).
The Department of Sport and Recreation aims to encourage an understanding that sport is a critical element in the value system of any society. Speaking in Parliament, Minister of Sport
Ngconde Balfour highlighted his concerns about the sloppy progress of transformation:
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“The impact of events such as Soccer and Cricket World Cups on the economy of our country should never be under-estimated. The time has arrived for us to re-assess the contribution which sport could have on the daily lives of ordinary South Africans. We have witnessed the unifying forces which sport exercised in our early democracy. We now need to exploit the economic and social advantages which sport can provide. It is true that we still experience cases of racism in sport, as we do in other spheres of life.” The challenge is how to address such prejudices. The
Minister and The Department of Sport and Recreation also took the lead last when in 1994 they hosted a national conference to address racism in sport. It is noteworthy that rugby in 1995 hosted their own indaba to address racism in rugby. It is an indication that South Africans are prepared and willing to face the challenges they encounter. There is no denying that vestiges of racism in sport still remain as a legacy of our past. There is a perception that among coaches, selectors and even players there is a reluctance to embrace transformation in sport and this is manifested in their approach especially to team selections. The Minister of Sport and Recreation made no qualms that blatant racism by small groups will be eradicated as there is absolutely no place for such individuals in sport.
The process of transformation in sport is on the roll and the burning issue of representivity in all our, teams, from provincial to international level, is rapidly being addressed with the commitment of our Federations (Briefing by the Minister of Sport and Recreation Ngconde Balfour, 2000).
Cricket is often used by the DSR to map the way forward for other sport codes to follow:
Our cricket administrators had the vision to take sport to the people in the township where virtually no opportunities to play the game existed. They initiated development programmes in communities which were not familiar with cricket. They launched programmes to promote cricket by involving top players who were households names on international cricket scene.
54 They harnessed the media to promote the cause of cricket and to establish credibility where it was lacking (SA Cricketer, 1995).
It does seem that the DSR on the one hand allowed sport Federations to be progressive and develop their own programmes and strategies when it came to the promotion and transformation of sport, but on the other hand they had to step in because the pace at which change was taking place was slow and without purpose.
The National Sports Council (NSC), is a statutory body under the guidance of the DRS has formulated a national sports policy and has drawn up a frame work for the development of sport.
According to the official accreditation of the NSC, the organisation positions itself between civil society and the state with the aim of making sport accessible to all South Africans. The NSC claimed to assume an interactive role with all organizations, the business sector and the
Government. NSC president Mluleki George highlighted two ways in which sport may contribute to the goals and objectives of national reconstruction and transformation.
Firstly, sport can contribute to the RDP with its nation building characteristics. George argues that sport is a vehicle for communications and mutual respect, and as a result is a great reconciler.
Secondly, sport may contribute to national transformation by enhancing South Africa’s status in the international arena.
In a Parliamentary Media Briefing of the 15 February 1999 Minister of Sport Mr S Tshwete went on record saying that the National Federations, particularly the selectors, continue to pay lip service to transformation in sport:
“My statements regarding the slowing down of the pace of transformation in some of our top sports convinced me that black magnanimity was being abused to perpetuate the status quo,
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hence my comment to the effect that I would not be supportive of single-race teams in future”
(Parliamentary Media Briefing, 1995).
This view substantiates the governments seriousness around transformation and an interactive relationship between grassroots and elite athletic developments. On one hand, by promoting sport at a grassroots level an increase in the pool of participation is encouraged, but on the other hand, there must be a conscious effort to develop and prepare the country’s elite sportsmen and women to compete successfully at international level. For it is these sportsmen and women who act as role models, encouraging further participation at grassroot level.
It is clear that government intervention into sport is both a form of legislative control, and a means for the manipulation of sport for political purposes. Tensions existed between the stated goals on the DSR’s sports development programme, and its actual implementation at a grassroots level. The tension exists in the discourse of promoting sport for the idealist goals of creating a healthy nation, and that of the discourse which reflects the need to promote sporting excellence in international competition.
4.3. The UCBSA Transformation Perspective
The moral duty, the cricketing reason and business forces that necessitate the UCB to drive cricket to the majority of the peoples of this country at all levels of the game (UCBSA, 2002).
The discourse of development as it is articulated by the national and provincial cricketing bodies may be considered through the analysis of the UCBSA’s development initiatives.
The UCBSA’s Development Programme is run from a centralized Development Directorate at the UCBSA headquarters under the management of Max Jordan. Jordan reports to the UCBSA
Executive through the CEO, Gerald Majola. The Development Directorate is responsible for the co-ordinating all aspects of the national development programme. This includes basic and
56 advanced coaching courses, administration courses, equipment, transport, facilities, tournaments, education bursaries, mini-cricket, international youth tours, and marketing. In an interview Jordan highlighted that the aim of the programme was to broaden the cricket base through development by redressing the imbalances of the past. He also added that there was a need to create centres of excellence that will help development players bridge the consequent gaps through intensive coaching and affirmative action.
The UCBSA’s policy had to be adopted and followed by all eleven provinces under its control and a strict code of conduct with regard to the development initiatives of the national body being administered amongst the all the provincial development schemes. Ali Bacher, who was the
Managing Director of the UCBSA in 1994, is on record as saying that cricket administrators had five year’s grace for their development programmes to show “tangible fruit, if they wanted cricket to survive in the next century” (The Star, 1994: p 6).
For the development programme to succeed the UCBSA had to make inroads into the area of coaching, reiterating that without proper coaching and training, the nursery of young cricketers will be severely limited. Huge sums of money and time went into the training of teachers and coaches for the purpose of improving the game and uplifting the standards at every level.
Since the inception of the development programme in 1991 hundreds of teachers and coaches were trained in the skills of cricket, however, cricket being a very technical game, it is extremely difficult to impart skills to teachers who had never played or experienced the game. The result is that children had to be transported to coaching clinics held outside the townships.
Anton Ferrera the Director of Coaching for the UCBSA in an interview, expressed concern about the level of coaching in all sectors of the cricket establishment. He said that the lack of quality players coming through the system can largely be attributed to inadequate coaching most
57
noticeable in government schools. Private boy’s schools have the advantage of being able to provide better coaching and facilities because of the resources available to them. He added that the development programmes obviously benefited for touring sides, as well as visits by key South
African national players. The benefits however are short term and did not have a phenomenal impact on the standard of cricket being played in the townships. He also felt that for the game to flourish in the townships a culture of cricket had to be established in the townships and nurtured for future generations to feed from.
A bursary scheme is established by the UCBSA for all coaches and young cricketers who had tremendous potential to grow as future prospects to feed the provincial and South African structures. Teachers were sent on administration courses to assist with the administration of the game within their communities.
The UCBSA being the mother body had the vision to make the development programmes part of the future growth of South African players who had potential, will be fast tracked through the established cricket system. Their aim is first to broaden the game in all communities and then consolidate by focusing on potential players through centres of excellence. The UCBSA’s drive was to try and create equal opportunities for all underprivileged youth and to lead South Africa in becoming a recognized force in world cricket (UCBSA, 2004).
When discussing the UCBSA goal with prominent officials and coaches the development programme often took a back seat when it came to the goals of provincial and national sides. If the ultimate goal was to create a force on the world stage within a limited time frame, then the transformation of the game would be less obvious and not a contentious issue.
The UCBSA’s drive to take cricket to the majority of the people as quoted from the ten thrusts in the beginning of this section may not have reached its ultimate goal because of a number of
58 reasons which will be highlighted in the chapter on the development. However, if not for the development programmes and transformation policies of the UCBSA black youths may have never had any vision or dream to represent their country.
In many underprivileged communities especially in the Indian and Coloured areas there is a strong culture of cricket unlike some of the black communities where the game is none existence.
