DOCSLIB.ORG

Sexual Violence in Conflict: a War Crime

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Sexual Violence in Conflict: a War Crime HOUSE OF LORDS Select Committee on Sexual Violence in Conflict Report of Session 2015–16 Sexual Violence in Conflict: A War Crime Ordered to be printed 22 March 2016 and published 12 April 2016 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords HL Paper 123 Select Committee on Sexual Violence in Conflict The Select Committee on Sexual Violence in Conflict was appointed by the House of Lords on 11 June 2015 “to consider the UK’s policy and practice of preventing sexual violence in conflict”. Membership The Members of the Select Committee on Sexual Violence in Conflict were: Lord Black of Brentwood Baroness Kinnock of Holyhead Bishop of Derby Baroness Nicholson of Winterbourne (Chairman) Baroness Goudie Lord Sterling of Plaistow Lord Hannay of Chiswick Baroness Warsi Baroness Hilton of Eggardon Lord Williams of Elvel Baroness Hodgson of Abinger Baroness Young of Hornsey Baroness Hussein-Ece Declaration of interests See Appendix 1. A full list of Members’ interests can be found in the Register of Lords’ Interests: http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/standards-and-interests/register-of-lords- interests Publications All publications of the Committee are available at: http://www.parliament.uk/svc-committee Parliament Live Live coverage of debates and public sessions of the Committee’s meetings are available at: http://www.parliamentlive.tv Further information Further information about the House of Lords and its Committees, including guidance to witnesses, details of current inquiries and forthcoming meetings is available at: http://www.parliament.uk/business/lords Committee staff The staff who worked on this Committee were Aaron Speer (Clerk), Cathryn Auplish (Policy Analyst) and Thomas Cheminais (Committee Assistant). Contact details All correspondence should be addressed to the Select Committee on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Committee Office, House of Lords, London SW1A 0PW. Telephone 020 7219 6612. Email: [email protected] CONTENTS Page Summary 3 Summary of conclusions and recommendations 6 Chapter 1: Introduction 21 Legal and political background 21 Causes, scale and effects 22 Our approach 24 Figure 1: Map of sexual violence in conflict-affected countries 25 The Committee’s inquiry 26 Chapter 2: Policy and legal framework 28 UK Government policy 28 The Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative 28 The Women, Peace and Security Agenda 36 The ‘Istanbul Convention’ 37 International legal framework 38 Application of international law 40 Chapter 3: Prevention 43 The Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative 43 Behavioural and attitudinal change 44 Research and evaluation 47 Military training and good practice 49 Violent non-state groups 52 Human rights defenders 53 Early warning systems 56 Chapter 4: Women’s participation 58 The Women, Peace and Security Agenda 59 Peace processes 60 Chapter 5: Responding to victims and survivors 64 Prioritising the needs of the victim and survivor 64 A comprehensive and survivor-focused approach 64 Box 1: The needs of survivors 64 Stigma 73 Box 2: Stigma experienced by women freed from Boko Haram 74 Evidence gaps 78 Vulnerability to further harms 79 Asylum seekers, refugees and internally displaced persons 80 Specifically targeted groups 81 Humanitarian crises 82 Box 3: Examples of recent emergencies where women and girls have been exploited or abused 83 The Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies 84 Box 4: The Call to Action on Protecting Women and Girls in Emergencies 84 The World Humanitarian Summit 86 The role of local organisations 88 UK domestic policies 89 Chapter 6: Accountability and justice 92 Documentation and evidence gathering 92 Importance and purposes 92 The International Protocol on the Documentation and Investigation of Sexual Violence in Conflict 94 Truth and reconciliation commissions 97 Capacity building for national judicial systems 98 Box 5: Impact of FCO national justice programmes 101 The Team of Experts 102 Violent non-state groups 105 Challenges in holding violent non-state groups accountable 106 The Government’s approach 107 Methods to hold violent non-state groups accountable 107 Iraq and Syria 109 Remedy and reparation 112 Chapter 7: Sexual violence by peacekeepers 115 Background 115 Box 6: UN peacekeeping 115 UN reform efforts 116 Accountability 119 Preventative measures 124 The UK’s approach 126 Box 7: The Government’s approach to peacekeeping 126 Chapter 8: Meetings with survivors 131 Meeting with Yazidi women 131 Meeting with Ms Polline Akello 135 Appendix 1: List of Members and declarations of interest 140 Appendix 2: List of witnesses 142 Appendix 3: Call for evidence 148 Appendix 4: Acronyms and glossary 152 Appendix 5: Timeline of major international and national policy developments 156 Appendix 6: Committee visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda 162 Appendix 7: UN gender statistics by mission 167 Appendix 8: UN troop and police contributions 169 Appendix 9: Variations in conflict-related sexual violence: selected cases 173 Appendix 10: Global spread of sexual violence in conflict since 1945 175 Evidence is published online at http://www.parliament.uk/svc-committee and available for inspection at the Parliamentary Archives (020 7129 3074). Q in footnotes refers to a question in oral evidence. SEXual Violence in Conflict: A War Crime 3 SUMMARY “In no other area is our collective failure to ensure effective protection for civilians more apparent … than in terms of the masses of women and girls, but also boys and men, whose lives are destroyed each year by sexual violence perpetrated in conflict.”—UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, 2007 “Sexual violence in conflict represents a great moral issue of our time. This crime, in its utter destruction of the individual and the pervasive way in which it undermines the prospects for peace and development, casts a long shadow over our collective humanity.”—Madame Zainab Hawa Bangura, Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Sexual Violence in Conflict, 2014 For far too long sexual violence has been regarded as just one of those things that occurs when there is conflict. It is not; it is a war crime, which must not, under any circumstances, be overlooked or condoned. Like genocide, slavery, torture and piracy, it must be eradicated. The long-term aim of the UK Government, indeed of the whole international community, should be to rid the world of this scourge. Sexual violence in conflict ruins lives, destroys families, breaks up communities and prevents societies from achieving sustainable peace. Anyone who doubts the appalling nature of these crimes need only read the stories told to us by survivors. These people spoke of the injuries they had suffered and the deaths they had witnessed. They told us about the stigma that still shrouds sexual violence in conflict, and the damage inflicted on individuals and subsequent generations. However, they also said that action by the Government can support survivors and help vanquish stigma, and they shared with us their hope that the world would hear their stories and act to prevent further abuses. The UK Government was totally correct in making the prevention of sexual violence in conflict an important policy priority, and should be applauded for doing so. It did this through the Preventing Sexual Violence Initiative (PSVI), launched by Lord Hague of Richmond and Ms Angelina Jolie Pitt in 2012, which set out to end impunity for sexual violence in conflict and hold perpetrators accountable. The PSVI recognised that prevention hinges on women’s full participation and highlighted that men and boys are also victims of these crimes. It helped to shine a spotlight on sexual violence in conflict and prompted states to commit to take action through the General Assembly endorsed Declaration of Commitment to End Sexual Violence in Conflict and the 2014 Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict. These are solid foundations, but there remains much more to be done. The Government has said that it remains committed to the PSVI. It must demonstrate this commitment and set out the strategic goals and operational plan for the Initiative—without this, momentum will be lost. The role of the Prime Minister’s Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict has been shown to be an important one, and requires support from the highest level. Furthermore, the PSVI must remain adequately resourced; efforts and activities by all parts of the British Government must be strengthened and properly coordinated. 4 SEXual Violence in Conflict: A War Crime Today, sexual violence in conflict is being committed in at least 19 countries. It is crucial that the PSVI does not narrow its ambitions to just addressing the situation in the Middle East. Preventing sexual violence in conflict requires long-term commitment and resources to bring about the necessary attitudinal and behavioural change. The Government cannot do this alone but must work with likeminded states, international bodies, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and local groups. In its prevention and response activity, it should seek to work with other inter-governmental organisations, such as the Commonwealth and the EU, and bodies with expertise such as the British Council. It must ensure that sustainable funding is accessible to NGOs and local organisations, and that the values of the PSVI and the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda imbue all military training with which the UK is involved. It must lobby for the international monitoring of the implementation of the G8 Declaration on Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict and the General Assembly endorsed Declaration. Those that commit sexual violence in conflict must be left in no doubt that they cannot evade justice. To achieve this, national justice systems, including domestic legislation, must be strengthened and international law implemented far more effectively than has yet been the case. The Government can assist by expanding the remit of the UK Team of Experts, developing the International Protocol on the Investigation and Documentation of Sexual Violence in Conflict and by working to galvinise political will.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Sources and Resources for a Culture of Peace in Africa; Pan-African Forum
