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341 BC the THIRD PHILIPPIC Demosthenes Translated By
1 341 BC THE THIRD PHILIPPIC Demosthenes translated by Thomas Leland, D.D. Notes and Introduction by Thomas Leland, D.D. 2 Demosthenes (383-322 BC) - Athenian statesman and the most famous of Greek orators. He was leader of a patriotic party opposing Philip of Macedon. The Third Philippic (341 BC) - The third in a series of speeches in which Demosthenes attacks Philip of Macedon. Demosthenes urged the Athenians to oppose Philip’s conquests of independent Greek states. Cicero later used the name “Philippic” to label his bitter speeches against Mark Antony; the word has since come to stand for any harsh invective. 3 THE THIRD PHILIPPIC INTRODUCTION To the Third Philippic THE former oration (The Oration on the State of the Chersonesus) has its effect: for, instead of punishing Diopithes, the Athenians supplied him with money, in order to put him in a condition of continuing his expeditions. In the mean time Philip pursued his Thracian conquests, and made himself master of several places, which, though of little importance in themselves, yet opened him a way to the cities of the Propontis, and, above all, to Byzantium, which he had always intended to annex to his dominions. He at first tried the way of negotiation, in order to gain the Byzantines into the number of his allies; but this proving ineffectual, he resolved to proceed in another manner. He had a party in the city at whose head was the orator Python, that engaged to deliver him up one of the gates: but while he was on his march towards the city the conspiracy was discovered, which immediately determined him to take another route. -
Demosthenes, Chaeronea, and the Rhetoric of Defeat
CHAPTER 6 Demosthenes, Chaeronea, and the Rhetoric of Defeat Max L. Goldman Introduction For years Demosthenes urged the Athenians to oppose the rising power of Macedon, which had come to prominence in the second half of the fourth century through the diplomatic and military efforts of its king, Philip II.1 Demosthenes finally convinced the Athenians and the Thebans to form an al- liance, which faced Philip at Chaeronea in the late summer of 338 BCE. Philip’s decisive victory in that battle had immediate consequences for the political landscape of the Greek world and modern historical narratives tend to treat Chaeronea as a turning point, as the moment when mainland Greece ceased to engage in independent foreign policy actions.2 Although this turned out to be the case, it was not immediately clear at Athens that the new order established by Philip after the battle was irrevocable. When Demosthenes was selected to deliver the funeral oration (logos epitaphios) for the Athenians who died at the battle of Chaeronea, he faced a particularly challenging task because the soldiers, whose deaths he needed to praise, had died fighting a losing battle, a battle he had vigorously advocated for. In his funeral oration, Demosthenes needed to discuss the defeat and his role in it in a way that created a sense of continuity with the past, that minimized the potential disruption such a defeat can inflict on a community, and that gave the Athenians a way to understand their defeat and his role in it. There can be no doubt that Demosthenes delivered the oration for the dead of Chaeronea. -
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman
Royal Power, Law and Justice in Ancient Macedonia Joseph Roisman In his speech On the Crown Demosthenes often lionizes himself by suggesting that his actions and policy required him to overcome insurmountable obstacles. Thus he contrasts Athens’ weakness around 346 B.C.E. with Macedonia’s strength, and Philip’s II unlimited power with the more constrained and cumbersome decision-making process at home, before asserting that in spite of these difficulties he succeeded in forging later a large Greek coalition to confront Philip in the battle of Chaeronea (Dem.18.234–37). [F]irst, he (Philip) ruled in his own person as full sovereign over subservient people, which is the most important factor of all in waging war . he was flush with money, and he did whatever he wished. He did not announce his intentions in official decrees, did not deliberate in public, was not hauled into the courts by sycophants, was not prosecuted for moving illegal proposals, was not accountable to anyone. In short, he was ruler, commander, in control of everything.1 For his depiction of Philip’s authority Demosthenes looks less to Macedonia than to Athens, because what makes the king powerful in his speech is his freedom from democratic checks. Nevertheless, his observations on the Macedonian royal power is more informative and helpful than Aristotle’s references to it in his Politics, though modern historians tend to privilege the philosopher for what he says or even does not say on the subject. Aristotle’s seldom mentions Macedonian kings, and when he does it is for limited, exemplary purposes, lumping them with other kings who came to power through benefaction and public service, or who were assassinated by men they had insulted.2 Moreover, according to Aristotle, the extreme of tyranny is distinguished from ideal kingship (pambasilea) by the fact that tyranny is a government that is not called to account. -
Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V. -
Demosthenes, the Fourth-Century B.C
Demosthenes 1) Reference edition: García Ruiz-Hernández-Muñoz 2016, Clavaud 1987. 2) Sender(s): Demosthenes, the fourth-century B.C. Athenian orator, who urged Athens to resist Philip II of Macedon (cf. AESCHINES §2).1 The authenticity of the letters, not doubted in antiquity (Worthington 2003, 585), has been the subject of vigorous debate in modern scholarship.2 The broad modern consensus is that some, but not all, of the letters are authentic (López Eire 1976, 233-4, Klauck 2006, 114): letters 1-4 are now usually regarded as genuine but letter 5 as pseudepigraphic (e.g. Goldstein 1968, Clavaud 1987),3 while letter 6 is controversial (probably authentic for Worthington 2003, but viewed as pseudepigraphic by Goldstein 1968, 261-4).4 If some of the letters are indeed authentic, this would make them among the very earliest Greek letters to survive independently as part of a collection 5 in the ms tradition (letters 1-4, 6 deal with events in the late 320s B.C.). 3) Extent and range of length There are six letters in the fullest version of the collection in the mss (see §5). The mean average length in García Ruiz-Hernández-Muñoz 2012 is 92.67 lines, but this conceals a wide divergence between letters 1-3 (average 150.67 lines) and 4-6 (average 34.67 lines). The longest letter is 3 (231 lines), the shortest 6 (13 lines). 4) Dating of the collection The earliest evidence for a letter from the collection is a late-second/early-first century B.C. papyrus preserving a large part of letter 3 (P.Lit.Lond. -
Solon and His Πόλις: the Afterlife of an Archaic Personage in Late Democratic Athens This Paper Investigates the Afterlif
Solon and his πόλις: The Afterlife of an Archaic Personage in Late Democratic Athens This paper investigates the afterlife of archaic literary legacy in political discourses of fourth-century Athens. It does so through juxtaposition of two literary tradition concerning Solon: Solonian fragments, and the courtroom speeches of Demosthenes and Aeschines. This paper argues that in Sol. 4, Solon perceives the populace as threat to the πόλις and its constitution: both the elites and the general public are source of moral corruption that puts the polis in danger, and both suffer the consequences of civil strife when Dike enacts the divine revenge. The word choices of Sol. 4 form parallels between the fate of the commoners and that of the elites, while the dichotomy between the πόλις and its populace is established through the scenes such as the private citizens plundering public property and the divine revenge entering the private household (Irwin, 2006; Noussia-Fantuzzi, 2010). Next, this paper discusses the implications of this reading of Sol. 4. First, I point out that the overlap of the divine and the mortal forms the political hub of the Solonian Weltanschauung: the people live in the physical space of πόλις; the gods maintain their presence with their sanctuary and ensure the survival of the πόλις with Dike’s revenge as a deterrent. This answers the long-debated question of whether the political realm in Sol. 4 is secular or supernatural (Anhalt, 1993; Blaise, 2006). I also argue that the dichotomy between the πόλις and its populace undermines the legitimacy of “the people” (Ober, 2018). -
The Structural Integrity of Thucydides' History