The game had first had to be introduced, played and understood before a culture around the game could develop and this process could take years to be established. The bottom line is that a cricket culture could mean many things to many different people and it has not made a significant impact that could be recognised as a blue print of South African cricket. The game as it is rolled out to underprivileged communities by the UCBSA since unification has failed to make significant strides in establishing a national cricketing culture.
4.4. The Development Plan of the United Cricket Board
In many newspaper articles and TV programmes the development programme initiated by cricket was heralded to be a success story that other sporting codes should follow.
It has earned the respect of all communities in South Africa as well the international community; it has promoted greater contact and understanding between divided peoples, and it bodes well for long term future of South African cricket. Young players from disadvantage communities are playing cricket today as a direct result of coaching programmes and other initiatives under the banner of the development programme (UCBSA, 2004).
The development programme of the UCBSA did have long term impacts on the game especially contributing to the formation of cricket clubs and the efforts of the development managers is noteworthy in this regard, but the programme unfortunately did not reach the masses as envisaged. Even though there have been tremendous strides made in certain townships the
59
game itself is not embraced by all, as it is perceived as a game for the selected elite. For example in Soweto, Alexander and Kagiso only certain schools were targeted and youth that were in the proximity of the development initiatives only benefited from the national development programme the masses were not considered. In interviews with administrators they do accept the fact that the programme did not reach the masses, stressing that the lack of sponsorships, cricket facilities and most of all volunteers who had an understanding of the game and the coaching knowledge to impart to the youth. When questioned around these issues the officials became defensive and highlighted the successes of transformation in a number of provinces.
The transformation policy of the United Cricket Board of South Africa is aimed at making
South Africa a truly representative cricket nation of winners. The implementation of this policy is guided by the principals of accountability, transparency, cost effectiveness, productivity and achieving best value in delivery through commitment and good service. The Transformation process was to assist the UCBSA in managing change in its value system to keep abreast of current needs and was not about compensation, but about eliminating disparity and giving everyone equal opportunity (UCBSA,2002).
Their policy (2002) took into account the need to redress the imbalances created by South
Africa’s historical discriminatory past and acknowledges that among previously disadvantaged groups, there will be individuals that, by virtue of their race or gender, will have been worse disadvantaged than their counterparts. The transformation policy of the UCBSA was designed to correct these imbalances, and to create equal opportunities for all to compete on an equal basis. Transformation had to be based on sustainable development programmes that have buy- in from all cricket stakeholders, as opposed to a system that relies on punitive measures to compel representivity.
60 The UCBSA’s transformation policy (2001) is pro-active and result-driven, and is a conscious
effort to redress disadvantages of the past and to increase the representation of marginalised
groups at all levels of the game. This does seem like reverse discrimination, but is a process
based on South Africa making use of all the resources available to it. The process must be seen
as the ultimate management process in an environment that is made with so many cultural,
gender, ideological and other differences, but provides a foundation for the different human
resources initiatives such as transformation, mentoring, succession planning and capacity
building both on and off the field.
The UCBSA has accepted the principle of targeted transformation at all levels of the sport, with
implementation, monitoring and evaluating being internalised at provincial and national level.
Targets are set annually and Presidents and Provincial Chief Executive Officers are responsible
for the implementation, monitoring and evaluation of these targets. The National Chief
Executive Officer takes overall responsibility, reporting to the UCBSA,s General Council.
There is to be a strong commitment towards the development programmes, through targeted
transformation, aimed at the upliftment of the target groups to ensure that they become ready to
take up responsible positions within defined time frames. The transformation progress is
reviewed constantly against targets set in each discipline within the UCBSA, and the following
will be carefully monitored:
• Increase of Black participation at all levels of cricket
• Increase in Blacks in senior and decision-making positions on and off the field of play
• Higher retention rates for Blacks playing, coaching and administering cricket
• Increase of participation and spectator support for cricket in Black Communities
• Positive , visible, active support and commitment given to strategy by top management
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The targeted groups are black, women and the disabled and the term black referring to people of
African, coloured and Indian origin. It is also recognised that within this group black Africans were the worst historically disadvantaged, and advancement needs to be accelerated for this designated group. Representivity is a key transformation target, and this is about making sure that the UCBSA is inclusive to individuals across the demographic spectrum of South Africa at all post levels and team formations (UCBSA, 2003)
Team selection, in their transformation policy includes the following: where players have virtually equal potential, selectors should give preferential treatment to a player from a previously disadvantaged group to ensure representivity is achieved. Selection targets will also be set to ensure representivity in teams at all levels, and selection panels themselves will include their own representivity targets. Development and training will be the foundations of transformation, leading to representivity by properly equipped individuals from target groups. The majority of the
UCBSA,s funding will be used in this regard (UCBSA, 2002)
The UCBSA employment transformation policy is also aimed at the eliminating all forms of discrimination as well as the implementation of measures to accelerate the advancement of target groups both in the administration of the game and in the place of employment. They have adopted a structured approach to ensure the objectives of employing members of the target groups and transferring skills to them. Mentoring formed an important aspect of capacity building and specific time frames and objectives had to be achieved and negotiated before training started
(Roux, 1995).
Regular performance appraisals were conducted constructively and open and an honest assessment made of progress made was reviewed against original objectives. Managers were required to develop dynamic new attitudes and skills in order to become successful motivators of employees in the changing environment of the future and to ensure the success of equal
62 employment. The UCBSA also recognised that it must practically contribute to black economic empowerment by creating business opportunities and systematically award tenders to black- owned companies or to companies that incorporate shareholding to designated groups.
In formulating its transformation policies, the UCBSA has taken cognisance of the role that should be played by designated groups and those outside the designated groups. Members of designated groups shall be responsible for the following:
Be responsive to opportunities availed to them.
Apply initiative over their own human development.
Acknowledge that advancement is not automatic and therefore strive to meet the criteria for performance merits.
Members outside the designated groups shall:
Acknowledge that the past system of apartheid was unjust and unfairly discriminated against the designated groups.
Accept that the process of bringing the designated groups on board needs acceleration
Demonstrate commitment to the advancement of the policy through positive attitudes
The aim was to avoid “window dressing” which causes irreparable damage to interpersonal relationships within cricket as well as its objectives of producing winners. Their focus was on revising the training, coaching and development backlog of the disadvantaged, it was a long term remedial process that had to be understood by all. The UCBSA embarked on constant educational process as transformation was implemented.
An important aspect of the UCBSA’s transformation is helping to create new understandings and identities by empowering and recognising those people excluded from official histories and official cricket life under apartheid. This aspect of transformation is designed to break old historical stereotypes, re-image the past and shape dynamic new understandings across the board.
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There has been much progress in the last three years and several major histories have been produces or in preparation, including:
• A nationally - screened multi-million Rand, four-part television series
• An illustrated 375 page book, “More than a Game: History of the Western Province
Cricket Board 1959-1991” by Mogamad Allie
• The Kwa-Zulu Natal Cricket Union published “A Miscellany of Cricket in Natal”,
compiled by Krish Reddy in 1999 and following up with “History of Black Cricket in
KZN”, to be published by Natal University Press and produced by professional historians.
• The UCBSA has also sanctioned a two-volumed “Official History of South African Cricket
-1808-2002” under the editorship of Andre Odendaal, Krish Reddy and Christopher Merrit.
The UCBSA transformation policy was a transparent guideline and could be amended as
progress was made. It was based on five pillars:
• Setting representivity targets at all levels of the game
• Monitoring those targets internally and continuously
• Delivery of goals
• Evaluation of goals
• Communication and transparency
The first four pillars are dealt with by the setting of targets with the approval of the General
Council and through the collation and evaluation of data on a provincial and national basis each month. Communication and transparency has to take place through internal structures and all other relevant stakeholders, through brochures, briefings, seminars and the media. For the public
64 and the Government to appreciate and understand transformation in South African cricket it was vital to get a buy-in from internal structures and stakeholders (UCBSA, 2004).