    Proceedings of the Pan-African Forum © Paulino Damião Group picture - Participants of the Pan African Forum “Sources and resources for a culture of peace” 26-28 March 2013 • Sources and Resources for a Culture of Peace in Africa « Since wars begin in the mind of men, it is in the mind of men That the defences of peace must be constructed.” UNESCO Constitution “Any human life is a life. It is true that a life appears with the existence before another but a life is not older, More sizeable than another life, Just as a life is not better than another one.” Manden Charter Kourukan Fougan (13th Century) “Peace is reverence for life. Peace is the most precious possession of humanity. Peace is more than the end of armed conflicts. Peace is a mode of behavior.” Yamoussoukro Declaration (1989) • 26-28 March 2013/Luanda, Angola “I am because you are.” Ubuntu Proverb “In the forest, when the branches quarrel, the roots embrace.” African Proverb www.unesco.org/africa4peace Des_Actes_COVER_EN.indd 1-3 14/12/13 09:08 © Paulino Damião Opening ceremony – 26 March 2013 Mr Septime Martin, African Development Bank – Ms Bineta Diop, President of Femmes Africa Solidarité – Ms Irina Bokova, UNESCO Director- General – H.E. Mr Eduardo dos Santos, President of the Republic of Angola – Mr Erastus Mwencha, Vice President of the African Union – H.E. Mr Joaquim Chissano, Former President of the Republic of Mozambique – Mr Federico Mayor, UNESCO Former Director-General Malino ........................................ Tonga .......................................... Amharic M’tendere .................................. Chi Nyanja/Chichewa Alaáfía ....................................... Yoruba Murettele .................................... Emakhuwa Alher .......................................... Songhaï Mutenden ................................... Bemba Amahoro ...................................
    [Show full text]
  • Warfare in a Fragile World: Military Impact on the Human Environment
    Recent Slprt•• books World Armaments and Disarmament: SIPRI Yearbook 1979 World Armaments and Disarmament: SIPRI Yearbooks 1968-1979, Cumulative Index Nuclear Energy and Nuclear Weapon Proliferation Other related •• 8lprt books Ecological Consequences of the Second Ihdochina War Weapons of Mass Destruction and the Environment Publish~d on behalf of SIPRI by Taylor & Francis Ltd 10-14 Macklin Street London WC2B 5NF Distributed in the USA by Crane, Russak & Company Inc 3 East 44th Street New York NY 10017 USA and in Scandinavia by Almqvist & WikseH International PO Box 62 S-101 20 Stockholm Sweden For a complete list of SIPRI publications write to SIPRI Sveavagen 166 , S-113 46 Stockholm Sweden Stoekholol International Peace Research Institute Warfare in a Fragile World Military Impact onthe Human Environment Stockholm International Peace Research Institute SIPRI is an independent institute for research into problems of peace and conflict, especially those of disarmament and arms regulation. It was established in 1966 to commemorate Sweden's 150 years of unbroken peace. The Institute is financed by the Swedish Parliament. The staff, the Governing Board and the Scientific Council are international. As a consultative body, the Scientific Council is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. Governing Board Dr Rolf Bjornerstedt, Chairman (Sweden) Professor Robert Neild, Vice-Chairman (United Kingdom) Mr Tim Greve (Norway) Academician Ivan M£ilek (Czechoslovakia) Professor Leo Mates (Yugoslavia) Professor
    [Show full text]
  • Criminal Prosecution of UN Peacekeepers: When Defenders of Peace Incite Further Conflict Through Their Own Misconduct
    American University International Law Review Volume 33 Issue 1 Article 3 2017 Criminal Prosecution of UN Peacekeepers: When Defenders of Peace Incite Further Conflict Through Their Own Misconduct Shayna Ann Giles Baker, Donelson, Bearman, Caldwell & Berkowitz Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, International Humanitarian Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Giles, Shayna Ann (2017) "Criminal Prosecution of UN Peacekeepers: When Defenders of Peace Incite Further Conflict Through Their Own Misconduct," American University International Law Review: Vol. 33 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr/vol33/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CRIMINAL PROSECUTION OF UN PEACEKEEPERS: WHEN DEFENDERS OF PEACE INCITE FURTHER CONFLICT THROUGH THEIR OWN MISCONDUCT * SHAYNA ANN GILES I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................148 II. WITH GREAT POWER COMES GREAT RESPONSIBILITY: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE UNITED NATIONS AND UN PEACEKEEPING...................151 A. THE UNITED NATIONS
    [Show full text]
  • Medical War Crimes