Digital Commons @ Assumption University Political Science Department Faculty Works Political Science Department 2013 The Incomplete Whole: The Structural Integrity of Thucydides' History Bernard J. Dobski Assumption College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.assumption.edu/political-science-faculty Part of the Philosophy Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Dobski, Bernard J. "The Incomplete Whole: The Structural Integrity of Thucydides' History." Socrates and Dionysus: Philosophy and Art in Dialogue. Edited by Ann Ward. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013. Pages 14-32. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science Department at Digital Commons @ Assumption University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Department Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Assumption University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHAPTER TWO THE INCOMPLETE WHOLE: THE STRUCTURAL INTEGRITY OF THUCYDIDES’HISTORY BERNARD J. DOBSKI The History of Thucydides concludes in the middle of a sentence about the 21st year of a war that spanned 27 years. We can resist the temptation to conclude that Thucydides’ work is unfinished not only because our author informs us that he lived several years after the war ended (V.26, II.65.12, I.1)*, but because the structural outline of his work shows why its abrupt and apparently incomplete conclusion is necessary. Careful attention to the broader architecture of Thucydides’ work reveals a dialectical movement from the tensions within political justice as the Greeks understood it to a presentation of nature as a standard for morality and politics. -
Geoffrey Best
GEOFFREY BEST Geoffrey Francis Andrew Best 20 November 1928 – 14 January 2018 elected Fellow of the British Academy 2003 by BOYD HILTON Fellow of the Academy Restless and energetic, Geoffrey Best moved from one subject area to another, estab- lishing himself as a leading historian in each before moving decisively to the next. He began with the history of the Anglican Church from the eighteenth to the twentieth century, then moved by turns to the economy and society of Victorian Britain, the history of peace movements and the laws of war, European military history and the life of Winston Churchill. He was similarly peripatetic in terms of institutional affili- ation, as he moved from Cambridge to Edinburgh, then Sussex, and finally Oxford. Although his work was widely and highly praised, he remained self-critical and could never quite believe in his own success. Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the British Academy, XIX, 59–84 Posted 28 April 2020. © British Academy 2020. GEOFFREY BEST Few historians write their autobiography, but since Geoffrey Best did A Life of Learning must be the starting-point for any appraisal of his personal life.1 It is a highly readable text—engaging, warm-hearted and chatty like the man himself—but inevit- ably it invites interrogation. For example, there is the problem of knowing when the author is describing how he felt on past occasions and when he is ruminating about those feelings in retrospect. In the latter mode he writes that he has ‘never ceased to be surprised by repeatedly discovering how ignorant, wrong and naïve I have been about people and institutions, and still am’ (p. -
Thessaly and Macedon at Delphi
ELECTRUM * Vol. 19 (2012): 41–60 doi: 10.4467/20843909EL.12.002.0743 THESSALY AND MACEDON AT DELPHI Emma M.M. Aston Abstract: The Daochos Monument at Delphi has received some scholarly attention from an art- historical and archaeological perspective; this article, however, examines it rather as a refl ection of contemporary Thessalian history and discourse, an aspect which has been almost entirely ne- glected. Through its visual imagery and its inscriptions, the monument adopts and adapts long- standing Thessalian themes of governance and identity, and achieves a delicate balance with Mac- edonian concerns to forge a symbolic rapprochement between powers and cultures in the Greek north. Its dedicator, Daochos, emerges as far more than just the puppet of Philip II of Macedon. This hostile and largely Demosthenic characterisation, which remains infl uential even in modern historiography, is far from adequate in allowing for an understanding of the relationship between Thessalian and Macedonian motivations at this time, or of the importance of Delphi as the pan- Hellenic setting of their interaction. Looking closely at the Daochos Monument allows for a rare glimpse into the Thessalian perspective in all its complexity. Keywords: Daochos, Philip II of Macedon, the Daochos Monument, Delphi, Thessaly. Introduction Reconstructing Thessaly’s early involvement in Delphi and its Amphiktyony draws the scholar towards the shimmering mirage of Archaic Thessalian history. Like all mirages, it is alluring, and represents something which the viewer wishes keenly to fi nd: in this case an ambitious, powerful, energetic Thessaly extending its infl uence outside its own borders and claiming a stake in wider Greek affairs.1 Also in the nature of mirages, when grasped it proves insubstantial. -
Illustrated History Atlas Martin Gilbert Preface
