European Employment Law Update 2020
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Statement by Denmark on Behalf of Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Denmark
Statement by Denmark on behalf of Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden and Denmark 75th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations Debate in the General Assembly Agenda item 74: Report of the International Court of Justice Delivered by: Counsellor Rasmus Jensen, Denmark New York 2 November 2020 Check against delivery E-mail: [email protected] http://fnnewyork.um.dk 1 M(r/s) Chair, I have the honour to speak on behalf of Finland, , Iceland, Norway, Sweden - and my own country - Denmark. The Nordic countries would like to thank the President of the International Court of Justice for his report on the Court’s work over the past year (A/75/4) and for his presentation today. The big amount of cases indicate the trust and confidence States place in the Court by referring disputes to it for resolution. The Nordic countries would in particular like to note the case filed by The Gambia against Myanmar regarding application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, where the Court indicated provisional measures on January 23rd. In addition to being important for the gravity of the issues The Gambia’s application seeks to address, the case is also an opportunity for the Court to develop its jurisprudence regarding obligations erga omnes and erga omnes partes. All States parties share an interest in compliance with the obligations under the Genocide Convention by all States parties. We applaud the Court and its personnel for continuing to discharge its judicial functions as described by the President in his report, despite the difficult circumstances following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. -
Portugal's Economy Contracted Sharply in 2020 As the Spread of The
2.16. PORTUGAL Portugal’s economy contracted sharply in 2020 as the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic took a heavy toll on all aspects of social and business activities, with a particularly strong impact on the country’s large hospitality sector. Portugal’s GDP is estimated to have fallen by 7.6% in 2020. Quarterly rates closely followed the evolution of the pandemic and the consequent introduction of restrictions. After a cumulative drop of around 17% in the first half of 2020, GDP rebounded by 13.3% in 2020-Q3. However, the resurgence of infections brought new restrictions towards the end of the year and GDP growth weakened to 0.4% in the last quarter. With the introduction of a more stringent lockdown in mid-January 2021, GDP is projected to fall again in the first quarter of 2021, before starting to recover as of the second quarter of the year, with a major rebound in the summer months. This entails expectations for a notable rebound in tourism in the summer, particularly in intra- EU travel, and a more gradual recovery thereafter. However, the tourism sector is projected to remain somewhat below its pre-crisis level until the end of the forecast period. In full-year terms, GDP is projected to grow by 4.1% in 2021 and 4.3% in 2022. A full return to pre-pandemic levels is expected towards the end of 2022 but risks remain significant due to the country’s large dependence on foreign tourism, which continues to face uncertainties related to the evolution of the pandemic. -
8733/21 HVW/Io 1 LIFE.1 Delegations Will Find in Annex a Joint Declaration by Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Bulgar
Council of the European Union Brussels, 12 May 2021 (OR. en) 8733/21 AGRI 218 ENV 305 PESTICIDE 16 PHYTOSAN 17 VETER 37 PECHE 146 MARE 14 ECOFIN 437 RECH 212 SUSTDEV 61 DEVGEN 95 FAO 16 WTO 133 NOTE From: General Secretariat of the Council To: Delegations Subject: Joint Declaration of the Ministers of Agriculture of the Visegrad Group (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) and Bulgaria, Croatia and Romania on the opportunities and challenges for farmers stemming from the Farm to Fork strategy - Information from the Polish delegation on behalf of the Bulgarian, Croatian, Czech, Hungarian, Polish, Romanian and Slovakian delegations Delegations will find in Annex a joint declaration by Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Bulgaria, Croatia and Romania on the above subject, concerning an item under "Any other business" at the Council (''Agriculture and Fisheries'') on 26-27 May 2021. 8733/21 HVW/io 1 LIFE.1 EN ANNEX Joint declaration of the Ministers of Agriculture of the Visegrad Group (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) and Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania, on the opportunities and challenges of agricultural holdings in light of the Farm to Fork Strategy On 21 April 2021 the Polish Presidency of Visegrad Group organized a videoconference of Ministers of Agriculture of the Visegrad Group: (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) and Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and Slovenia (GV4+4). The main topic of the discussion was the opportunities and challenges of agricultural holdings in the GV4 + 4 countries in light of the Farm to Fork Strategy. The Ministers also exchanged views on the Strategic Plans of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). -