    Medical War Crimes Sigrid Mehring* A. von Bogdandy and R. Wolfrum, (eds.), Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law, Volume 15, 2011, p. 229-279. © 2011 Koninklijke Brill N.V. Printed in The Netherlands. 230 Max Planck UNYB 15 (2011) I. Introduction II. Medical War Crimes 1. Medical Grave Breaches and Medical War Crimes 2. Medical Aspects of the Classic Grave Breaches III. Medical War Crimes in International Criminal Law 1. The ICTY and ICTR Statutes 2. The Rome Statute IV. National Implementation: The German Example V. The Prosecution of Medical War Crimes 1. The Doctors’ Trial of 1947 2. The Ntakirutimana Trial of 2003 3. General Observations concerning Prosecution VI. Possible Defenses to Medical War Crimes 1. Superior Orders 2. Mistake of Fact 3. Necessity and Duress 4. Consent of the Patient VII. Conclusion Mehring, Medical War Crimes 231 I. Introduction Physicians have always played an important role in armed conflicts be- ing the first to treat wounded and sick combatants, prisoners of war, and civilians. This makes them an important, essential category of ac- tors in armed conflicts, a role which is reflected in the laws of war.1 In granting first aid and emergency care, physicians can fulfill a further role by reporting on human rights abuses or violations of international humanitarian law.2 They are thus in a privileged position to watch over the rights of the victims of armed conflicts. However, their position is also susceptible to abuse. Physicians have always used armed conflicts for their own gain, to further their medical skills or to use their skills to enhance military gains or further medical science.
    [Show full text]
  • Prosecution As Prevention?
    Prosecution as Prevention? A study of the ‘End Impunity’ narrative in the UN’s fight against conflict- related sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Sofia Kahma Uppsala University, Department of Government Bachelor’s Thesis, Spring 2021 Supervisor: Johanna Söderström Word Count: 12 862 Pages: 41 1 Abstract This thesis explores the underlying assumptions guiding the United Nations’ activities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo with regard to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). The purpose is to reveal how the organization’s ‘End Impunity’ narrative represents the problem of CRSV and to analyze the ideational premises that legitimize the solution of increased accountability and prosecution. This thesis conducts a qualitative discourse analysis inspired by the ‘What’s the Problem Represented to be’ approach to analyze the implicit content of the narrative’s key policy texts. The results show that the narrative problematizes the inability of the Congolese judiciary to prosecute perpetrators, the disregard of legislation prohibiting sexual violence and the lack of justice provided to survivors of these crimes. These problematizations are reliant on assumptions of the rationality of perpetrators of sexual violence, as well as the universality of the Western human rights norm and ‘modern’ institutions. The findings suggest that the UN represents the problem of CRSV to be a problem of law and weak legal institutions in the DRC. Whilst this could be contingent on the ‘collapsed nature’ of the Congolese state, this thesis argues that as the DRC is a central case in the UN’s efforts to fight CRSV, the results of the analysis can be applied to the wider population of countries affected by conflict and sexual violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Aggression As a Contextual War Crime Rachel E
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Case Western Reserve University School of Law Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law Volume 48 | Issue 1 2016 Criminally Disproportionate Warfare: Aggression as a Contextual War Crime Rachel E. VanLandingham Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Rachel E. VanLandingham, Criminally Disproportionate Warfare: Aggression as a Contextual War Crime, 48 Case W. Res. J. Int'l L. 215 (2016) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.case.edu/jil/vol48/iss1/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Journals at Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law by an authorized administrator of Case Western Reserve University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law 48 (2016) Criminally Disproportionate Warfare: Aggression As A Contextual War Crime Rachel E. VanLandingham* International law has long recognized the general principle that an illegal act cannot produce legal rights. Yet, this principle of ex injuria jus non oritur is seemingly ignored in the uneasy relationship between the two international legal regimes most associated with war. A head of State can, for example, violate international law regulating the resort to armed force by ordering his military forces to illegally invade another country, yet he, through his military forces, simultaneously and subsequently benefits on the battlefield from the application of the separate body of international law regulating the actual conduct of war.
