Crisis in the Gulf Council
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Additional Documents to the Amicus Brief Submitted to the Jerusalem District Court
בבית המשפט המחוזי בירושלים עת"מ 36759-05-18 בשבתו כבית משפט לעניינים מנהליים בעניין שבין: 1( ארגון Human Rights Watch 2( עומר שאקר העותרים באמצעות עו"ד מיכאל ספרד ו/או אמילי שפר עומר-מן ו/או סופיה ברודסקי מרח' דוד חכמי 12, תל אביב 6777812 טל: 03-6206947/8/9, פקס 03-6206950 - נ ג ד - שר הפנים המשיב באמצעות ב"כ, מפרקליטות מחוז ירושלים, רחוב מח"ל 7, מעלות דפנה, ירושלים ת.ד. 49333 ירושלים 9149301 טל: 02-5419555, פקס: 026468053 המכון לחקר ארגונים לא ממשלתיים )עמותה רשומה 58-0465508( ידיד בית המשפט באמצעות ב"כ עו"ד מוריס הירש מרח' יד חרוצים 10, ירושלים טל: 02-566-1020 פקס: 077-511-7030 השלמת מסמכים מטעם ידיד בית המשפט בהמשך לדיון שהתקיים ביום 11 במרץ 2019, ובהתאם להחלטת כב' בית המשפט, מתכבד ידיד בית המשפט להגיש את ריכוז הציוציו של העותר מס' 2 החל מיום 25 ליוני 2018 ועד ליום 10 למרץ 2019. כפי שניתן להבחין בנקל מהתמצית המצ"ב כנספח 1, בתקופה האמורה, אל אף טענתו שהינו "פעיל זכויות אדם", בפועל ציוציו )וציוציו מחדש Retweets( התמקדו בנושאים שבהם הביע תמיכה בתנועת החרם או ביקורת כלפי מדינת ישראל ומדיניותה, אך נמנע, כמעט לחלוטין, מלגנות פגיעות בזכיות אדם של אזרחי מדינת ישראל, ובכלל זה, גינוי כלשהו ביחס למעשי רצח של אזרחים ישראלים בידי רוצחים פלסטינים. באשר לטענתו של העותר מס' 2 שחשבון הטוויטר שלו הינו, בפועל, חשבון של העותר מס' 1, הרי שגם כאן ניתן להבין בנקל שטענה זו חסרת בסיס כלשהי. ראשית, החשבון מפנה לתפקידו הקודם בארגון CCR, אליו התייחסנו בחוות הדעת המקורית מטעם ידיד בית המשפט בסעיף 51. -
Turkey and Pakistan's Foreign Policy Congruence
DISCUSSION PAPER Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Ravale Mohydin DISCUSSION PAPER Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Ravale Mohydin Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WRITTEN BY Ravale Mohydin PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE November 2020 TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this discussion paper represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 Turkey and Pakistan’s Foreign Policy Congruence: A Co-orientation Analysis of Political Messaging Introduction urkey and Pakistan have a The paper will first introduce the co-orientation longstanding relationship, model of communication and outline its evolu- dating back to even before tion that eventually explained how to measure 1947 when Turkey was the an individual’s or group’s congruence with an- second country to recognise other on a particular issue. Then, it will explain Pakistan’s sovereign status, its applicability in evaluating the relationship Tto when Muslims of the Indian Subcontinent between states and operationalise it by defining supported the Ottoman Empire as part of the the research methodology based on framing Khilafat Movement1. -
Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State .............................................................................................. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
The Future of US Relations with the Gulf States
The Approaching Turning Point: The Future of U.S. Relations with the Gulf States By F. Gregory Gause, III Brookings Project on U.S. Policy Towards the Islamic World Analysis Paper Number Two, May 2003 1 Executive Summary United States policy toward the Gulf Cooperation Council states (Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman) is in the midst of an important change. Saudi Arabia has served as the linchpin of American military and political influence in the Gulf since Desert Storm. It can no longer play that role. After the attacks of September 11, 2001, an American military presence in the kingdom is no longer sustainable in the political system of either the United States or Saudi Arabia. Washington therefore has to rely on the smaller Gulf monarchies to provide the infrastructure for its military presence in the region. The build-up toward war with Iraq has accelerated that change, with the Saudis unwilling to cooperate openly with Washington on this issue. No matter the outcome of war with Iraq, the political and strategic logic of basing American military power in these smaller Gulf states is compelling. In turn, Saudi-American relations need to be reconstituted on a basis that serves the shared interests of both states, and can be sustained in both countries’ political systems. That requires an end to the basing of American forces in the kingdom. The fall of Saddam Hussein will facilitate this goal, allowing the removal of the American air wing in Saudi Arabia that patrols southern Iraq. The public opinion benefits for the Saudis of the departure of the American forces will permit a return to a more normal, if somewhat more distant, cooperative relationship with the United States. -
United Arab Emirates (Uae)
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: United Arab Emirates, July 2007 COUNTRY PROFILE: UNITED ARAB EMIRATES (UAE) July 2007 COUNTRY اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴّﺔ اﻟﻤﺘّﺤﺪة (Formal Name: United Arab Emirates (Al Imarat al Arabiyah al Muttahidah Dubai , أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ (The seven emirates, in order of size, are: Abu Dhabi (Abu Zaby .اﻹﻣﺎرات Al ,ﻋﺠﻤﺎن Ajman , أ مّ اﻟﻘﻴﻮﻳﻦ Umm al Qaywayn , اﻟﺸﺎرﻗﺔ (Sharjah (Ash Shariqah ,دﺑﻲّ (Dubayy) .رأس اﻟﺨﻴﻤﺔ and Ras al Khaymah ,اﻟﻔﺠﻴﺮة Fajayrah Short Form: UAE. اﻣﺮاﺗﻰ .