Flash Reports on Labour Law January 2017 Summary and Country Reports
Flash Report 01/2017 Flash Reports on Labour Law January 2017 Summary and country reports EUROPEAN COMMISSION Directorate DG Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion Unit B.2 – Working Conditions Flash Report 01/2017 Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) The information given is free, as are most calls (though some operators, phone boxes or hotels may charge you). LEGAL NOTICE This document has been prepared for the European Commission however it reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://www.europa.eu). Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2017 ISBN ABC 12345678 DOI 987654321 © European Union, 2017 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. Flash Report 01/2017 Country Labour Law Experts Austria Martin Risak Daniela Kroemer Belgium Wilfried Rauws Bulgaria Krassimira Sredkova Croatia Ivana Grgurev Cyprus Nicos Trimikliniotis Czech Republic Nataša Randlová Denmark Natalie Videbaek Munkholm Estonia Gaabriel Tavits Finland Matleena Engblom France Francis Kessler Germany Bernd Waas Greece Costas Papadimitriou Hungary Gyorgy Kiss Ireland Anthony Kerr Italy Edoardo Ales Latvia Kristine Dupate Lithuania Tomas Davulis Luxemburg Jean-Luc Putz Malta Lorna Mifsud Cachia Netherlands Barend Barentsen Poland Leszek Mitrus Portugal José João Abrantes Rita Canas da Silva Romania Raluca Dimitriu Slovakia Robert Schronk Slovenia Polonca Končar Spain Joaquín García-Murcia Iván Antonio Rodríguez Cardo Sweden Andreas Inghammar United Kingdom Catherine Barnard Iceland Inga Björg Hjaltadóttir Liechtenstein Wolfgang Portmann Norway Helga Aune Lill Egeland Flash Report 01/2017 Table of Contents Executive Summary .............................................. -
Reflections on Contemporary Georgia – Vision from Czech Republic
Reflections on Contemporary Georgia – Vision from Czech Republic Written by Bakar Berekashvili Note: This article is simultaneously published for the newspaper The Georgian Times on 15 October 2007 „There is no guarantee that the civil society is always benign. But we must take the risk. The civil society corresponds to the historical possibilities of man and history as a drama of good and evil. This is the dignity of man: the choice of good and evil.“ Merab Mamardashvili Brief Discourse on Georgia’s Desire to become European Democratic Country Georgia’s political and social aspirations are an open secret. These aspirations are based on country’s strong desire to build democracy and civil society in Georgia, to integrate into the European space of democratic and civic values and thus to confirm again for modern world that Georgia is a democratic European state. But definitely the task is not so simple, it is very challenging and still full with various obstacles. Georgia still has to pass a long way of democratization in order to achieve its democratic goals and finally to be formed not transitional democracy but real democracy in our own country. In Czech Republic, where I live now, it took approximately 10 years to become democratic country. Since 1989 when communism died in this country, Czech Republic started rapid consolidation of democratic values that was doubtlessly led by Václav Havel. Currently, Czech Republic returned to its hostorical roots and enjoys to be democratic European country. However, here I mean no way that there are no problems in Czech Republic and that here we have absolute democracy. -
IMMIGRATION LAW BASICS How Does the United States Immigration System Work?
IMMIGRATION LAW BASICS How does the United States immigration system work? Multiple agencies are responsible for the execution of immigration laws. o The Immigration and Naturalization Service (“INS”) was abolished in 2003. o Department of Homeland Security . USCIS . CBP . ICE . Attorney General’s role o Department of Justice . EOIR . Attorney General’s role o Department of State . Consulates . Secretary of State’s role o Department of Labor . Employment‐related immigration Our laws, while historically pro‐immigration, have become increasingly restrictive and punitive with respect to noncitizens – even those with lawful status. ‐ Pro‐immigration history of our country o First 100 Years: 1776‐1875 ‐ Open door policy. o Act to Encourage Immigration of 1864 ‐ Made employment contracts binding in an effort to recruit foreign labor to work in factories during the Civil War. As some states sought to restrict immigration, the Supreme Court declared state laws regulating immigration unconstitutional. ‐ Some early immigration restrictions included: o Act of March 3, 1875: excluded convicts and prostitutes o Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882: excluded persons from China (repealed in 1943) o Immigration Act of 1891: Established the Bureau of Immigration. Provided for medical and general inspection, and excluded people based on contagious diseases, crimes involving moral turpitude and status as a pauper or polygamist ‐ More big changes to the laws in the early to mid 20th century: o 1903 Amendments: excluded epileptics, insane persons, professional beggars, and anarchists. o Immigration Act of 1907: excluded feeble minded persons, unaccompanied children, people with TB, mental or physical defect that might affect their ability to earn a living. -