JERUSALEM Illustrated History Atlas Martin Gilbert Preface In this Atlas, I trace the history of Jerusalem from biblical times to the present day. Each map is illustrated by a facing page of prints or photographs. The sixty-six maps, taken together, are intended to provide a broad survey of Jerusalem's history, with special emphasis on the City's development during the last hundred and fifty years, when it grew from a remote and impoverished provincial town of the Ottoman Empire, with a population of less than 40,000, to a capital city with a population of more than 360,000. In the bibliography, beginning on page 124, I have listed those maps, atlases, guide books, travellers' tales and historical works which I consulted while preparing the maps, and on which I drew for the contemporary material which they contained for each decade of the city's history. I am extremely grateful to all those individuals who gave me advice, encouragement and materials, both in London and Jerusalem, during my work on the maps and illustrations for this volume: in particular I should like to thank Azaria Alon, Professor Yehoshua Ben-Arieh, Ruth Cheshin, Fritz Cohen, David S. Curtis, David Eldan, Oded Eran, Rabbi Hugo Gryn, Peter Halban, Mrs. Adina Haran, Ya'acov Harlap, Dr. Michael Heymann, Dr. Benjamin Jaffe, Mrs. Sheila Koretz, Henry Kendall, Teddy Kollek, Tomi Lamm, Menahem Levin, Irene Lewitt, G. Eric Matson, Margaret McAfee, Martin Paisner, Professor Leo Picard, Zev Radovan, David Rubinger, Michael Sacher, Hanna Safieh, Lord Samuel, Mrs. Yael Vered, Dr. Zev Vilnay, Mrs. -
Thucydides, Sicily, and the Defeat of Athens Tim Rood
Thucydides, Sicily, and the Defeat of Athens Tim Rood To cite this version: Tim Rood. Thucydides, Sicily, and the Defeat of Athens. KTÈMA Civilisations de l’Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques, Université de Strasbourg, 2017, 42, pp.19-39. halshs-01670082 HAL Id: halshs-01670082 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01670082 Submitted on 21 Dec 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Les interprétations de la défaite de 404 Edith Foster Interpretations of Athen’s defeat in the Peloponnesian war ............................................................. 7 Edmond LÉVY Thucydide, le premier interprète d’une défaite anormale ................................................................. 9 Tim Rood Thucydides, Sicily, and the Defeat of Athens ...................................................................................... 19 Cinzia Bearzot La συμφορά de la cité La défaite d’Athènes (405-404 av. J.-C.) chez les orateurs attiques .................................................. 41 Michel Humm Rome, une « cité grecque -
Leon and Timagoras: Co-Envoys for Four Years? Mosley, D J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1968; 9, 2; Proquest Pg
Leon and Timagoras: Co-envoys for Four Years? Mosley, D J Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Summer 1968; 9, 2; ProQuest pg. 157 Leon and Timagoras: Co-envoys for Four Years? D. J. Mosley N HIS SPEECH against Aeschines, II€pt rijs 7Tapa7Tp€U/3€las, Demos I thenes asserted (19.191) that in bringing a charge against his former colleague on the embassies to Macedon in 346 he was doing nothing unprecedented, for even Leon, he said, had denounced his fellow-envoy Timagoras on their return from Persia in 367 al though they had been fellow-envoys (aVf.L7TE7Tp€U/3€VKWS) for four years. The prosecution of Timagoras is mentioned elsewhere,! but no where else do we find the statement that he and Leon served together for four years. Perhaps Demosthenes' statement ought to be dis missed as an unwarranted assertion, but it has been defended, and the circumstantial evidence which may be of interest has not been sufficiently discussed. In the first place it appears strange in a world where there were no permanent extra-territorial diplomatic agencies and where envoys were chosen to go on specific and individual missions that an envoy should be described as having been the colleague of another for four years. From Xenophon's account (Hell. 7.1.33ff) it is plain that the one mission which occasioned the accusations was of limited duration and was confined to 367. Leon and Timagoras are not known to have fulfilled any other specific mission to Persia or to any other state before 367. Grote, who attempted to combine the accounts of Demosthenes and Xenophon,2 pointed out that four years before the episode of 367 occurred the battle of Leuctra and the renewal of the King's Peace; and he supposed that the significant four years were those from 371 to 367 in relations between Athens and Persia.