    [Show full text]
  • Law of War Handbook 2005
    LAW OF WAR HANDBOOK (2005) MAJ Keith E. Puls Editor 'Contributing Authors Maj Derek Grimes, USAF Lt Col Thomas Hamilton, USMC MAJ Eric Jensen LCDR William O'Brien, USN MAJ Keith Puls NIAJ Randolph Swansiger LTC Daria Wollschlaeger All of the faculty who have served before us and contributed to the literature in the field of operational law. Technical Support CDR Brian J. Bill, USN Ms. Janice D. Prince, Secretary JA 423 International and Operational Law Department The Judge Advocate General's Legal Center and School Charlottesville, Virginia 22903 PREFACE The Law of War Handbook should be a start point for Judge Advocates looking for information on the Law of War. It is the second volume of a three volume set and is to be used in conjunction with the Operational Law Handbook (JA422) and the Documentary Supplement (JA424). The Operational Law Handbook covers the myriad of non-Law of War issues a deployed Judge Advocate may face and the Documentary Supplement reproduces many of the primary source documents referred to in either of the other two volumes. The Law of War Handbook is not a substitute for official references. Like operational law itself, the Handbook is a focused collection of diverse legal and practical information. The handbook is not intended to provide "the school solution" to a particular problem, but to help Judge Advocates recognize, analyze, and resolve the problems they will encounter when dealing with the Law of War. The Handbook was designed and written for the Judge Advocates practicing the Law of War. This body of law is known by several names including the Law of War, the Law of Armed Conflict and International Humanitarian Law.
    [Show full text]
  • JUS POST BELLUM the Missing Link of Just War Theory: a Theoretical Examination of What Is Justice After the War?
    GEOGRAFIA OnlineTM Malaysian Journal of Society and Space 12 issue 8 (1 - 9) 1 © 2016, ISSN 2180-2491 JUS POST BELLUM The missing link of Just War Theory: A theoretical examination of what is justice after the war? Farhatul Mustamirrah Mahamad Aziz1, Mohd Rizal Yaaqub1 1Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi 43600, Selangor Correspondence: Farhatul Mustamirrah Mahamad Aziz (email: [email protected]) Abstract This theoretical study emphasizes on the missing link of Just War Theory that is justice after the war, jus post bellum. The argument revolves around the reasons jus post bellum should be given the same degree of attention enjoyed by jus in bello (justice in war) in order to fulfil the purpose of Just War Theory in guiding war to achieve peace and justice. The discussion consists of two parts. The first part examines the reasons why jus post bellum was neglected. The second part examines the developing principles of jus post bellum with the emphasis that presently there is no coherent and complete principles of jus post bellum. Results of the examination indicate that more scholarly works should be done in developing the principles of jus post bellum for the restoration of human rights order after the war thus achieving justice after the war. Research is limited because it depends only on existing scholarly works done on jus post bellum. A better developed principle of jus post bellum is important as a way of stigmatizing conquest, of discouraging foreign policy crusades, and of imposing order on post-war reconstruction. The addition of jus post bellum as a category creates a third condition for a just war thus restricting the occurrence of war.
    [Show full text]
  • Fenrick Crimes in Combat: the Relationship Between Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes
    W. J. Fenrick Crimes in combat: the relationship between crimes against humanity and war crimes. Guest Lecture Series of the Office of the Prosecutor W. J. Fenrick1 “Crimes in combat: the relationship between crimes against humanity and war crimes” 5 March 2004 The Hague 1 Senior Legal Adviser, ICTY-OTP. These remarks are made by the author in his personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect the views of the ICTY-OTP or the United Nations. Guest Lecture Series of the Office of the Prosecutor. © ICC-OTP and individual authors 2004. 1 W. J. Fenrick Crimes in combat: the relationship between crimes against humanity and war crimes. The way in which international tribunals address crimes committed in combat will have a substantial impact on perceptions of the tribunals by national foreign ministries and defence departments and may also have a substantial impact on the development of international humanitarian law (IHL) as well as the development of international criminal law. The ICC may, of course, simply adopt the approach taken by most tribunals in the past, including those which adjudicated the post World War II war crimes cases, and ignore offences committed in combat. Defensible arguments can be made that prosecutors can and must choose which cases to prosecute from an abundance of atrocities and that it is preferable to choose cases involving clear cut crimes and generally agreed morally wrong acts. I have taken part in one conference in which a respected speaker suggested that crimes committed in combat such as unlawful attacks should be regarded as non-justiciable because they would be too difficult to prosecute.