The realities and challenges facing South African cricket are constantly changing and evolving and the UCBSA cannot claim to have arrived at its destiny, but rather remain dynamic and adaptive in its response to its changing reality.
In 2002 the UCBSA published a brochure outlining its strategic plan on transformation taking cricket into the future. The CEO of the UCBSA, Gerald Majola outlined his perspective on the strategic plan for the future:
The United Cricket Board of South Africa is embarking on a new era following its first 10 years of existence. The first period was marked by four main achievement:
The first being the implementation of a national development programme, the second was the return of South African teams to the international arena, the third was the emergence of players of colour into the national team and the fourth was the implementation by all stakeholders of the
National Transformation Charter
The first era was based on the principles of reconciliation and development, and these principles will remain as the foundations of this new era based on sound business principles and a return on investment in everything we do (UCBSA, 2002).
The time had come for South African cricket to ensure that transformation is focused on sustainable delivery, especially when it comes to redress and representivity. There is still lots of work to be done when it comes to black African representivity at all levels of the game and a new business plan may address primary issues such as delivery of achievable goals in the pursuit of excellence.
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4.4. The Contribution made by Bakers Mini Cricket
The Bakers Mini Cricket was initiated in 1983 by Dr Ali Bacher; the aim was to exposes as many youth possible to the game of cricket. It was a simpler form of the game with the sole purpose of children having fun. To encourage mass participation the game was modified using smaller bats, softer balls and the rules were changed so that everyone in the team had a chance to bat and bowl.
Bacher believed that this form of cricket will form the “cornerstone” of the development programme and encourage children form all walks of life to participate equally. In the Bakers
Mini Cricket Rule book Bacher writes: “Before unity, Bakers Mini Cricket was able to cross all barriers and the UCBSA’s Development Programme became the spearhead that ultimately led to
South Africa readmittance to international cricket”.
This concept of Mini Cricket sponsored by Bakers sparked a tremendous interest in this form of the game and thousands of teachers and coaches were trained in how to transfer the basic skills over to the leaner. The result was phenomenal and thousands of children under the age of nine were exposed to the game. The success rate was so great that even in 2006 Bakers remains the sponsors of Mini Cricket which also makes them one of the longest sponsors involved with cricket. The remarkable thing about Bakers Mini Cricket is that the majority of coachers are female teachers.
There were a number of festivals held in all corners of the Gauteng Province and one was privileged to attend most of them. What intrigued one the most was the mass participation and the interaction of black and white children all having fun. One also observed that there is a noticeable difference in the parent composition at the matches, as the support base came largely from the white parents.
66 When interviewing some of the black parents at the matches as to why there was so few of them to support there children – One is told things like:
“The black parents don’t understand the game and most of the children stay with the grandparents.
It is difficult and costly to get transport to the games in the suburbs because the taxies don’t go there”.
The white parents were there in numbers because they had to provide the transport to the matches and were compelled by the school to participate. The festivals one attended in Townships and in the suburbs the majority of children were black in the townships and vice verse in the suburbs.
Interviewing the black coaches on why there are so few white teams participating, their overwhelming response was: “White people don’t want to come to the township because they are afraid of blacks” and “They don’t want their children to mix with black children”
Interviewing white coaches on their lack of participation, their response was: “The parents are afraid to come into the township because of the crime we have not got a problem letting our children play against any race group provided the environment is safe”.
When interviewing the children on the field as to why they loved the game so much, they responded in the following way: “I love to play Baker Cricket because we always get biscuits at the end of the game, my teacher said it will help make friends, I want to be like Jonty Rodes and play for South Africa, we hit lots of sixes and fours and I can play with my friends”
The UCBSA and its provincial structures will always remain the custodians of cricket even though organisations and their sponsorship will always have an impact on the development of the game.
Even though Bakers has given many children a “sporting opportunity” the cold hard fact is that after the game young cricketers return home to fundamentally different socio-economic environments and realistically they may never meet in any other school activity again. One has to
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question crickets transformation policy in trying to address the imbalances of the past because in reality black and white cricketers are not equal both on an off the field.
Many of the administrators agree that Bakers Mini Cricket was the starting point of the development programmes and has been entrenched as a sports activity in many schools across the country. What is a gaping reality is that hundreds of teachers who are qualified Mini-Cricket coaches are no longer transferring the skills to the youth. When one probed the educators as to the reason why cricket is not flourishing in the townships one got a variety of reasons like “we are demotivated”, “there is no money”, “the children have no transport” and “lack of leadership’ were not uncommon in the different responses. They did acknowledge that cricket and its development initiatives has been instrumental in changing the face of the sport as well as the national side. One interviewee responded with “Look at Makaya Nitine he also played Bakers Mini-Cricket and he came from a farm, but he is only playing for South Africa because they sent him to a white school.
Our children in the township will not make it because they are not rich enough”. Bakers Mini- cricket can certainly be conceded to be an instrument in assisting the transformation process of
South African cricket, but cannot claim to have a miracle impact in readdressing the imbalances of the past.
4.5. MTN driving cricketing school
Like many organisation after unity MTN wanted to be associated with a sport that was better positioned to fulfil their marketing gap. Their aim was to create cricketing schools in the townships as well as sponsoring traditional cricketing schools like King Edward and St. Johns.
MTN sponsorship was National and to the tune of approximately one million rand per annum to each province.
Schools like Isacson Primary in Soweto and Dr. Knack in Alexandra to name but a few were identified as schools with potential to serve as the breeding grounds for future stars. Large sums
68 of money were invested into the development of facilities at these school. Teachers were trained and given the necessary coaching and administration skills. Full time coaches were appointed to the schools to assist with the development of the game at all levels. There had to be a commitment from the parents and principals to ensure the future growth of cricket at these schools. All transport, clothing with MTN branding, equipment and catering cost were taken care of by the sponsorship. For as long as the sponsorship existed young cricketers with potential were sent to these schools to increase the focus and specialisation of the sport. The cricketing fraternity widely acknowledged that this will become a nucleus from which possible provincial school boy cricketers will emerge and what was needed, was a concentrated effort focused on those young players from the townships who need assistance in bridging the gap between the white and black schools.
Through interviewing it became clear that some of the respondents offered the opinion that the development programme was only aimed at a selected few and that the masses were never targeted or given the opportunity for a better future. Others were less diplomatic, stressing the
UCBSA’s goal of only allowing a few schools to participate was to allow the cricket establishment to maintain white dominance of the game. It was clear that some officials were tired of the double standards practiced by the USBSA in the promotion and development of the game in enhancing their image on the international stage, but in reality black cricketers had a small part in this.
Many of the identified MTN cricketing schools developed remarkable and very soon they started competing with so called traditional cricketing schools. One was privileged to attend some of these matches and it was enlightening to witness how a different style of playing cricket was emerging from these schools. The philosophy behind the MTN initiative was explained by the sponsorship manager of MTN, Ali Naker: “The purpose of MTN creating cricketing schools was
69 not only to give children cricket opportunities, but to broaden their minds to a bigger and better
South Africa”.
It was noticeable to see the mixing and sharing of cultures on the field which reflected the wider tensions in the debates of the national reconstruction and transformation. Sadly all the commitment and effort that was put in creating these schools came to an abrupt end when the sponsorship was withdrawn. Many of these schools were not able to sustain the growth purely because of the lack of funds and gradually all cricket development came to an end at many of the schools in the townships. It should have been in the UCBSA’s best interest to find the funds to keep these schools going, but again it is clear that “development” was a secondary aim to the primary goal of achieving international excellence or was this just another concerted effort to cosmetically transform the game.