Judging the East Timor Dispute: Self-Determination at the International Court of Justice, 17 Hastings Int'l & Comp
Hastings International and Comparative Law Review Volume 17 Article 3 Number 2 Winter 1994 1-1-1994 Judging the East Timor Dispute: Self- Determination at the International Court of Justice Gerry J. Simpson Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_international_comparative_law_review Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Gerry J. Simpson, Judging the East Timor Dispute: Self-Determination at the International Court of Justice, 17 Hastings Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 323 (1994). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_comparative_law_review/vol17/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Judging the East Timor Dispute: Self-Determination at the International Court of Justice By Gerry J. Simpson* Table of Contents I. Introduction ............................................ 324 1E. Some Preliminary Remarks about the Case ............. 327 III. International Politics and the International Court: A Functional Dilemma .................................... 329 IV. Substantive Questions of Law .......................... 332 A. The Existence of a Right to Self-Determination...... 333 B. Beneficiaries of the Right to Self-Determination ..... 334 1. Indonesia's TerritorialIntegrity and the Principle of Uti Posseditis................................. 339 2. Enclaves in InternationalLaw .................. 342 3. Historical Ties .................................. 342 C. The Duties of Third Parties Toward Peoples Claiming a Right to Self-Determination ............. 343 V. Conclusion .............................................. 347 * Lecturer in International Law and Human Rights Law, Law Faculty, Univcrity of Melbourne, Australia. -
FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania
March 2017 FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report Lithuania Liucija Verveckiene and Justinas Lingevicius, European Integration Studies Centre FEUTURE EU 28 Country Report: Lithuania 1. History of EU-Turkey Relations1 1.1. Turkish EU membership – no topic before Lithuania joined the EU Before evaluating Lithuania’s position on EU-Turkey relations historically, it is important to note two historical facts. Firstly, Lithuania accessed the EU in 2004. There was little debate on Turkey’s EU membership before Lithuania’s accession for all the attention was paid to Lithuania’s fulfillment of the Copenhagen criteria and other integration issues. Secondly, Turkey was already a NATO member when Lithuania accessed the Alliance in 2004. Therefore, Lithuania considered Turkey as a strong partner in the security and defence area. 1.2. Building mutual partnership When we look at the public attitudes towards EU-Turkey relations after 2004, more positive than negative discourse is evident. Firstly, this could be explained by the fact that Turkey has supported Lithuania’s NATO membership and politicians have underlined a strategic partnership between the two countries. Thus, the security narrative played an important role and the Lithuanian government has also acknowledged Turkey’s geo-strategical position with regard to the whole continent. Secondly, economic relations between the EU and Turkey and the value of an already implemented free trade regime was acknowledged. Thirdly, via diplomatic channels a Turkish message has been transferred right after 2004: it is important for Turkey to be supported by Lithuania and all the attempts of support for the Turkish-EU dialogue are highly valued by the 2 Turkish people. -
Tol, Xeer, and Somalinimo: Recognizing Somali And
Tol , Xeer , and Somalinimo : Recognizing Somali and Mushunguli Refugees as Agents in the Integration Process A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Vinodh Kutty IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY David M. Lipset July 2010 © Vinodh Kutty 2010 Acknowledgements A doctoral dissertation is never completed without the help of many individuals. And to all of them, I owe a deep debt of gratitude. Funding for this project was provided by two block grants from the Department of Anthropology at the University of Minnesota and by two Children and Families Fellowship grants from the Annie E. Casey Foundation. These grants allowed me to travel to the United Kingdom and Kenya to conduct research and observe the trajectory of the refugee resettlement process from refugee camp to processing for immigration and then to resettlement to host country. The members of my dissertation committee, David Lipset, my advisor, Timothy Dunnigan, Frank Miller, and Bruce Downing all provided invaluable support and assistance. Indeed, I sometimes felt that my advisor, David Lipset, would not have been able to write this dissertation without my assistance! Timothy Dunnigan challenged me to honor the Somali community I worked with and for that I am grateful because that made the dissertation so much better. Frank Miller asked very thoughtful questions and always encouraged me and Bruce Downing provided me with detailed feedback to ensure that my writing was clear, succinct and organized. I also have others to thank. To my colleagues at the Office of Multicultural Services at Hennepin County, I want to say “Thank You Very Much!” They all provided me with the inspiration to look at the refugee resettlement process more critically and dared me to suggest ways to improve it. -