    [Show full text]
  • Deception: Theory and Practice
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2012-06 Deception: Theory and Practice Monroe, James D. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/7388 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS DECEPTION: THEORY AND PRACTICE by James D. Monroe June 2012 Thesis Advisor: Hy Rothstein Second Reader: Kalev Sepp Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 2012 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE Deception: Theory and Practice 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 6. AUTHOR(S) James D. Monroe 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School REPORT NUMBER Monterey, CA 93943-5000 9. SPONSORING /MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10.
    [Show full text]
  • COLLECTIVES: African Union on 4 July 2017
    The Network of African Women in Conflict Prevention and Mediation (FemWise-Africa) was established in December 2016 at the 4th Pan-African Network of the Wise High-Level THE POWER OF Workshop in Constantine, Algeria, and was officially endorsed by the African Union at the 29th Assembly of the COLLECTIVES: African Union on 4 July 2017. This continental network of women was formed with the aim of enhancing collaboration and strengthening advocacy towards increasing women’s FEMWISE-AFRICA meaningful participation in peace efforts across Africa, as Pravina Makan-Lakha and Kapinga Yvette-Ngandu well as growing synergies between Track 1, 2 and 3 peace processes on the continent, particularly with regard to conflict prevention and mediation. This booklet chronicles the history and vision of FemWise-Africa, and maps out the wider continental and international context in which it has emerged as a key role-player for the implementation of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda, specifically in the areas of conflict prevention and mediation in Africa. The booklet outlines some of the work being done on the African continent and beyond to develop, implement and monitor frameworks such as the landmark United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, through the creation of various mechanisms and collectives. The booklet places FemWise-Africa in the wider context of these initiatives and highlights the unique contribution this network can make in the dynamic and evolving landscape of Women, Peace and Security. It also celebrates and commemorates the contributions made by individuals, networks and institutions towards the ongoing implementation of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in Africa and internationally, specifically with regard to issues of conflict prevention and mediation.
    [Show full text]
  • Senegal`S Bineta Diop in Time Magazine`S Prestigious 100 Influential People`S List
    Senegal`s Bineta Diop in Time Magazine`s prestigious 100 influential people`s list Saturday, 23 April 2011 02:57 TIME Magazine named Ms. Bineta Diop, Founder and Executive Director of Femmes Africa Solidarité (FAS), to the 2011 TIME 100, the magazine’s annual list of the 100 most influential people in the world. Ms. Diop of Senegal has led numerous peacebuilding initiatives in Africa with a focus on the protection of women during armed conflicts and their inclusion in peace processes. The TIME 100 list, now in its eighth year, recognizes the activism, innovation and achievement of the world’s most influential individuals. As TIME Managing Editor Richard Stengel has said of the list in the past, ―the TIME 100 is not a list of the most powerful people in the world, it’s not a list of the smartest people in the world, it’s a list of the most influential people in the world. They’re scientists, they’re thinkers, they’re philosophers, they’re leaders, they’re icons, they’re artists, they’re visionaries. People who are using their ideas, their visions, their actions to transform the world and have an effect on a multitude of people‖. In the past, the list has included luminaries such as Nelson Mandela, Bill Gates, President Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton and Bill Clinton. Ms Diop said that she felt really honoured to have been included in this prestigious list. ―Nevertheless, this honour is not only for me but also for the entire women’s peace movement. I feel privileged to have been able to contribute to the women, peace and security agenda in Africa over the last 15 years, bringing women’s groups to the peace table, facilitating dialogue among them and with other stakeholders as government, UN representatives, and ensuring that, together, they all build a common peace agenda towards recovery in their countries.
    [Show full text]