4.6. The Gauteng Cricket Boards Youth Programme
The youth programme wing of the GCB is located at the Wanderers Stadium and most visible at the offices are photos paying tribute to black and Indian cricketers who because of the past could not represent their province or their country. The offices are also filled with photographs of school boy teams and activities that occurred in the townships, the Queen of England’s visit to
Alexandra as well as branded advertising from sponsors. Fedsure was one of the main sponsors of the development programme of the Gauteng Cricket Board. They provided an annual sponsorship of R1, 000 000, and was acknowledged as one of the biggest provincial development sponsors in the country. The sponsorship provided the funding to assist the GCB in taking the game to the underprivileged communities in Gauteng. The sponsorship was used to provide transport, coaching, clothing, equipment and educational support to hundreds of aspiring cricketers from the township.
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Imtaz Patel the Development Manager at the time described his job as a vocation --- it is a job that has become a way of life for him and his staff. The programme can only be conducted out on the dusty playing fields of the townships. Patel’s vision is in line with that of the UCBSA’S to take the game to the underprivileged and produce provincial players at all levels the would eventually come through the system and represent their country. Patel said that “This will be a natural process once all the building blocks are in place”.
It was believed that by broadening the base an avalanche of not only black cricketers but also supporters will be produced. At this time there were no black cricket icons in the townships known to the youth that could assist in facilitating this process. To fast track the process white coaches were sent into the townships to help coach black cricketers compete at a competitive level. The result was positive in many instances, but gradually fizzled out as white coaches were reluctant to go into the townships because of the increasing crime. Children in the black townships did not understand English very well which made communication difficult. To address this problem there was a massive drive to coach young black players to become coaches. Harmony
Nichinga one of the coaches from the township added: “Our children now understand the game, talk the game and they play the game. Even though we can compete at every level we are still regarded as development players and coaches. White cricketers still have all the opportunities because they can pay for private coaching and have all the facilities at there disposal, our children still have to struggle to find a field.”
The Gauteng Cricket Board’s secondary goal was to build facilities in the underprivileged communities like Soweto, Kagiso and Alexandra. A number of cricket facilities were build to assist with the transformation of the game. What is still a concern is that a place like Alexandra
Township has one cricket facility in the community and just down the road a school like St.
Stithians has seven cricket fields for about 800 learners. This makes it extremely difficult to
71 understand how the transformation policies of the UCBSA will ever address the imbalances of the past.
It was soon discovered by the administrators that cricketers from the townships lacked the support from home. This was evident at matches were no parental support or the support of experienced cricketers who could guide and nurture this untapped source of talent. The GCB was instrumental in the introduction of a sports psychologist Dr Andre Roux who developed a mentoring programme for cricketers with potential to reach the top. The first mental work with cricketers players from disadvantage started in 1993, one of the most important issues being addressed by the development programme was the need to follow and influence the career paths of talented cricket players. The goal of such an effort would be to positively enhance the totality of the cricket player’s lives, not just in terms of their performances, but also in terms of other aspects such as academic achievements, family relations and emotional aspects of their existence (Roux,
1995).
The idea of “mentoring” was considered as a method to effectively care for these talented cricket players, who show tremendous talent and the willingness to learn on the one side, but also seem to be easily influenced by the negative factors of the sociological and psychological make-up of the disadvantaged area from which they came. Roux (1995) stated that mentoring was thought to be the answer and a means in which talented young players would get inspiration from seasoned pros as well as the motivation that is both immediate and long-lasting.
The ultimate objective was the intentional and carefully planned pairing of advantaged persons with a cricket player from a disadvantaged area with the common goal of helping the player from the disadvantaged area to grow and develop specific competencies. The mentor thus serves as an advisor, trusted friend, role model, reference, teacher and “ear”
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As a start, eight disadvantaged players who have shown talent and the potential were identified and tested to determine the totality of their needs, including physical, mental, security, emotional interpersonal, academic, economic and financial needs. Based on the skills and knowledge needed by each cricket player from the disadvantaged area, such cricket players who had the ability to be a mentor were identified by Ray Jennings who was the coach at the time.
Cricket players were also matched to other mentors regarding needs other than coaching, such as academic achievements and emotional needs. Mentors and cricket players were orientated regarding time commitments, counselling and guiding techniques, types of activities to involve players, relationship with players and their families, as well as reporting requirements.
Recognising that the young cricket players in the disadvantaged area is the future peak performer for his province and possibly his country, development of talented players through the mentoring programme was based on conceivable levels possible. The idea of the mentoring programme was to gather each cricket player, talented and devoted mentors, who will aid him in such a way that it increases his self-confidence and the likelihood of successful performance and behaviour. The programme was designed to give these cricketers the exposure to experiences that he would otherwise not receive by observing his mentors closely. It was deemed that by taking the mentoring programme to the cricket players from the disadvantaged area will allow for relationships to develop that are developmentally important to both player and mentor. In an interview Dr Andre Roux was asked how mentoring will have an impact on transformation, and his response was: “While the cricketer benefits from the encouragement and being boosted in self- confidence the mentor unselfishly interrupts his own ride to the stars so that he can become a greater contributor towards building a united country. We have brought about very personal encounters which has brought unity through different cultures and has engendered a sense of hope and pride.”
73 The Mentoring Programme, was the first of its kind in any South African sport and was thought to be the answer to bringing players of colour through the system. Hugh Page, who was nominated as a mentor to Welcome Plessie said: “I think I’ve learned more from my protégé than he from me. He has opened my eyes to the township life and just how much these kids need basic human warmth and support. For methe experience has brought a sense of warmth and a spirit of healing”.
Welcome Plessie said his life had been changed through his new relationship with Page and his family: “I was scared of white people, and I did not know how to overcome this. I have learnt to love and I have learnt that inside me I have the strength and ability to be a winner”.
The mentor, protégée relationship between Hugh Page and Welcome Plessie did blossom, it was similar to that of a father and son relationship and it eventually it lead to the adoption of Welcome by the Page family. Welcome did play school cricket and did represent Gauteng at a school level, but failed to make it at a higher level despite being presented with all the opportunities. What was extremely disappointing from a programme that was designed to assist with the transformation process was the lack of commitment from selected provincial players. Players like Nick Pothas,
Adam Bacher, Andrew Hall, Douglas Gain and Grant Elliot were too busy focusing on there own cricket careers and could not give the required detailed attention to their protégées.
The result of this lack of commitment was that the trust relationship was broken and from a black perspective it seemed that white players were not interested in bringing players of colour through the system. The relationships that the mentoring programme was supposed to create and foster amongst a selected few failed dismally. Dr Ali Bacher wrote a letter to the Chairman of the
Gauteng Cricket Board which read: We commend Gauteng Cricket for initiating a project which has enormous potential to create confidence, security and a life for scores and scores of young
South Africans emanating from the disadvantaged areas of our country.
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The failure of this potentially “life” changing programme was not because of the lack of effort that was put in from the Gauteng Cricket Board, but purely because of lack of commitment from both white and black mentors. Out of a total of fifteen talented players who were identified only two are playing senior provincial cricket, the rest have either given up the game or playing club cricket. At a Gauteng provincial match one was given the opportunity to interview Enock Nkwe on the effect the mentoring programme had on his life, his response was: “When the country changed it was as if white people were forced to help black people or this is how it felt to me. The mentoring programme was good when it was launched, but my mentor left for another province and I was on my own. I was lucky to receive a bursary from St. Stithians and the Gauteng Cricket
Board so I had a good education and I played the game at all levels. It was not because of my mentor that I am playing provincial cricket it was hard word, sheer determination and the quality coaching I received on my sporting road. I must agree that if I had stayed in Soweto and schooled there I may not have made it”.