(Term for Citizen(s): Emirati(s أﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ .Capital: Abu Dhabi City Major Cities: Al Ayn, capital of the Eastern Region, and Madinat Zayid, capital of the Western Region, are located in Abu Dhabi Emirate, the largest and most populous emirate. Dubai City is located in Dubai Emirate, the second largest emirate. Sharjah City and Khawr Fakkan are the major cities of the third largest emirate—Sharjah. Independence: The United Kingdom announced in 1968 and reaffirmed in 1971 that it would end its treaty relationships with the seven Trucial Coast states, which had been under British protection since 1892. Following the termination of all existing treaties with Britain, on December 2, 1971, six of the seven sheikhdoms formed the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The seventh sheikhdom, Ras al Khaymah, joined the UAE in 1972. Public holidays: Public holidays other than New Year’s Day and UAE National Day are dependent on the Islamic calendar and vary from year to year. For 2007, the holidays are: New Year’s Day (January 1); Muharram, Islamic New Year (January 20); Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad (March 31); Accession of the Ruler of Abu Dhabi—observed only in Abu Dhabi (August 6); Leilat al Meiraj, Ascension of Muhammad (August 10); first day of Ramadan (September 13); Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan (October 13); UAE National Day (December 2); Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice (December 20); and Christmas Day (December 25). -
The US Shale Revolution and the Arab Gulf States. the Economic and Political Impact of Changing Energy Markets
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Kirsten Westphal, Marco Overhaus and Guido Steinberg The US Shale Revolution and the Arab Gulf States The Economic and Political Impact of Changing Energy Markets RP 11 November 2014 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2014 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (English version of SWP-Studie 15/2014) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Conclusions 7 The US Shale Revolution and the Dynamics of the Global Energy Markets 7 The US Shale Revolution and Its Geo-economic Consequences 12 The New Energy Map 13 US-Exports: Strategic Considerations and Commercial Rationale 14 US Strategic Interests 14 US Engagement in the Persian Gulf 16 The Debate in the United States 18 The Economic Impact of the Shale Revolution on the Gulf States 18 The Position of the Gulf States in the Inter- national Energy Markets 19 The Gulf States and the Changing International Energy Markets 23 Socio-economic Developments in the Gulf 24 Growing Domestic Demand, Home-grown Crises and Political Quandaries 25 Gas Crisis amidst Rich Reserves 27 Political Consequences for Gulf States 27 The Economic Elites and the Shale Revolution 28 Risks to Internal Security 29 Foreign Policy Consequences 31 Conclusions and Recommendations 33 Abbreviations 33 Further Reading Dr. -
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S
Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated May 19, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21534 SUMMARY RS21534 Oman: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy May 19, 2021 The Sultanate of Oman has been a strategic partner of the United States since 1980, when it became the first Persian Gulf state to sign a formal accord permitting the U.S. military to use its Kenneth Katzman facilities. Oman has hosted U.S. forces during every U.S. military operation in the region since Specialist in Middle then, and it is a partner in U.S. efforts to counter terrorist groups and other regional threats. In Eastern Affairs January 2020, Oman’s longtime leader, Sultan Qaboos bin Sa’id Al Said, passed away and was succeeded by Haythim bin Tariq Al Said, a cousin selected by Oman’s royal family immediately upon Qaboos’s death. Sultan Haythim espouses policies similar to those of Qaboos and has not altered U.S.-Oman ties or Oman’s regional policies. During Qaboos’s reign (1970-2020), Oman generally avoided joining other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates , Bahrain, Qatar, and Oman) in regional military interventions, instead seeking to mediate their resolution. Oman joined but did not contribute forces to the U.S.-led coalition against the Islamic State organization, nor did it arm groups fighting Syrian President Bashar Al Asad’s regime. It opposed the June 2017 Saudi/UAE- led isolation of Qatar and had urged resolution of that rift before its resolution in January 2021. -
A Field Trip to the Front Lines of the Qatar-Saudi Cold War by Simon Henderson
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds A Field Trip to the Front Lines of the Qatar-Saudi Cold War by Simon Henderson Sep 28, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Articles & Testimony The ongoing Gulf crisis is seen as an almost childish indulgence in Washington and Europe, but diplomacy and PR campaigns have made little progress in bringing it to an end. he diplomatic row between Qatar and its erstwhile Arab allies -- Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, T Bahrain, and Egypt (the self-described Anti-Terror Quartet) -- does not seem to be on the road to resolution. At least that is my sense gained during a lightning trip over the past week to London, Bahrain, Abu Dhabi, and Dubai. Instead, positions are hardening with a blithe disregard for the advantage this gives Iran, the common enemy of all the parties, including Qatar, and the possible impact that will have in Washington, where U.S. policy on the Persian Gulf is predicated on the notion that our Gulf allies, despite historic differences, will preserve at least the veneer of unity. Confusing the diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis have been mixed messages coming out of Washington. U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson has worked hard on mediation efforts, supported by Defense Secretary James Mattis. President Donald Trump, at least until recently, was happy to be seen as backing the position of Saudi Arabia and the UAE but may have been irritated when his bid to organize a peacemaking telephone call between Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman and Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani only resulted in further bad blood. -