Montenegro's Tribal Legacy
WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Montenegro's Tribal Legacy by Major Steven C. Calhoun, US Army Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS. This article appeared in Military Review July-August 2000 The mentality of our people is still very patriarchal. Here the knife, revenge and a tribal (plemenski) system exist as nowhere else.1 The whole country is interconnected and almost everyone knows everyone else. Montenegro is nothing but a large family—all of this augurs nothing good. —Mihajlo Dedejic2 When the military receives an order to deploy into a particular area, planners focus on the terrain so the military can use the ground to its advantage. Montenegro provides an abundance of terrain to study, and it is apparent from the rugged karst topography how this tiny republic received its moniker—the Black Mountain. The territory of Montenegro borders Croatia, Bosnia- Herzegovina, Serbia and Albania and is about the size of Connecticut. Together with the much larger republic of Serbia, Montenegro makes up the current Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). But the jagged terrain of Montenegro is only part of the military equation. Montenegro has a complex, multilayered society in which tribe and clan can still influence attitudes and loyalties. Misunderstanding tribal dynamics can lead a mission to failure. Russian misunderstanding of tribal and clan influence led to unsuccessful interventions in Afghanistan and Chechnya.3 In Afghanistan, the rural population's tribal organization facilitated their initial resistance to the Soviets. -
Primer on Criminal-Immigration and Enforcement Provisions of USCA
U.S. Citizenship Act of 2021: A Brief Primer on the Criminal-Immigration and Enforcement Provisions1 I. Introduction This primer covers the key criminal-immigration and enforcement provisions of the USCA. The US Citizenship Act of 2021 (USCA, also referred to as the “Biden bill”) is an immigration bill introduced in the House on February 18, 20212 that would create a pathway to citizenship for undocumented people living in the United States who entered on or before January 1, 2021. TPS holders, farmworkers, and people who have DACA or who were eligible for status under the Dream Act would be eligible to become lawful permanent residents immediately. Other undocumented people could apply for a new form of lawful status called “Lawful Provisional Immigrant” (LPI) status. After five years as LPIs, they could then apply to become lawful permanent residents. The bill would also recapture unused visas dating from 1992; make spouses, children, and parents of lawful permanent residents “immediate relatives” (who are immediately eligible for visas and who do not count toward the cap); make anyone waiting more than 10 years immediately eligible for a visa; and increase the per-country limit from 7% to 20% to decrease backlogs. The USCA imposes new criminal bars to eligibility for the legalization program, on top of the already existing inadmissibility bars in current immigration law. It also encourages the construction of a “smart wall” and adds an additional ground for prosecution and penalties under 8 U.S.C. § 1324. The USCA also includes some positive criminal-immigration reforms, including redefining the term “conviction” for immigration purposes, increasing the number of petty offense exceptions 1 Publication of the National Immigration Project of the National Lawyers Guild (NIPNLG), 2020. -
10 Years After Bucharest Why NATO Should Double-Down on Georgian
C - 0; M - 95; Y - 100; K - 2; PANTONE 485 CP C - 0; M - 98; Y - 91; K - 30; PANTONE 7621 CP C - 0; M - 97; Y - 87; K - 60; PANTONE 7624 CP POLICY BRIEF EUROPE IN THE WORLD PROGRAMME 3 JULY 2018 10 years after Bucharest Why NATO should Amanda Paul Senior Policy Analyst, EPC double-down on Ana Andguladze Georgian membership Policy Researcher, ISPED 2018 is a momentous year for Georgia: it marks the interest to strengthen ties with Tbilisi. As a reliable 100th anniversary of the first Democratic Republic of partner that shares common interests and values, the Georgia. It is also the 10th anniversary of the war with country offers the West a strategic foothold in the South Russia (August 2008) and of the Bucharest Summit, Caucasus. The Alliance must reaffirm its membership when Tbilisi was promised a seat at NATO’s table. commitment and reiterate that no third country has a veto on its enlargement. It should further deepen A decade on, NATO-Georgia cooperation has practical cooperation and bolster Georgia’s ability substantially deepened. The country now meets to defend itself. Reaffirming NATO’s support would NATO standards in many areas: it has modernised its reassure Georgian society, boost reform efforts and move armed forces and interoperability between Georgian the country ever closer to the Alliance. troops and the armies of NATO countries has increased. Georgia has contributed more to international NATO missions than many existing members and also meets the Alliance’s defence spending target. Tbilisi has also undertaken reforms to strengthen democracy, eradicate Georgia has contributed more to corruption and ensure civilian control of the military.