The mentoring programme does not exist at the Gauteng Cricket Board today, and is a boat that has been sadly missed. The outcome of this programme in many instances was more damaging to the minds of potentially good players. The socio-economic parameters such as education and living conditions all had an impact on the mentoring programme---but to argue that this programme would assist in eliminating social discrepancies is short sighted and disillusional. No matter how the mentoring was designed the diverse social and economic worlds of cricketers from the townships do not and will not make them equal. In reality a black and a white cricketer are very different from one another.
75 5.6. The Bursary Programme of Gauteng Cricket
The cricket administrators realised that one of the ways to fast track black cricketers was to send them to schools where they would play cricket on a regular basis and receive quality coaching and education. The Gauteng Cricket together with the United Cricket Board and sponsors like MTN,
Standard Bank and a number of schools and private individuals all contributed financially towards the bursary programme. Talented cricketers were identified from the townships and were sent to schools like St. Stithians, St. Johns, Parktown Boys, Jeppie Boys, St Davids and the Ridge.
These traditional cricket playing schools had the cricket facilities and were well funded to provide superior coaching. It seemed that the objective of the bursary was not only to allow for the development of cricket skills, but also an introduction to the culture and traditions of cricket as it is reflected by the cricket establishments. It could argue that a bursary to St. Johns or King
Edward only pushes a talented young black cricketer into the social world of the white cricket order, with the hope that these players appropriate and adopt the traditions and values that exists in these schools. Rather than allowing a different culture of cricket to emerge from below, one can only assume that there seems to be influences from above which is determining the new cricket order. It does seem that true transformation is shallow and without meaning as the creation of a new cricket identity based on township style of play is non existent and the old styles of play, values and disciplines associated with the traditional white game of cricket are still very dominant.
The bursary programme of the GCB was not without its problems, young cricketers were identified purely on their cricket ability and without any other social or psychological evaluation.
The result was that black cricket players would fail or have discipline problems, one case in particular is that of Reggie Seane who was taken out of Kagiso and put in St. Johns. The teachers of the school really did wonders to get Reggie up to speed with his academics. The problem was
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that his peers were extremely wealthy and Reggie came from extreme poverty and adjusting to his new environment was difficult. It became so evident when he was too embarrassed to bring his parents to school because they had to come by taxi and his peers parents all had upmarket cars.
The pressure caused Reggie to steal and he was expelled. The sad part was that he could not readjust back into his township environment and he became a dropout. The cricket administrators did nothing to rescue the situation and eventually Reggie was lost to the game. At an interview with Reggie it was asked of him why did he let an opportunity like this slip by and his response was: “I messed up, and it is an opportunity I will never get again. The school was great and I loved being part of the cricket team because I shone for my team and it made me proud. I did not get any support from home and it was hard going it on my own. All I needed was support and I would have made it.”
To argue that the bursary programme made a real impact on transformation of the game may be short sighted and narrow minded. Young cricketers on bursary programmes did get a better education, but it did not necessary make them better cricketers and maybe one day they would contribute to the game in some form or another.
4.7. The challenges at the coal face of the game
The game of cricket was allowed to spread as sponsorship became available and it was thought that once the game was established in a township it would continue to grow and flourish. In
Kagiso a cricket oval was built by the Gauteng Cricket Board with funds from the United Cricket
Board and other sponsors. There was no club-house only nets and two artro cricket pitches which was intensively utilised and not enough to accommodate the cricket explosion. The result was that many potential cricketers gave up the game and schools who played the game had to travel out at huge expense. The game is still played in Kagiso today and they have an established cricket
77 club that plays in the Premier League of the GCB. Kagiso with a non-existent cricket culture ten years ago has developed the game to such an extent through the commitment of individuals and the GCB coaches. The disappointing part is that for such a large community there is only one cricket facility and only one cricket club which would like to expand, but don’t not have the facilities or the finance to grow. Surely the UCBSA in its endeavours to redress the imbalances of the past and to ensure that cricket grows and flourishes amongst the truly disadvantaged has not succeeded in many aspect of its own policy.
The shanty town of Alexandra was also given a cricket oval build on a rubbish dump with the assistance of the British Government, Murray and Roberts and the Alex All Sport Congress. This is also the only cricket field in the community and they too only have one club as a result of the shortage of fields. The Alexandra Cricket club was linked to the Wanderers Cricket club in the hope that the merger will help develop and assist the players from the township to grow with the assistance of the Wanderers coaches. The two clubs were worlds apart and the elements of trust between the two were non existent. The Alex boys did not believe that the Wanderers Club players were committed to the cause because they often refused to come to the township. When black players, played for the Wanderers Club they were always asked to bat in the last three positions or if the were bowlers they were never given there full complement. One player in particular is the late Walter Masemola who was raised in the township and earmarked as a player with enormous potential. He was asked to play for the Wanderers Club, but it turned out to have disastrous consequences, Walter failed to pitch up for the games. It was later discovered that he did not pitch up because he did not want to play, but he was absolutely terrified of white people.
He was also not made to feel welcome and being the only black player in a traditional white establishment did not do any wonders for his confidence. This young cricketer was on the brink
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of failure if it was not for the assistance of Dr Bacher who took him out of the club and asked the
GCB to offer him part time employment.
The result was amazing Walter grew as a player and eventually played for the Gauteng Cricket
Boards Provencal team. His game improved to such an extent that he was asked to play in
England. If it was not for his untimely death Walter Masemola might have played at the highest level. Today Alexandra cricket club is still a black club from a township and the Wanderers club is a white club with no black players. The distinction between rich and poor, black and white were blatant even though the effort of the GCB were noble, but I don’t think it was properly thought through because the white players did not understand what transformation really meant.
The end result was that the merger was a disaster and there was more hurt done than good. The bottom line is that development players are still experiencing problems with transport, social problems, difficulties with self esteem and fitting in with the more established white players from prestigious and wealthy clubs throughout Johannesburg.
Most of the GCB cricket development efforts were concentrated in Soweto the reason for this was that it was one of the biggest townships with a rich political and sport history. Soweto was also seen to be at the forefront of the struggle and an internationally recognised name. The Elkah
Stadium in Rockville, was build and became the home of the Soweto Cricket Club under the guidance and leadership of the late Kaha Majola. This facility became the hub of all cricket activities in the township and international stars as well as international teams played at this venue. At any given time you would find young enthusiastic cricketers playing or practicing this venue. The club house at Elkah is full of cricket history, which includes their tour of England and other cricket legends that have visited the area.
79 One had the privileged to attend a game at Elkah Stadium between Australia and a Gauteng invitation side. The Gauteng team had included in there team a black player by the name of
Johnson Mafa who was a quick bowler and was a good prospect for future growth and development. The stadium was filled with spectators from the local community and school children who came to see there hero play against one of the best teams in the world. There were food vendors everywhere and the vibe was very different than a normal traditional cricket match.
Johnson played very well and justified his selection in the Gauteng team his mother was sitting near to me remarked to me in conversation: “My boy has been given an opportunity that he will never forget for the rest of his life. I don’t understand this game and I never new that he was so good and so may people look up to him. When Johnson told me he was going to cricket all that was important to me is that he was safe and cricket would look after him.”
Johnson Mafa stared playing the game in 1986 when the game was first introduced into the township. He was part of a handful of players who managed to reach Senior Provincial level and was given all kinds of opportunities in the hope of seeing the first black come through the system and play for their country. Johnson who was great find, went from playing provincial cricket to playing club cricket. One ask Johnson to shed some light on the subject of his performance and he replied by saying “It is very difficult at provincial level, and for a black player it is made even more difficult. You are always questioning your ability because your team mates make remarks that you are only in the team because of your colour. As a black player the demands are even greater to perform and I lost the passion for the game because I was never made to feel welcome.
I play cricket for the Soweto Cricket Club were I am appreciated and I can enjoy the game.”
Of the black players one was able to interview, the general feeling was that they were being used and not given a fair opportunity like some of their white team mates. Most of the black player
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agreed that it was good to create role models in the townships for the promotion of the game as well boosting the confidence amongst black players.