Meet the Two Princes Reshaping the Middle East | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds Meet the Two Princes Reshaping the Middle East by Simon Henderson Jun 13, 2017 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Articles & Testimony The de facto leaders of Saudi Arabia and the UAE know how to change positions as pressures demand, but getting it wrong in Qatar, Yemen, and other regional hotspots could have dreadful consequences. he dramatic and sudden effort to isolate Qatar, like the fateful intervention before it in Yemen, sprang from the T shared vision of two princes. Depending on your point of view, they may be the harbingers of a new and better Middle East -- or reckless architects of disaster. Indeed, the region's most important relationship may be the dynamic duo of Muhammad bin Salman, the 31-year- old deputy crown prince of Saudi Arabia, and Muhammad bin Zayed, the 56-year-old crown prince of Abu Dhabi, the lead sheikhdom of the United Arab Emirates. They share not only a desire to wage twin battles against Iran and Islamic radicalism, but also a deep appreciation for their conservative Gulf countries' reliance on the United States. Together, they have shrewdly cultivated President Donald Trump, who is eager to show that he has a new strategy for defeating terrorism and confronting Tehran. The reasons for the princes' evident mutual regard can only be guessed at -- Gulf monarchies are maddeningly opaque. -
The Gulf Information War and the Role of Media and Communication Technologies
International Journal of Communication 13(2019), 1287–1300 1932–8036/20190005 The Gulf Information War and the Role of Media and Communication Technologies Editorial Introduction ILHEM ALLAGUI1 BANU AKDENIZLI Northwestern University in Qatar The usual narrative about Arabian Gulf countries has been one of unity and close relationships. The air and trade blockade on Qatar from its neighboring countries, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain, as well as from Egypt, proves that the aspired unity is probably just a myth and that the political divide is worse than ever nearly two years into the blockade. Media, information, and new technology are at the core of the divide and have contributed to igniting the crisis. This Special Section, with the scholars’ contributions, offers some perspectives to think about media and technology as foci in this political conflict. It launches a debate about the information war, and this introduction notes a possible vulnerability for members of the larger academic community in the region who take part in this debate. Keywords: Gulf information war, communication technologies, academic freedom, Qatar, GCC crisis The diplomatic crisis—which at the time of this writing has passed its 600th day—with Qatar on one side, and Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Bahrain, and Egypt on the other, raises a number of questions on several fronts. This is not the first time countries in this region have found themselves in a political rift—but this time, a diplomatic conflict is being fought aggressively on traditional and social media. The hack of Qatar’s News Agency (QNA) and the fabrication of quotations attributed to the Qatari Amir escalated the crisis and raised salient issues regarding piracy, control, development, and use of media and social media not only by the regimes, but also by citizens. -
Explaining Sanction Politics During the Arab Spring
IPS0010.1177/0192512120937749International Political Science ReviewDebre 937749research-article2020 Special Issue Article International Political Science Review 1 –15 Legitimation, regime survival, © The Author(s) 2020 and shifting alliances in the Article reuse guidelines: Arab League: Explaining sanction sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512120937749DOI: 10.1177/0192512120937749 politics during the Arab Spring journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Maria Josepha Debre Maastricht University, Netherlands Abstract The Arab Spring marks a puzzling shift in the sanction politics of the Arab League: for the first time, the Arab League suspended member states for matters of internal affairs by majority vote. This article argues that survival politics can explain the changing sanction politics of the Arab League. To re-legitimize rule during this unprecedented moment, member states selectively supported some protest movements to signal their understanding of public demands for change without committing to domestic reform. Contrasting case studies of the Arab League’s suspension of Libya and Syria and its simultaneous support for military intervention against protestors in Bahrain illustrate how concerns for regime legitimation and a short-lived alliance between Saudi Arabia and Qatar contributed to the sanctioning decisions. The Arab League can thus be considered a case of negative democracy protection, where regional sanctions are employed to selectively preserve authoritarian rule. Keywords International sanctions, Arab League, Arab Spring, survival politics, legitimation, Regional Organizations Introduction The Arab Spring uprisings in 2011 briefly raised hopes for democratization in a region character- ized by entrenched authoritarian rule. At the height of the popular revolts, on February 22, 2011, the League of Arab States (LAS) formally suspended Libya under the rule of Muammar Gaddafi at an emergency meeting in Cairo and called upon the UN Security Council to issue a no-fly zone in March.