4.8 Analysis of the sample interviewed
When examining the effects of transformation on cricket in particular, it is important to bear in mind that people’s knowledge in respect of this subject may differ vastly. This is so because of several factors, such as race, knowledge of the subject, age social economic circumstances and perceptions. Such influences had to be considered in this study as influences of this nature have an influence on people’s attitude towards transformation.
The questions contained in the questionnaire were largely open-ended, but easy to understand.
The questions were not of a sensitive nature and the respondents were not afraid for there names to be used. For the purpose of this study a convenience sample is used, namely primary and high school pupils, parents of cricketers, coaches, administrators and club chairpersons as indicated in
Figure 4.8.1 A convenience sample for qualitative purpose is non-random and was selected because it was practical (Mc Cracken, 1989)
The following questions were selected from the questionnaire and analysed in the following manner:
A 1. Has the development programme made an impact on cricket since unification.
A 2. Did the development programme designed by the United Cricket Board of South Africa influence the transformation process.
A 3. Do you think “quotas” are necessary in cricket.
A 4. Do you think that the United Cricket Board of South Africa has or has not met the transformation requirements.
81 A 5. Has the transformation strategy of the United Cricket Board succeeded in transforming the game.
The reason for only selecting the following question from the questionnaire is purely because it could be quantified as advised by Statkon.
The following values were allocated to the respondents answers:
1. Is allocated to a positive response.
2. Is allocated to a negative response.
3. Is allocated if there was no response to the question.
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4.8.1 Analysis of people interviewed
Name Surname Level Race A1 A2 A3 A4 A5 1 Graham Davids Primary school White 1 1 2 1 2 2 Kevin Renecke Primary school Coloured 1 1 1 1 2 3 Justin Carrolus Primary school Coloured 2 1 1 1 2 4 Mohamed Patel Primary school Indian 2 2 1 1 2 5 Sipo Gumede Primary school Black 1 2 1 2 2 6 Pat Night Primary school White 1 1 2 1 2 7 Lawrence Moletsane Primary school Black 1 2 1 2 2 8 Ian Sim High school White 1 1 2 1 1 9 Lee Naidoo High school Indian 2 2 2 2 1 10 Sam Ndlovu High school Black 2 2 1 1 2 11 Mark De Kock High school Coloured 1 2 2 2 2 12 Lynn Eales High school White 1 1 1 1 1 13 James Wilson High school White 1 1 1 1 2 14 Reg Hammond High school Coloured 1 2 2 2 1 15 Wane Brockway Parent White 1 1 1 1 2 16 Richard Hulley Parent of cricket Coloured 2 2 2 2 2 17 Simon Kandu-lelu Parent of cricket Black 2 2 1 2 2 18 Tim Moja Parent of cricket Black 2 2 1 2 2 19 Brian White Parent of cricket White 1 1 2 2 2 20 Kim Roberts Parent of cricket Coloured 1 2 1 1 2 21 Imoraan Hansen Parent of cricket Indian 2 1 1 1 2 22 Steven Parsseramen Coach White 1 2 1 2 1 23 Harmony Natsinga Coach Black 1 2 1 1 1 24 Wim Jansen Coach White 1 1 2 1 2 25 Marcus Mogarie Coach Black 1 1 1 1 2 26 Fazel Kimie Coach Coloured 1 1 1 1 2 27 James Carrolus Coach Coloured 1 1 1 1 2 28 Ebrahim Boomgaard Coach Indian 1 1 1 2 2 29 Max Jordan Administrator Coloured 1 1 1 2 2 30 Faud Wagie Administrator Coloured 1 1 1 2 2 31 Jay Naidoo Administrator Indian 1 1 1 2 2 32 Niels Momberg Administrator White 1 1 1 2 2 33 Mohamed Gahanchie Administrator Indian 1 1 1 2 2 34 Jeremy Frederic's Administrator Coloured 1 1 1 2 2 35 Nabiel Deen Administrator Indian 1 1 1 2 2 36 Ian Smith Administrator White 1 1 2 1 2 37 Ben Rahempela Club chairperson Black 1 1 1 2 2 38 Andrew Carstens Club chairperson White 1 1 2 1 2 39 John Prim Club chairperson White 1 1 2 1 2 40 Yuness Jajbay Club chairperson Indian 1 1 1 2 2 41 Lewis Mogali Club chairperson Black 2 2 1 2 2 42 Andrew Mentor Club chairperson Coloured 2 2 1 2 2
The information obtained from Figure 4.8.1 was then further analysed by means of a bar graphs as shown in Figure 4.8.2.
83 Figure 4.8.2 Graph depicting the results to the first question
Has the development programme made an impact on cricket since unification
80 70 60 50 40 30 Percentage 20 10 0 Negative Positive
In response to the question, has the development programme made an impact on cricket since unification? 76% agreed that the development programme did make an impact on unification. On the other hand 24% felt that the development programme did not make an impact. The negative response came largely from the black people interviewed as they felt aggrieved that the process was slow and they felt they were still being marginalised. The primary school pupils interviewed who were between twelve and thirteen years old, five out of the seven agreed that the programme did make a difference. The primary school pupils who responded positively to this question clearly were only interested in playing and colour did not make a difference. The primary school pupils who responded negatively, there was a definite parental influenced and they had been a product of the development programme. The high school pupils responded more maturely to the question and the majority were positive with what was happening al all levels of the game.
All the coaches agreed that the programme did have an impact since unification, and their response can be attributed to their direct involvement with cricketers at all levels. The majority of the parents felt that the development programme did very little for there children and unification. This may be attributed to their perceptions and what they read in the media. The majority of the clubs were very positive about the programme because of the equal opportunities afforded to all players.
84 Figure 4.8.3 Graph depicting the results to the second question
Did the dvelopment programmes designed by the United Cricket Board of South Africa influence the transformation process
70 60 50 40 30
Percentage 20 10 0 Negative Positive
In response to the second question 64% indicated the development programmes did influence the transformation process. The 64% was mainly made up of coaches, administrators and club chairman’s who have been involve in the game since unification and who could bear testimony to what was happening at grass root level. The 36% who felt that the development programme had no influence on the transformation process were mainly made up of school players who said they could not see the masses of black cricketers as written about in the media and proclaimed by the United
Cricket Board.
Once again did the majority of black parents did not feel the development programmes influenced the transformation process. They felt that there children were still getting inferior coaching and that facilities in the townships were few and far between. Their negative response could be attributed to expectations and empty promises of equal opportunity form the government and the United Cricket
Board of South Africa. They were also disgruntled at the rate of transformation and saw the development programme as promoting separate development because you still had all black teams coming from the townships.
85
Figure 4.8.4 Graph depicting the results to the third question
Do you think"quotas" are necessary in cricket
80 70 60 50 40 30 Percentage 20 10 0 Negative Positive
A total of 71% felt that quotas were necessary, this is strongly emphasised by mostly the black people interviewed. Understandably so because what they are witnessing is still a white majority filling most of the place in provincial and national teams at all levels. Amongst the administrators they strongly felt that if it was not for quotas very few position of authority would have been made available to black people.
Out of all the primary school pupils interviewed mainly the white players thought they also needed a place in the team and that was the reason for the “quotas” Only 29% of the sample felt that
“quotas” should no longer be an issue when it comes to the selection of teams. The reason for doing away with quotas is that the team should be selected on ability and talent and not on emotion and politics. If the positive percentage is so high the one has to ask the question as to why the United
Cricket Board made the decision to scrap “quotas” when they are still applying it very discretely.
86 Figure 4.8.5 Graph depicting the results to the fourth question
Do you think that the United cricket board has or has not met the transformation requirements of the govement
53 52 51 50 49 48
Precentage 47 46 45 Negative Positive
The response to question four was very close, 52 % felt that the United Cricket Board did not meet the requirements as stipulated by the government while 48% felt that they have met the requirements and gone beyond the basic requirements. This is may be true in a way as there are players of colour coming through the ranks, but one of the requirements by government was to take the game to the masses and this has not materialised. The majority of coaches, administrators and parents felt that the United Cricket Board of South Africa did not comply with all aspects of the governments requirements relating to transformation and that in many respects failed the people it was designed to promote.
The majority of school pupils felt that the United Cricket Board of South Africa did fulfil it objective and that is the reason for the one or two players of colour in there teams.
87
Figure 4.8.6 Graph depicting the results to the last question
Has the transformation strategy of the United Cricket Board of South Africa succeeded with its objectives in transforming the game
90 80 70 60 50 40 30 Percentage 20 10 0 Negative Positive
To the last question there was an overwhelming response of 86% who said that the United Cricket
Board failed with it strategy to transform the game. It was felt that the majority of facilities still exist in white areas and schools, white clubs are still in majority and there has not been a cross pollination of both black and white players from club. School cricket was still dominated by the boys schools and almost all school provincial players received private coaching at huge costs. It was a concern coming from the coaches and administrators who were directly involved with the game saying that the United Board of South Africa failed as they too must have a influence on the outcome of transformation. It must also be said that many of the parents and pupils did not know what the strategy of the United Cricket Board is.
It must be said judging from the results of the interviews that South African sport and in particular cricket has a long road to walk before we can see the true meaning of transformation achievement especially when the playing fields are still not equal.
88 4.9 Summary
From both the Government and UCBSA perspective the aim was the promotion of sport for the
idealistic goals of creating a healthy nation, but there was also a need to promote sporting
excellence in international competition. In other words, the policy framework of transformation in
sport and creating opportunities where sport is accessible to all South Africans appears to be fancy
rhetoric. The true aims of the Government and the UCBSA are in the promotion of sporting
excellence at the pinnacle of the sporting pyramid in South Africa. As a result, it can be argued
that the transformation of South African sporting codes rests on a handful of select athletes and
sport teams. Thus sport has been manipulated for a very specific political purpose: one that uses
sport for the legitimising of the “new” South African nation, and not one that promotes “nation –
building” through the transformation of the sport.
The National Vision Conference of November 1998 was a watershed event in the history of the
UCBSA. It was widely acclaimed as the start of real unity amongst all stakeholders in cricket.
Since then there has been a significant change in the sentiments, perspectives and aspirations of all
stakeholders in cricket. In 2002 all the stakeholders involved in the game adopted a theme called
“Operation Teamwork” to give expression to the new mood that existed within the cricket
structures. According to the Gerald Majola all past divisions have been dealt with and the
UCBSA had to be focused on an efficient business model that will provide financial sustainability.
The UCBSA continues to harness the development programmes and ensuring that they have a
unifying transformation message that will have sustainable initiatives that will leave behind a
lasting legacy.
They realised that cricket would not survive into the future or even hope for success, excellence or
sustainability without a conscious and effective process of capacity building. The General
Council approved a holistic human resource and player fast track development programme that is
89
designed at all levels to improve utilization of skills and optimise delivery. All unions were corporatised to ensure a business orientation to cricket administration and to adopt a clear policy framework for use by all the Boards to comply with corporate governance.
Even though the UCBSA and all its affiliated have wonderful visions and aspirations for the future of cricket in South Africa the bottom line is that it is going to take more than just the efforts of the UCB it will have to have the financial support and backing of Government. The desire to create a top cricketing nation fundamentally informs the direction of cricket development in South
Africa. If the UCBSA outlined its goals of creating a top cricketing nation, and clarified that goal within a time frame, the tension between developing the game for international dominance, and that of developing the game in true spirit of reconstruction and transformation would be less obvious and less of an irony.
Of course, the constitutional pledge of the UCBSA, as quoted in chapter two, highlights the biggest irony of all. The game of cricket was taken by the UCBSA to the townships: there is no myth of organic emergence which needs to be disputed here. However, cricket as a game played by South Africa’s black youth would not have drawn the numbers it generates today if the
UCBSA had not implemented its development programmes. A handful of black youths may have aspired to play the game, even practised in the streets. But their “natural” progression into that game would have been grounded in their introduction to cricket by their fathers and grandfathers.
Thus the natural progression of cricket as is constantly emphasised by the UCBSA, must be considered alongside the deliberate and conscious effort of the UCBSA to introduce the game to black youths in essence, an artificial creation of a cricket culture has produced a myth that culture having always existed.
90
Chapter 5
Conclusion
91 Chapter Five
Conclusion
The concluding chapter of this dissertation brings together the empirical data, the political consideration of sport and the analysis of transformation in cricket South Africa. The question posed is precisely the one that must be dealt with in this concluding part of has transformation made an impact on South African Cricket, as it touches the very essence of the whole debate about cricket and the change in South Africa.
For one to get a holistic comprehension of the reconstruction of South African cricket one has to understand the significance of the development initiatives and their impact it made in assisting the transformation process. Despite the tremendous efforts to level the playing fields through scattered development programmes, the harsh reality is the vast discrepancies between the various race groups will continue to define the outcome of South African Cricket.
The word cricket conjures up images of gentle skill punctuated by dynamic brilliance, of the village green and white flannels with the sun shining down lazily, of timelessness, and above all, dignity. The …phrase it’s not cricket indicates that it is fair-mindedness, a broad approach, and tolerance that have come to be synonymous with the game (Hain, 1971: 74)
The development programmes in a way have played a significant part in the cultivation of a new era in the history of South African cricket, transforming the racial demographics of the game and spreading the game. But the redefinition of the game is inhibited by the fact that the white cricket’s cultural symbolism has remained imbedded in the “new” game. In essence, cricket, cricket development’s discourse of racial equality and fair-mindedness is blocked by the emergence of a new discourse that perpetuates the values of the cricketing elite. In the attempt to transform the game and develop a new cricket culture, that is non-racial, and represents the
92
demographics of South Africa the development programmes seemed to bring about cosmetic changes that failed to revolutionise the game.
Cricket as one has come to know today is in fact not associated with the village green, but instead with the urban society, commerce and political patronage (Marqusee, 1995: 54), has allowed for a cult of development to emerge in South African cricketing establishments. While there is no denying the significant roads which the UCBSA has made in the upliftment and upgrading of facilities, one wonders about the initial motives of promoting the game in the townships.
In the current South African context the debates around cricket ‘cultures’, transformation, quotas, merit and excellence all betray the still unhealthy dependence on old attitudes and assumptions.
Many former cricketers, like Ray Jennings, continue to talk unquestioningly about blacks not having a cricket culture and of whites being victimised and turned into modern-day
D’Oliveiras by cricket transformation. Our ex-captain and world – class all-rounder, Shaun
Pollock, talk without a hint of irony of the ‘cricket culture’ that blacks have to learn before they can progress properly. The point they never considered is that South African cricket culture has been built on the foundations of extreme prejudice and notions of cultural superiority and it is, therefore, they who perhaps have to learn a new cricket culture and a way of doing things.
For many, cricket transformation and changes to redress the inequalities of the past automatically go with the assumptions that it is anti-merit or a system that excludes excellence. Even if transformation at its heart is about moving forward from a race- based system where people were excluded merely because of their colour to one which maximises excellence, this discourse immediately pigeonholes it as being ‘unfair’ and patently promoting mediocrity.
When former stars like Clive Rice, Pat Symcox, Fanie de Villiers and Kepler Wessels call for
‘experts’, or former test players to take over, it effectively implies a perpetuation of the old ways.
93 They bolster the old arguments that divisions existed because black people were not interested in the game or were not suited to it psychologically, emotionally and physically.
When Clive Rice rails against ‘quotas’ and suggests cricket should break away from the United
Cricket Board, his own comfortable career in a whites-only quota set-up is conveniently ignored.
As former English professional Peter Rosebuck put it during the Ontong affair in Australia in
2002, it was not appropriate for white South Africans to be ‘trotting out the old mantras about choosing sides on their merit’
Historical illiteracy and amnesia underlines another variant of the old apartheid myths: the past is the past and the playing fields are now equal, so what is the fuss about? Many young players who we take as our role models would agree with the national captain Graeme Smith, who stated without any self-doubt at the national cricket indaba at Kievietskroon in 2002: “We are young.
These things happened before our time. We don’t want to carry around baggage of the passed.
We recognise people just as cricketers” While this has always been the end goal of the non-racial sports struggle – and it is good to see how racial and generations attitudes have changed, but the reality is that the past is still very much with us and it will take a long time before we see the light.
A whole mentality lies behind the opposition to cricket and the broader transformation and the inability to see that the negative impact of the passed needs to be addressed actively rather than ignored wished away or rubbished.
It is time to acknowledge that the old white cricket establishment has a deeply racist inheritance and people complain at a drop of a hat on the right wing of the cricket spectrum and who thrived under the old system that would do well to recognise the mistakes of the passed before criticising the new dispensation in cricket. There are many well-meaning cricketers across the racial spectrum that have moved with the times, but old attitudes still unhealthily permeate South
94
African cricket, muddling debates and holding back the transformation process aimed at redressing the historical inequalities in the process.
Daphne Moloi of Germiston underline the growing support for the game amongst all sectors of the population. He said ‘Being a black man in South Africa I always thought cricket was for whites; the even play for five days wearing white cloths! ’But, he continued, he had discovered that cricket was actually a very nice game, and it was painful to be kicked out of the World Cup’.
Transformation in cricket, and the processes of reconstruction in the public arena of sport, provides a vehicle through which we can assess the wider process of transformation, “nation building” and the development of a South African society. The myth of the political autonomy is challenged by the politicisation of cricket development programmes for nation building purposes.
The myth of the cricket game – as a “gentle drama played out on an eternal village green… a realm beyond history and politics” (Marqusee, 1994: 5) – is countered by the political manipulation of the game, and its cultural and ideological discourse, for nationalist goals and the reconstruction of a national cricketing code.
Sport remains a political institution and the analysis of the historical and contempory contexts of
South African sport – and in particular, cricket – has shown the extent to which the historical legacy of apartheid controlled sport in the attempt to reconstruct South African sport. Sport provides new expressions of nationalism through the choice or invention of nationally specific sports (Hobsbawn & Ranger, 1983). Thus the “National Transformation Charter” of South
African cricket is arguably an attempt to unite white and black cricketers, and address the problem of merit selection as opposed to any affirmative action that may be applied to create a representative national side.
The reconstruction of nationalism is based around a new ideology of non-racial and representative cricket rests in two key areas. One is the minds of youngsters who play the game,
95 and who accept the route to national excellence and cricketing prestige begins with in the honouring of codes of play both on and off the field. The other, is the imposition of a nationalist testament by sports administrators and politicians – in effect, the construction is masterminded from above. However, against the efforts of the United Cricket Board of South Africa there are the selectors at all levels of the game that will block the natural progression of emerging black cricketers into the ranks of provincial competition, deeming their style and technique are inadequate and limited. Thus, the creation of a nationalist identity from above must be viewed as a construction that remains firmly rooted in the hands of those who control the game – both financially, and bureaucratically.
The game of cricket may arguably be viewed as one of understanding the broader picture of
South African transformation, the success of both cricket development initiatives and the performance of the national cricket team may be considered as the bench-marks of a renewed nationalist sentiment and optimism. The articulation of a new ideology of development is a part of the structure of a nation undergoing major social and political transformation. However, the discourse of development has been reconstructed to become a new dominant discourse that still fails to reach those it aims to assist. In essence then, the discourse remains just that: a discourse with very little chance of being translated into an ideology. The efforts of the state and cricket’s administrative bodies to articulate the ultimate triumph of a new national sporting culture, is potentially a source of unity and solidarity. In reality however, it is also a potential source for the establishment for a new myth of equality: that is, the notion of a level playing field that masks a new hierarchical order.
The evangelism of cricket development is reflected in the rhetoric of “playing together, working together”. The reality is somewhat different. “Playing together” does not provide the grounding to build a nation. A “new” and invented nationalist cricket culture has not emerged from the
96
remnants of the social reality of apartheid-controlled cricket. The social order of apartheid remains, and determines the cultural and ideological “baggage” brought onto the cricket field.
Thus, the findings point to an unfortunate situation: the “democratisation” and “transformation” of South African cricket is incomplete. Instead the venture of cricket development is merely an articulation of the old cultural forms of cricket, imposed on a newly created national identity.
Being involved in the game for many years it has become apparent that transformation has in certain instance contributed the where South African cricket is today, and in other aspects it has failed dismally. It is unfortunate that the transformation if often seen as the exclusion of white players if favour of black domination resulting in classes between the old and the new dispensations. It does appear that the future of South African cricket will look a great deal like the past and the uncertainty rests in the number of black faces that will represent the nation at provincial and international level. It is clear and indeed ironic that the white cricketing establishments has weathered political transformation, becoming the apologist for sporting segregation, but in the same vain has become the critics of transformation whilst still retaining its position of power.
For many township players the development programme ignored the real issues at hand and has not led to a radical transformation of the game. The development programmes has made significant into the reconstruction of South African sport, but have yet to fundamentally transform the nature of South African cricket. In the last few years there has been some contestation in cricket about the most appropriate transformation philosophies and policies for the future, but the dominant position is still firmly non-racial and inclusive. Whether or not this tradition maintains itself will be one of the questions resolved in future debates within the new black leadership in cricket. The outcome will be influenced by trends within the broader movement for change, particularly in the governing ANC.
97 Regardless of differing strategic views, transformation, which aims to redress the historic marginalisation of black and African cricketers, will remain the focal point of the UCB’S vision for the future. The broad socio-economic inequalities arising from apartheid will take generations to eliminate, and cricket needs to remain an active agent for change, by continuing to provide high level coaching opportunities, encouraging school participation at all levels, providing facilities, and generate the funding for sustainable development or it will stagnate.
Nevertheless, it is inescapable that huge progress has been made in making cricket a national game. Opinion surveys have shown that it is now the second most popular sport in the new
South Africa. The latest Markinor survey also reveals that cricket is the only sport enjoyed equally by men and women readers. City Press, a Sunday newspaper with predominantly black readers, said in an editorial,”…. Cricket has become our pride and one of the fastest growing sports in the country. What makes more unique that it cuts across all racial lines. ” The newspaper commented that there would inevitable be questions. The most important thing now, however is to look to the future and stop the perpetual moaning.
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103 Annexure A
This questionnaire has been designed to assist with the research on cricket transformation in fulfilment of a masters degree in business administration.
Question 1
Has the development programme made an impact on cricket since unification?
Question 2
Did the development programmes designed by the UCBSA influence the transformation process?
Question 3
Did corporate sponsorships make a significant difference to the development of the game?
Question 4
Did corporate sponsorship in any way influence the transformation process?
Question 5
Who is your favourite national cricket player?
Question 6
Why do you or don’t you support the national team?
Question 7
Do you think “quotas” are necessary in cricket selection?
Question 8
Why do you think the current selection process is fair?
Question 9
Do you think that the UCBSA has or has not met the transformation requirements of the government?
Question 10
Has the transformation strategy of the UCBSA succeeded with its objectives in transforming the game?
104
Question 11
Do you feel that cricket has improved for disadvantage communities since transformation?
Question 12
Has a new cricket culture with different norms and values emerged as a result of unification?
105